LIFE 


OF 


ARTHUR    LEE,  LL.D 


JOINT    COMMISSIONER    OF     THE     UNITED     STATES     TO     THE     COURT     OF 

FRANCE,  AND    SOLE    COMMISSIONER    TO    THE    COURTS    OF    SPAIN" 

AND    PRUSSIA,    DURING    THE    REVOLUTIONARY    WAR. 


WITH  HIS  POLITICAL  AND  LITERARY  CORRESPONDENCE  AND  HIS  PAPERS 

ON  DIPLOMATIC  AND  POLITICAL  SUBJECTS,  AND  THE  AFFAIRS  OF 

THE  UNITED  STATES  DURING  THE  SAME  PERIOD. 


BY     RICHARD     HENRY     LEE, 

A.    M.,   H.    A.    M. 

Author  of  the  Life  of  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 


=3=iSS 

Uostou : 

PUBLISHED  BY  WELLS  AND  LILLY,  COURT  STREET. 
1829. 


DISTRICT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  TO  WIT: 

District  ClerWs  Office. 

HE  IT  REMEMBERED,  that  on  the  first  day  of  September.  A.  D.  1829,  in  the  fifty-fourth 
year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  Wells  &  Lilly,  of  the  said  District, 
have  deixwited  in  this  Office  the  Title  of  a  Book,  the  Right  whereof  they  claim  as  Proprietors,  in 
the  words  following,  to  wit  : 

"  Life  of  Arthur  Lee,  LL.  D.  Joint  Commissioner  of  the  United  States  to  the  Court  of  France, 
and  Sole  Commissioner  to  the  Courts  of  Spain  and  Prussia  ,  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  with  his 
Political  and  Literary  Correspondence,  and  liis  Papers  on  Diplomatic  ami  Political  Subjects,  and  the 
Affairs  of  the  United  Statts.  during  the  same  Period.  By  Richard  Henry  Lee,  A.  M.  H.  A.  M.  Au 
thor  of  the  Life  of  Richard  Henry  Lee." 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled  "  An  Act  for  the  en 
couragement  ot  Learning,  by  securing  the  Copies  of  Maps,  Charts  and  Books,  to  the  Authors  and 
Proprietors  of  such  Copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned  ;"  and  also  to  an  Act,  entitled,  "  An 
act  supplementary  to  an  Act,  entitled  An  Act  for  the  encouragement  of  Learning,  by  securing  the 
Copies  of  Maps,  Charts  and  Books,  to  the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  Copies  during  the  time« 
therein  mentioned  ;  and  extending  the  Benefits  thereof  to  the  Arts  ol  Designing,  Engraving,  and 
Etching  Historical,  and  other  Prints." 


Clerk  of  the  District  of  Massachutettt. 

SPflECKELS 


DEDICATION. 


TO  JOHN  QUIIVCY   ADAMS. 

SIR, 

Permit  me  to  dedicate  to  you  the  following  Memoir 
of  the  Life  of  Arthur  Lee. 

Yourself  a  patriot  and  a  scholar,  a  statesman  and 
a  diplomatist,  you  will  find  the  writings  of  Arthur  Lee 
breathing  a  spirit  of  patriotism  congenial  with  your 
own  ;  possessing  a  vigour  and  an  elegance  of  style  you 
will  feel  and  admire ;  while  you  will  trace,  in  the  his 
tory  of  his  life,  labours  that  you  will  know  how  to  ap 
preciate,  and  services  similar  to  those  which,  like  him, 
you  have  rendered  to  our  common  country. 

Your  fellow  citizen, 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 

Leesburg,  Sept.  1828. 


CONTENTS   or    voi..  i 


CHAPTER    I. 

BIRTH  and  parentage  of  Arthur  Lee— Is  sent  to  England — He  goes  through 
the  Academic  course  of  study  at  Eton — He  becomes  a  student  of  the  Uni 
versity  of  Edinburgh — His  literary  and  professional  studies  at  the  Univer 
sity — He  obtains  a  Diploma,  and  the  degree  of  M.  D.,  and  the  Botanical 
Prize — His  Botanical  Treatise  in  Latin  is  published  by  a  Decree  of  the 
University — He  travels  through  Holland  and  Germany,  and  returns  to 
Virginia  and  commences  the  practice  of  Medicine — Leaves  the  practice 
of  physic,  and  returns  to  England — Studies  law  in  London — Becomes  a 
practitioner  of  law  with  Dunning,  Glynn,  Alleyne — His  literary  and 
scientific  friends,  Jones,  Burke,  Price,  &c. — Is  made  a  member  of  the 
Royal  Society — Becomes  a  popular  writer  on  "  American  Questions" — 
His  Letters  Junius  Americanus,  and  Monitor's  Letters — Is  made  a  mem 
ber  of  the  "  Society  of  the  Bill  of  Rights" — Writes  their  Address  to  the 
People  of  England — His  Address  to  the  English  People,  signed  ««  An  old 
Member  of  Parliament" — His  controversy  with  Junius,  on  the  right  of 
Parliament  to  tax  America — Letter  to  his  brother  on  public  Affairs.  .  p.  11 

CHAPTER    II. 

Political  contentions  between  the  Ministerial  and  Opposition  parties  in  Eng 
land — The  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  Crosby,  and  Alderman  Oliver  are 
committed  to  the  Tower,  by  order  of  the  Commons — The  Society  of 
the  Bill  of  Rights  vote  their  thanks  to  Crosby  and  Oliver,  and  an  Ad 
dress  to  tlrem^Lee  is  appointed  to  draught  the  Address  and  prepares  it — 
It  is  accepted  and  published— The  Address— Its  style,  &c.— It  is  admired 
—He  is  appointed  Colonial  Agent  of  Massachusetts,  in  case  of  the  death 


VI  CONTENTS. 

or  absence  of  Dr.  Franklin — Is  retained  by  the  Assembly  of  that  Pro 
vince  to  support  their  Petition  to  the  King,  to  remove  the  Governor  and 
Lieut.  Governor — Dr.  Franklin's  trial  before  the  King  and  Council, 
respecting  the  publication  of  certain  letters — On  the  return  of  Doctor 
Franklin,  he  becomes  the  Agent  for  the  Province — Remains  of  a  history 
of  the  Revolution,  by  Mr.  Lee. — His  services  to  the  Province  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  the  generous  conduct  of  its  Assembly — He  becomes  a  friend 
and  correspondent  of  Samuel  Adams — The  character  of  their  correspond 
ence — Letter  of  Dr.  Rush — Letter  on  American  affairs  of  Lee,  to  his 
brother  in  Virginia — Anecdote  of  Lee  and  Wedderburne — The  Petition 
to  the  King  and  the  Addresses  of  the  first  Congress  are  sent  to  Lee,  to 
be  presented  and  published — Letter  of  Burke  on  this  subject — Anecdotes 
and  letters  of  Lee  respecting  the  reception  of  these  Papers,  by  the  King 
and  People  of  England-better  of  the  second  Congress  to  Lee  and  Penn, 
with  another  Address — The  case  of  Mr.  Lovell — His  letter  to  Mr.  Lee — 
Their  subsequent  friendship  and  correspondence.  .  .  .  p.  29 

CHAPTER    III. 

Mr.  Lee  is  appointed  in  Dec.  1775,  secret  Agent  of  Congress— Letter  of 
the  "Secret  Corresponding  Committee"  of  Congress,  acquainting  him 
of  the  appointment  and  the  purpose  of  it — His  Interviews  with  the  French 
Minister  at  London — He  goes  to  France  as  secret  Agent,  in  the  spring 
of  the  year  1776— His  interviews  with  Vergennes  arid  Turgot — The  Re 
sult  of  his  Mission — In  the  fall  of  1776,  he  is  appointed  a  Joint  Com 
missioner  to  the  court  of  France,  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane — 
Letter  to  Lord  Shelburne — Interesting  Anecdote  of  Voltaire — Agency  for 
the  State  of  Virginia — His  learned  and  political  friends  in  France,  Tur 
got,  Adanson,  Vergennes,    Neckar,    Breteuil,  &c. — State  of  Affairs  in 
America  in  the  winter  of  1776-7 — Memorial  on  this  subject,  from  the 
American  Commissioners  to  the'Court  of  France — Written  by  Mr.  Lee — 
Note  of  the  Commissioners  to  the  same,  touching  the  capture  of  an  Ame 
rican  vessel  on  the  coast  of  France — Mr.  Lee  is  appointed  sole  Commis>- 
sioner  jo  the  Court  of  Madrid — Goes  to  Spain- — Is  desired  by  that  Court     9 
not  to  proceecT  to  Madrid, — His  letters  to  the  Commissioners  in  Paris, 
from  Victoria  in  Spain — Their  Reply  written  by  Dr.  Franklin — The  Bri 
tish  Court  remonstrates  with  that  of  Spain  against  the  reception  of  Mr. 
Lee — His  Correspondence  on  tjiis  subject — His  Memorial  to  the  Court  of 
Spain  on  the  subject  of  his  Mission — Results  of  it — He  returns  to  Paris — 
Is  sent  to  Berlin  as  Commissioner  to  the  court  of  Prussia — Letter  from  Ber 
lin  to  General  Washington — Spanish  Papers.  .         .         .         .         52 

CHAPTER    IV. 

Difficulties  in  the  way  of  negotiations  with  the  Prussian  Court — Note  to  the 
Prime  Minister  the  celebrated  Schulenburg — Mernoire  of  Mr.  Lee  to  the 
king  of  Prussia — Robbery  of  his  papers  at  Berlin— Autographic  note  of 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

Frederick  the  Great  to  Mr.  Lee— He  permits  him  to  hold  free  though 
secret  conferences  with  his  Minister — Negotiations  with  the  Prussian  Court 
—Correspondence  of  Schulenburg— The  results  of  Mr.  Lee's  mission  to 
Prussia — His  return  to  Paris — His  correspondence  with  Vergennes  respect 
ing  supplies  of  arms,  &c.  for  Virginia — His  letter  by  order  of  his  col 
leagues  to  Lord  North  respecting  the  treatment  of  American  prisoners — 
His  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  on  this  subject — His  spirited  Memorial 
to  the  Prime  Minister  of  Spain  on  the  subject  of  the  Proclamation  of  the 
British  Commissioners  in  the  United  States,  threatening  a  war  of  exter 
mination — Memorial  of  the  American  Commissioners  to  the  French 
Court  is  sent  by  Mr.  Lee  with  a  diplomatic  note  to  the  Spanish  Minister 
at  Paris — The  object  of  Mr.  Lee  in  this — Letters  of  Mr.  Lee  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  capture  of  Burgoyne — Letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Rosiguan — An 
ecdote  of  Dr.  Young  and  Voltaire — Letter  to  Sir  William  Jones.  .  p.  89 

CHAPTER     V. 

The  effect  of  the  capture  of  P>urgoyne  in  France  and  other  parts  of  Eu 
rope — The  French  Court  resolves  on  a  Treaty  of  Alliance  with  the  Unit 
ed  States — Debates  on  the  subject  of  the  llth  and  12th  Articles  of  the 
Treaty — Mr.  Lee  refuses  to  concur  with  his  colleagues  in  these  Articles 
— The  French  Court  consents  that  congress  may  strike  them  out  of  the 
Treaty  without  affecting  its  validity — Congress  concurs  with  Mr.  Lee  and 
strikes  out  those  Articles — jttr.  Lee's  efforts  to  induce  Spain  to  join  the 
Alliance — He  procures  a  secret  and  separate  Article  from  the  French 
Court  in  relation  to  Spain — His^endeavours  to  procure  a  loan  of  twomil-__ 
lions  of  pounds  sterling  froni  Spain  for  congress — His  correspondence 
with  Mons^Dumas^bf  ifolland — Intrigues  of  British  secret  Agents  in  Paris 
— Mr.  Lee  detects  and  exposes  them — Invitation  of  the  Congress  to  Dr. 
Price,  to  remove  to  America  and  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
— Mr.  Lee's  letter  and  Price's  reply — Sketch  of  the  labours  and  services 
of  Mr.  Lee  while  in  France — His  journal  of  negotiations  with  the  French 
and  Spanish  minister — His  correspondence  with  Congress — Return  of  Mr. 
Lee  to  America  ;  causes  of  it — His  arrival  and  reception  in  the  United 
States — His  reception  by  Congress — He  is  elected  a  member  of  the  Vir 
ginia  Assembly,  and  is  chosen  by  that  body  a  delegate  to  Congress — Is 
appointed  by  Congress  a  Commissioner  to  treat  with  all  the  northwestern 
tribes  of  Indians — Is  chosen  by  Congress  one  of  the  Board  of  Treasury, 
at  which  he  continued  from  the  year  1784  to  1789 — His  retirement — 
His  continued  correspondence  with  eminent  foreign  persons  of  distinc 
tion — His  literary  honours — His  death  and  character.  .  .  .  123 

APPENDIX.      NO.    I. 

Early  letters  of  Arthur  Lee,  written  principally  from  the  year  1767  to  his 
departure  from  London  in  1776,  on  British  and  American  politics  during 
that  period,  .  .  f  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  185 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 


NO.   IT. 

The  commencement  of  a  Memoire  of  the  American  Revolution,  which  Mr. 
Lee  did  not  live  to  complete,  p.  243 

NO.  III. 

Spanish  Papers, 277 

NO.  IV.     (a) 

Instructions  to  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee,  Commis 
sioners  appointed  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America  to  the 
Court  of  France,  280 

(6)     Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  Mr.  Lee.    Journal  continued,  .         333 

<c)  Continuation  of  Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  Arthur  Lee,  kept  by  him 
while  he  was  a  Commissioner  of  the  United  States,  at  the  Court  of 
France,  .  .  .  ;  ',..*  •-•',..'•'.  .'  .  .  •  404 

Supplies  for  the  State  of  Virginia,  ''.        ..       \   ^    .        .         .         413 

(d)     Memoire  to  the  French  Court,  ". '"    '.  430 


PREFACE. 


THE  truest  wealth  of  nations  consists  in  the  charac 
ter  and  deeds  of  their  great  men.     It  is  these,  which 
impart  to  their  histories  more  interest  than  any  other 
subject  which  they  present  to  our  contemplation.    The 
histories  of  the  republics  of  ancient  times,  especially 
those  of  Greece  and  Rome,  continue  to  this  distant 
day  to  be  read  with  intense  interest.     Who  does  not 
recognise  the  pleasure  imparted  to  his  mind,  by  an  ac 
quaintance  with  the  characters  and  actions  of  their  he 
roes?     The  mind  delights  to  dwell  on  the  characters 
of  the  "mighty  dead,"  and  glows  with  pleasure  at  the 
remotest  allusion  to  any  event,  which  recalls  to  the  re 
collection,  Solon  and  Socrates,  Leonidas  and  Philopoe- 
mon,  Decius  and  Cincinnatus,  Cicero  and  Thrasea ! 
The  glory  of  the  "  nursing  mother  of  the  4th  Henry 
and  the  12th  Lewis,  will  henceforth  burnish  into  bright 
er  light,  at  the  name  of  Lafayette."     How  proud  is 
the  Briton  of  his  Newton  and  Locke,  his  Hampdeiv 
and  Chatham !     How  shall  the  consciousness  of  free 
dom  and  glory  throb  in  the  heart  and  glow   on  the 
cheek  of  an  American,  at  the  name  of  a  revolutionary 
worthy!     Distant  nations  exult  in  whatever  approxi 
mates  them  to  the  fame,  or  characterizes  them  with  a 

feature  of  the  " country  of  Washington!" 
VOL.  i.  2 


X  PREFACE. 

To  accumulate  the  examples  of  great  and  good  citi 
zens  ;  to  revive  and  perpetuate  a  just  sense  of  their 
services  ;  to  excite  and  cherish  national  sentiments  and 
sympathies,  and  thus  to  add  to  the  glory  (the  moral 
wealth)  of  our  country,  is  no  unworthy  task.  These 
are  prevalent  motives  with  one,  who,  with  diffidence 
submits  to  his  fellow-citizens  a  memoir  of  the  life  of 
Arthur  Lee,  one  of  the  useful  and  distinguished  men 
of  the  great  era  of  our  nation.  These  motives  will  be 
justly  appreciated  by  every  intelligent,  and  cheered  by 
every  virtuous  reader. 

Of  biography  it  may  be  said,  as  truly  as  of  history, 
that  it  is  "philosophy  teaching  by  example."  The 
force  of  example  is  known  to  have  a  powerful  influ 
ence  in  impressing  the  heart;  and  is  thus  effective  in  pro 
ducing  laudable  emulation  and  virtuous  imitation.  If 
the  author  of  this  memoir  of  a  great  and  distinguished 
patriot  shall  have  succeeded  in  presenting  his  char 
acter  in  a  light  so  pleasing  and  impressive,  as  to  pro 
duce,  in  any  degree,  the  designed  effect  of  biographical 
writing,  he  will  have  accomplished  the  end  of  his  la 
bours,  and  enjoy  their  best  reward. 


LIFE 


ARTHUR    LEE 


CHAPTER   I. 

Birth  and  parentage  of  Arthur  Lee— Is  sent  to  England — He  goes  through  the  Aca 
demic  course  of  study  at  Eton — He  becomes  a  student  of  the  University  of  Edin 
burgh — His  literary  and  professional  studies  at  the  University — He  obtains  a  Di 
ploma,  and  the  degree  of  M.D.,  and  the  Botanical  Prize — His  Botanical  Treatise 
in  Latin  is  published  by  a  Decree  of  the  University — He  travels  through  Holland 
and  Germany,  and  returns  to  Virginia  and  commences  the  practice  of  Medicine — 
Leaves  the  practice  of  physic,  and  returns  to  England — Studies  law  in  London — 
Becomes  a  practitioner  of  law  with  Dunning,  Glynn,  Alleyne — His  literary  and 
scientific  friends,  Jones,  Burke,  Price,  &c. — Is  made  a  member  of  the  Royal  So 
ciety — Becomes  a  popular  writer  on  "American  Questions" — His  Letters  Junius 
Americanus,  and  Monitor's  Letters — Is  made  a  Member  of  the  "Society  of  the 
Bill  of  Rights" — Writes  their  Address  to  the  People  of  England — His  Address  to 
the  English  People,  signed  "  An  old  Member  of  Parliament" — His  controversy 
with  Junius,  on  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  America — Letter., to  his  brother  on 
public  Affairs. 

ARTHUR  LEE  was 'the  youngest  son  of  Thomas  Lee 
and  Hannah  his  wife,  who  were  of  the  county  of  West 
moreland,  and  colony  of  Virginia.  He  was  born  on  the 
20th  of  December,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1740. 

His  ancestors  were  English ;  and  the  first  of  them, 
who  came  to  Virginia,  were  among  the  earliest  emi 
grants  to  that  colony.  Arthur  was  brother  of  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  of  whose  character  and  services  his  country 
is  informed.  Arthur  was  the  youngest  son  of  the  family  ; 
and,  according  to  the  customs  of  that  day,  in  regard  to 


13  LIFE    OF 

the  younger  sons,  was  left,  until  an  advanced  period  of 
boyhood,  with  the  children  of  his  father's  slaves  ;  to  par 
take  of  their  fare,  and  to  participate  in  their  hardy  sports 
and  toils.  Hence  his  body  was  early  inured  to  hardship, 
and  his  mind  accustomed  to  unrestrained  exercise  and 
bold  adventure. 

His  father  dying,  when  he  was  only  ten  years  of  age, 
Arthur  was  left  to  the  care  of  his  eldest  brother.     His 
early  education  was  conducted  by  a  private  teacher,  who, 
at  the  same  time,  taught  his  brothers,  Richard  Henry, 
Francis,  and  William,  who,  like  himself,  acted  conspicu 
ous  and  useful  parts  in  our  revolutionary  struggle.     His 
eldest  brother,  who  had  been  educated  in  England,  and 
was  acquainted  with  the  literary  institutions  of  that  coun 
try,  sent  him   while  yet  quite  young  to  Eton  College, 
then  considered  the  best  grammar  school  in  England.     In 
this  school,  some  of  the  greatest  statesmen  and  scholars 
of  England  received  their  fundamental  education.     Many 
of  them  were  cotemporaries  and  friends  of  Mr.  Lee.     It 
was  at  this  time,  and  probably  strll  is  customary  at  the 
English  seminaries,  with  the  nobility  and  rich  common 
ers,  to  employ  the  teachers  to  give  their  sons  private  les 
sons,  on  the  subjects  taught  in  the  public  course.    Young 
Lee  had  not  this  advantage  when  he   commenced  his 
studies ;  but  such  were  the  eagerness  and  success  with 
which  he  pursued  them,  that  one  of  the  principal  teachers 
proposed  to  him  to  superintend  his  studies.     He  grateful 
ly  accepted  the  kind  offer ;  and  of  the  advantages  it  af 
forded  him,  he  diligently  availed  himself.     His  father  hav 
ing  always  intended  him  for  the  medical  profession,  he 
was  sent,  as  soon  as  he  had  completed  his  studies  at 
Eton,  to  Edinburgh,  and  became  a  student  of  the  Uni 
versity  at  that  city.     The  chairs  of  this  celebrated  insti 
tution  were  then  filled  by  the  most  learned  men  of  their 
age.       Among  the  most  prominent  stood  Cullen,  Munro, 
Black,  &c. ;    imperishable  names  !      Arthur  Lee   went 
through  the  course   of  general  science  and  polite  lite 
rature  prescribed  in   that  institution.      He  subsequent 
ly   devoted   himself    to    the    several   branches    of   the 
medical  department.     Among  the   many   studious  and 


ARTHUR    LEE.  13 

accomplished  scholars,  who  were  graduated  with  him, 
Mr.  Lee  was  distinguished.  He  obtained  a  diploma,  ap 
proving  him,  as  a  general  scholar,  and  conferring  on  him 
the  degree  of  M.D.  The  chair  of  botany  (which  had 
been  lately  endowed)  was  filled  by  Dr.  Black,  so  well 
known  to  chemists.  At  every  commencement  several  of 
the  most  eminent  scholars  became  competitors  for  a 
golden  medal,  the  prize  bestowed  upon  the  author  of  the 
best  treatise  on  some  botanical  topic,  Mr.  Lee  entered 
his  name  as  one  of  the  competitors  for  this  prize,  and  ob 
tained  it.  The  subject  of  his  treatise  was  the  botanical 
characters  and  medicinal  uses  of  Peruvian  bark.  It  was 
written  in  latin,  according  to  the  prescribed  usage, 
and  is  a  very  respectable  specimen  of  pure  and  correct 
latinity.  It  was  so  much  approved  that  it  was  "  decreed" 
to  be  published,  under  the  direction  and  authority  of  the 
university. 

Mr.  Lee  was  always  fond  of  the  science  of  botany. 
His  reputation  for  acquirements  in  it,  gained  him  the  ac 
quaintance  and  correspondence  of  many  learned  men, 
among  whom  was  the  scientific  French  naturalist  and  ac 
ademician,  Adanson.  The  author  found  among  the  MSS. 
of  Mr.  Lee  a  letter  from  Adanson  to  him,  enclosing  a  leaf 
of  some  recently  discovered  plant,  and  containing  the  ex 
pression  of  a  hope,  that  Mr.  Lee  would  become  the 
Botanist  of  America. 

The  literary  honour  of  a  diploma  conferred  by  the 
University  of  Edinburgh,  at  all  times  a  great  one,  was 
particularly  valuable  and  honourable  at  this  period.  On 
this  diploma  are  the  names  above  mentioned,  together 
with  those  of  Gregory,  Young,  Hope,  Hunter,  the  two 
Robertsons,  Ferguson,  Blair,  Stewart,  &c.*  The  course 
of  learning  taught  in  this  university  was  extensive,  and 
wras  required  to  be  thoroughly  studied.  The  candidates 
for  graduation  and  honours  were  strictly  examined  by  the 
most  eminent  professors  of  their  day. 

While  Mr.  Lee  resided  in  Edinburgh  he  became  inti 
mately  acquainted  with  Lord  Cardross,  afterwards  Earl 

*  It  is  deposited  with  the  rest  of  Mr.  Lee's  MSS.  in  Cambridge  University,  Mass, 
The  names  are  autographic. 


14  LIFE    OF 

Buchan.  The  well  informed  American  will  recognize 
this  name.  He  will  recognize  it  as  the  name  of  one  of 
the  earliest,  warmest,  and  steadiest  friends  of  the  colo 
nies,  in  their  disputes  with  the  mother  country.  This 
great  man,  so  distinguished  for  his  philanthropy,  for  his 
love  of  freedom  and  attachment  to  its  assertors,  it  is  well 
known,  entertained  the  most  generous  wishes  for  the  suc 
cess  of  our  republican  systems  of  government,  after  the  re 
cognition  of  our  independence  by  his  nation.  His  letters, 
wrhich  the  reader  will  find  amongst  the  foreign  corre 
spondence  of  Mr.  Lee,  will  certainly  interest  him.  He 
will  find  that  it  had  been  the  intention  of  the  Earl  of 
Buchan,  to  emigrate  before  the  revolution,  to  Virginia, 
and  reside  permanently  in  that  colony.  Mr.  Lee  enjoy 
ed  the  friendship  and  correspondence  of  this  estimable 
man,  until  the  period  of  the  death  of  the  earl. 

Previously  to  Mr.  Lee's  return  to  his  native  country, 
he  travelled  through  Holland  and  Germany.  A  short 
sketch  of  his  journey  through  Holland  remains,  and 
contains  a  very  pleasing  account  of  the  appearance  of 
that  country,  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  its  inhab 
itants  ;  of  the  principal  cities,  and  of  the  many  monu 
ments  which  adorn  their  public  squares,  erected  by  a 
wise  people,  to  the  memory  of  their  great  and  useful 
men. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Lee  returned  to  Virginia,  he  com 
menced  the  practice  of  physic,  in  the  city  of  Williams- 
burg,  at  that  time  the  metropolis  of  the  colony.  In 
this  profession,  ho  soon  acquired  reputation  and  practice. 
But,  although  he  had  found  the  study  of  medicine  agree 
able,  the  practice  of  it  did  not  suit  the  peculiar  bias  of  his 
mind,  which  inclined  towards  political  subjects.  The 
contest,  which  was  soon  to  convulse  an  empire,  was,  even 
now,  descried  by  many  who  were  jealous  of  English  lib 
erty  and  rights.  Mr.  Lee's  brothers,  particularly  his  bro 
ther  Richard  Henry,  were  taking  a  part  in  the  politics  of 
the  day,  which  had  brought  them  into  public  notice,  and 
evinced  their  decided  purpose,  to  assert,  through  all  dan 
gers,  the  rights  of  their  country.  His  ardent  mind  caught 
their  enthusiasm.  Ho  determined  to  return  to  England  ; 
to  fix  himself  in  London,  the  centre  of  political  inforru- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  15 

ation,  and  there  to  aid,  by  his  utmost  exertions,  the 
cause  of  American  liberty.  For  this  end,  he  purposed 
to  commence  in  that  city  the  study  of  the  law,  a  profes 
sion,  which,  while  it  might  enable  him  to  support  him 
self,  would  make  him  acquainted  with  international  law, 
and  the  peculiar  structure  of  the  British  constitution,  as 
well  as  of  the  municipal  laws  of  England,  and  thus  fit 
him  to  take  an  intelligent  and  useful  part  in  the  great 
political  questions  about  to  be  so  warmly  discussed  in 
that  country  and  in  the  colonies.  That  this  course  of 
his  life  and  studies,  enabled  him  to  become  a  powerful 
advocate  of  the  rights  of  his  native  country,  and  a  wise 
negotiator  in  the  management  of  its  concerns  with  for 
eign  nations  in  its  hour  of  trial  and  need,  the  subse 
quent  part  of  this  Memoir  will  afford  honourable  and  in 
teresting  evidence. 

In  pursuance  of  the  determination  which  Mr.  Lee  had 
formed  of  going  to  London,  he  left  Virginia  about  the 
year  1766,  and  settled  in  that  city.  He  immediately 
commenced  the  study  of  the  law,  as  a  student  of  one  of 
the  inns  of  court.  Although  he  applied  his  mind  to  this 
study,  with  his  usual  application  and  vigour,  he  did  not 
neglect  his  literary  and  political  pursuits.  While  he  was 
a  student  in  the  temple,  he  became  an  intimate  friend 
and  associate  of  Mr.  William  Jones,  (afterwards  the  just 
ly  celebrated  Sir  William),  who  was,  at  this  time  too, 
a  student  of  law.  They  were  fond  of  literature,  and 
agreeably  diversified  their  professional  studies,  with  the 
varied  reliefs  afforded  by  literary  lucubrations,  and  sci 
entific  investigation.  Mr.  Lee  always  considered  his 
acquaintance  with  Sir  William  Jones,  one  of  the  hap 
piest  incidents  of  his  life  ;  and  his  correspondence,  as  a 
source  of  his  greatest  gratification.  Their  intimacy  con 
tinued  throughout  their  lives,  as  the  reader  will  see  from 
the  correspondence  of  Mr.  Lee  with  his  foreign  friends,  in 
the  appendix  of  this  work.  From  one  of  Sir  William's 
letters,*  the  reader  will  learn,  that  he  had  intended,  on  his 
return  from  India,  to  travel  through  the  United  States, 
whose  rights  he  early  acknowledged,  whose  struggle  he 

*  See  Appendix. 


16  LIFE    OF 

had  beheld  with  anxious  interest,  and  whose  free  insti 
tutions  of  government,  he  greatly  admired.  His  prin 
ciples,  and  his  good  will  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  are  every  where  evinced  in  the  letters  of  this 
truly  great  and  good  man.* 

Mr.  Lee  continued  the  study  of  the  law  from  the  year 
1766,  to  the  year  1770.  He  had,  during  this  period, 
become  extensively  acquainted  with  the  most  eminent 
legal  characters  of  London,  among  whom  were  Dunning, 
Glynn,  and  Alleyne.  He  was  warmly  and  profitably 
patronized  by  Dunning  and  Glynn  ;  and  obtained  and 
enjoyed  a  lucrative  practice,  from  the  year  1770,  until 

The  author  could  not  deny  himself  the  pleasure  (in  which  he  is  sure  of  the 
cheerful  participation  of  every  reader)  of  inserting  here  the  following,  no  less  true, 
than  beautiful  tribute,  to  the  character  and  genius  of  Sir  William  Jones,  contained 
in  a  very  fine  prize  poem  of  Mr.  Charles  Grant.  This  poem  gained  the  prize  given 
by  Dr.  Buchanan,  to  the  best  poem  on  the  subject  "  of  the  restoration  of  learning  in 
the  east." 

"  Accomplished  Jones  \  whose  hand  to  every  art, 
Could  unknown  charms  and  nameless  grace  impart. 
His  was  the  soul  by  fear,  nor  interest  swayed, 
The  purest  passions,  and  the  wisest  head — 
The  heart  so  tender  ;  and  the  wit  so  true, 
Yet  this  no  malice,  that  no  weakness  knew, 
His  song  to  virtue,  as  the  muses  dear, 
Though  glowing,  chaste  ;  and  lively,  though  severe. 
What  gorgeous  trophies  crown  his  youthful  bloom, 
The  spoils  august  of  Athens  and  of  Rome. 
And  lo  !  untouched  by  British  brows  before, 
Yet  nobler  triumphs  wait  on  Asia's  shore. 
There,  at  his  magic  voice,  what  wonders  rise, 
The  astonished  east  unfolds  her  mysteries — 
His  are  the  triumphs  of  her  ancient  lyres, 
Her  tragic  sorrows,  and  her  epic  fires  ; 
Her  earliest  arts,  and  learning's  sacred  store, 
And  strains  sublime  of  philosophic  lore  ; 
Bright  in  her  view  their  gathered  pomp  appears, 
The  treasured  wisdom  of  a  thousand  years. 
Ah!  could  my  verse,  in  characters  of  day, 
The  living  colours  of  thy  mind  pourtray, 
And  on  the  sceptic,  midst  his  impious  dreams, 
Flash  all  the  brightness  of  their  mingled  beams, 
,Then  should  he  know,  how  talents  various,  bright, 
With  pure  devotion's  holy  thoughts  unite, 
And  blush  (if  yet  a  blush  survive)  to  see 
What  genius,  honour,  virtue,  ought  to  be  ! 
Philosopher,  yet  to  no  system  tied, 
Patriot,  yet  friend  to  all  the  world  beside, 
Ardent  of  temper,  yet  of  judgment  bold, 
Firm,  though  not  stormy,  and  though  correct,  not  cold  ; 
Profound  to  reason,  and  to  charm  us,  gay, 
Learned,  without  pride ;  yet  not  too  wise  to  pray." 


ARTHUR    LEE. 

he  left  England  in  1776,  to  reside  in  Paris,  as  secret 
agent  of  the  old  Congress.  He  had  become  during  the 
same  period,  a  conspicuous  political  writer.  His  fame 
as  a  writer  was  diffused  through  England,  by  a  series  of 
letters  under  the  signature  of  Junius  Arnericanus  ;  and 
fame  and  popularity  had  been  attracted  to  his  name  by 
a  series  signed  "  Monitor's  Letters  ;"  of  both  series, 
more  will  be  said  hereafter.  His  letters  under  the  first 
signature,  were  published  in  England,  and  were  chiefly 
intended  for  English  readers.  They  procured  the  ac 
quaintance  and  friendship  of  Burke,  Dr.  Price,  Horn, 
Mrs.  M'Cauley,  Col.  Barre,  &c.  &c. 

While  Mr.  Lee  was  still  a  student  of  law,  he  was  ad 
mitted  into  several  literary  clubs,  and  acquired  in  their 
associations,  the  respect  and  intimacy  of  many  of  the 
literati  of  London.  He  was  at  length  elected  a  Fellow 
of  the  Royal  Society.  When  he  left  England,  to  de 
vote  himself  to  the  interests  of  his  native  country,  he 
wrote  a  letter  of  resignation  of  his  membership,  to  Sir 
Joseph  Banks,  then  the  president  of  the  society,  and 
assigns  this  reason,  as  the  one  inducing  him  to  resign, 
that  he  did  not  think  it  consistent  with  his  duty  to  his 
country,  then  at  war  with  England,  to  continue  his  con 
nexion  with  any  institution  of  that  nation,  especially 
where  the  duties  due  to  it,  would  require  him  to  make 
pecuniary,  as  well  as  literary  contributions  to  it.  Sir 
Joseph's  letter  in  reply  to  him,  controverts  the  force  of 
his  reasons,  by  alleging  the  difference  between  literary 
and  scientific  societies,  and  political  associations  ;  that 
the  objects  and  interests  of  the  former  were  universal ; 
belonging  to  the  republic  of  letters,  and  to  the  commu 
nity  of  man  and  mind,  while  the  latter  related  to  a  par 
ticular  people  and  to  conflicting  subjects.  Mr.  Lee's 
scruples  may  have  been  more  fastidious  than  substantial ; 
but  still,  they  were  really  felt,  from  that  intense  devo 
tion  to  his  country,  which  he  habituated  his  mind  to 
cherish,  while  that  country  was  contending  with  Eng 
land  for  political  freedom.  The  author  has  given  above, 
the  ideas  which  Sir  Joseph  intended  to  express.  He  has 

VOL.  i.  3 


18 


LIFE    OF 


not  inserted  his  letter,  because  those  ideas  are  conveyed 
in  a  dull  and  uninteresting  style. 

The  author  has  in  his  possession,  some  sketches  of  Mr. 
Lee's  legal  arguments,  which  evince  his  acuteness  and 
extensive  learning,  as  a  lawyer.  He  was  employed  with 
Glynn  and  Dunning  in  the  case  of  the  watermen  of  Lon 
don,  which  excited  great  interest  at  the  time,  for  the 
argument  not  only  agitated  the  question  of  the  existence 
of  the  privilege  claimed  by  that  class  of  people  in  Lon 
don,  exempting  them,  as  inhabitants  of  that  city,  from 
the  royal  prerogative  of  impressing  seamen,  but  it  in 
volved  the  constitutionality  of  the  prerogative  itself. 
The  reader  will,  in  another  part  of  this  Memoir,  meet 
with  a  letter  of  Mr.  Lee  to  Sir  William  Jones,  who, 
afterwards,  was  retained  in  the  same  cause,  in  which  Mr. 
Lee  gives  Sir  William  an  outline  of  his  argument.  Mr. 
Jones  thanks  him  for  the  aid  it  had  afforded  him,  in  the 
investigation  of  the  subject.  The  author  has  the  only 
accurate  and  full  report  ever  made,  of  the  famous  case  of 
Perrin  &  Blake,  of  the  arguments,  and  of  the  opinions 
of  the  judges,  in  the  King's  Bench.  This  report  was 
taken  by  Serjeant  Glynn,  and  presented  to  Mr.  Lee,  by 
that  great  lawyer.  Mr.  Lee  was  also  retained,  to  ap 
pear  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Commons,  by  the  Di 
rectors  of  the  East  India  Company,  on  an  occasion  of 
great  interest  to  that  body. 

The  reader  well  remembers  the  questions  of  constitu 
tional  controversy,  which  arose  between  the  colonies  and 
the  mother  country,  during  the  period  from  1764  to  the 
year  1769,  on  the  subject  of  taxation.  The  declaratory 
act  and  the  stamp  acts  were  the  statutes  asserting,  and 
intended  to  enforce,  the  arbitrary  principle  so  obnoxious 
to  the  people  of  the  colonies,  "  that  the  legislature  of 
Great  Britain  had  a  right  to  tax  the  people  of  the  colo 
nies,  without  their  consent,  given  by  representatives, 
chosen  by  themselves."  Mr.  Lee  became  a  warm  dis 
putant  in  these  controversies ;  and  wrote  ably  and  suc 
cessfully  against  this  principle.  Of  his  writings  on  these 
subjects,  then  so  intensely  interesting  to  his  countrymen, 
and  so  vitally  important  to  their  freedom  and  prosperity, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  19 

his  "  Monitor's  Letters,  addressed  to  the  people  of  the 
colonies  ;  his  letters  signed  "  Jtmius  Americanus,"  and 
"  an  Appeal  to  the  English  nation,"  were  greatly  admir 
ed,  and  extensively  circulated  and  read,  in  Great  Britain, 
and  in  the  colonies.  The  cheap  pamphlets,  in  which 
these  pieces  were  collected  and  circulated,  went  through 
several  editions.  They  were  printed  by  several  associa 
tions  and  public  corporations  in  England.  His  Monitor's 
Letters  have  Ion";  been  allowed  to  have  had  an  effect 

O 

upon   the   public   mind,   equal   to  that  produced   by  the 
"  Farmer's    Letters,"   and    Paine's    "  Common   Sense." 
Such  was  the  celebrity  of  his   "  Appeal  to  the  English 
nation,"  that  it  was  for  a  long  time,  attributed  in  Eng 
land,  to  Lord  Chatham.     It  is  feigned  to  be  written  by 
an  "Old  Member  of  Parliament."     These  writings  of 
Mr.  Lee  contain  sound  constitutional  principles,  applied 
by  vigorous  arguments,  illustrated  by  learned  and  accu 
rate  researches  into  the  history  and  laws  of  England  and 
the  colonies,  and  conveyed  in  a  style  cogent  and  classical. 
The  Monitor's  Letters  were  written  for  the  especial  pe 
rusal  of  the  people  of  America;  and  were  intended  to 
warn  them  of  the  real  designs  of  the  ministry,  and  the 
ruinous  consequences  of  them,  to  the  interests  and  rights 
of  the  colonies.     The  letters  signed  "  Jiuiius  America- 
nus"  were  intended  for  the  English  public.     Hence  the 
reader  will  remark,  they  contain  more  of  what  may  be 
termed  English  politics,  than  it  would  seem  necessary 
to   be  mingled  with  the  questions  immediately  bearing 
on  the  colonial  controversy.     Mr.  Lee  thus  explains  this 
seemingly  inappropriate  association  of  topics,  in  a  letter 
to  his  brother  R.  H.  Lee.     "  It  is  a  chance,  whether  you 
ever  meet  with  a  series  of  letters  signed  Junius  Ameri 
can  us  in  wThich  the  enemies  of  America  are  chie/Iy  at 
tacked  ;  though  to  make  what  was  written  in  defence  of 
the  colonies  acceptable,  it  was  necessary,  now  and  then, 
to  aim  a  stroke  at  characters  obnoxious  here.     It  is  desir 
able,  to  make  a  signature  popular  ;  when  that  is  done,  I 
shall   be  able   to  write   under   it  with   success,  which, 
otherwise,  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  accomplish."     The 
reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the  style  and  spirit  of 


20  LIFE    OF 

these  letters,  from  one  towards  the  conclusion  of  the  se 
ries,  addressed  to  Lord  Chatham.     It  is  here  inserted. 

LETTER    TO    LORD    CHATHAM. 

"  My  lord, — Permit  an  individual  unknown,  and  un 
distinguished,  to  thank  you,  in  the  sincerity  of  his  warm 
est  gratitude,  for  your  generous,  though  ineffectual  at 
tempt,  to  stay  the  uplifted  hand  of  civil  desolation.     Your 
great  name  will  not  be  delivered  down  to  posterity  with 
more  applause,  for  having  directed,  with  so  much  spirit 
and  wisdom,  the  vengeance  of   this  nation  against  its 
real  foes  ;  than  for  having  endeavoured,  with  equal  hu 
manity  and  prudence,  to  divert  it  from  its  truest  friends. 
My  lord,  I  can  truly  say,  that  in   the  heart  of  every 
American,  the  wish  for  the  prosperity  of  England,  is  se 
cond  only  to  that  for  the  liberties  of  his  own  country.    No 
proposition  could  be  made  to  Americans,  in  which  they 
would  not  most  zealously  contribute  their  treasure  and 
blood  to  maintain  the  honour  and  advance  the   prospe 
rity  of  England,  if  it  did  not  involve  a  resignation  of 
their  dearest  rights.     Whatever  may  be  their  sense  of 
the  distresses  of  this  country  ;  whatever  may  be  their 
wish  to  minister  relief;  when  that  cannot  be  done,  with 
out  submitting  their  hands  to  chains,  and  their  necks  to 
the  yoke,  they  must  be  forgiven  for  the  refusal. 

When  a  series  of  injuries  have  rendered  the  alterna 
tive,  slavery  and  submission,  bonds  or  resistance,  I  speak 
it  with  exultation,  I  speak  it  with  assurance,  there  are 
not  a  thousand  men,  of  the  three  millions  spread  abroad 
in  America,  who  will  hesitate  one  moment  in  the  choice. 
Trust  me,  my  lord,  they  will  never  be  slaves.  They 
will  not  dishonour  their  venerated  English  ancestry. 
To  be  enslaved,  would  stamp  degeneracy  and  bastard- 
ism  on  their  brows.  Let  the  demon  of  distraction  go 
forth  when  he  may,  he  will  find  them  devota  morti 
pcctora  liberce.  Their  struggles  and  their  sufferings 
will,  they  hope  at  least,  entitle  them  to  the  respect  of 
their  parent  state.  Their  zeal  and  cause  combined,  will 
disarm  the  soldier  of  his  fellest  purpose.  A  sense  of  in- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  21 

justice  will  hang  like  a  millstone  about  his  neck,  and 
unnerve  his  arm. 

It  has  been  my  lord,  for  many  years,  my  humble  but 
honest  task  to  warn,  through  the  channel  of  the  public 
papers,  his  majesty's  ministers  of  the  fatal  consequences 
of  their  arbitrary  measures.  It  is  some  time  since  I  de 
spaired  of  doing  good.  I  have  found  them,  not  so  much 
misled  by  ignorance,  as  inveterate  in  malice ;  not  adopt 
ing  desultory  measures,  but  pursuing  a  premeditated, 
deep  and  dangerous  plan  against  the  liberties  of  the  peo 
ple.  I  was  prompted  to  exert  my  poor  endeavours,  by 
the  same  equal  regard  for  both  countries,  whose  ruin  is 
involved  in  this  perilous  issue  ;  by  the  same  ardent  zeal 
arid  love  of  humanity  and  freedom,  which  moved  your 
lordship,  like  a  guardian  angel,  to  intervene  and  endea 
vour  to  stop  the  most  fatal  conflict,  that  this  eventful 
country  ever  felt. 

My  lord,  I  have  but  one  more  word.  When  the  acts 
of  this  country  respecting  America  are  just,  they  will 
never  be  questioned  ;  when  they  are  unjust,  they  will  never 
be  obeyed.  JUNIUS  AMERICAN  us." 

The  author  has  collected  many  of  the  letters  of  Mr. 
Lee  to  his  brothers,  written  from  England,  on  the  high 
ly  important  subjects  which  so  anxiously  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  leading  men  in  all  the  colonies,  during 
the  years  1767,  1768,  1769,  1770,  1771,  fee.  Of  these 
letters,  the  author  has  elsewhere  observed,  that  Mr. 
Lee's  residence  in  London,  and  his  intimate  acquaint 
ance  and  intercourse  with  the  "  whig  party,"  or  opposi 
tion  party  in  England,  enabled  him  to  render  them  very 
interesting  to  politicians  (even  of  the  present  day),  and 
will  always  make  them  so  to  historians  of  our  country. 
It  has  also  been  observed,  that  from  no  history  or  col 
lection  of  contemporaneous  papers,  can  be  obtained  a 
more  minute  and  accurate  detail  of  the  circumstances 
and  measures  of  that  day  ;  a  more  thorough  acquaintance 
with  the  conspicuous  characters  of  England  in  the  times 
in  which  they  were  written ;  or  a  more  sure  information, 
with  respect  to  the  schemes  and  policy  of  the  different 


LIFE    OF 

parties  which  espoused  or  opposed  the  interests  of  the 
colonies,  than  from  these  letters  of  Arthur  Lee.  They 
gave  his  brother  the  earliest  intelligence  of  every  circum 
stance,  which  could  conduce  to  the  intelligent  action  of 
that  spirit  of  resistance,  that  his  brothers  and  their  pat 
riotic  coadjutors  were  endeavouring  to  rouse,  against  the 
arbitrary  acts  of  the  mother  country.  In  this  way  Mr. 
Lee  conferred  on  his  own  country  essential  services.* 

In  the  year  1769,  a  society  of  gentlemen  of  the  oppo 
sition  party  in  London,  called  "  the  Supporters  of  the 
Bill  of  Rights,"  of  which  Mr.  Lee  was  a  member,  adopt 
ed  a  preamble  and  resolutions,  in  which  most  of  the  po 
litical  subjects  of  controversy  between  the  ministry  and 
opposition  were  discussed.  These  resolutions,  together 
with  the  preamble,  were  published  by  order  of  the  so 
ciety.  The  last  resolution  related  to  American  affairs, 
and  required  from  any  candidate  whom  the  members  of 
the  society  would  support  for  election  to  parliament,  a 
pledge  to  seek  the  restoration  to  America  of  the  essen 
tial  right  of  taxation,  by  their  own  representatives,  and 
a  repeal  of  all  acts  passed  in  violation  of  this  right,  since 
the  year  17(53."  The  preamble  and  resolutions  were 
written  by  Mr.  Lee.  The  famous  John  Wilkes  was  also 
a  member  of  the  society,  and  was  now  at  the  zenith  of 
his  popularity.  The  author  of  the  celebrated  letters  of 
Junius  was  friendly  to  the  principles  and  design  of  this 
society.  It  was  formed  of  the  party  he  had  espoused. 
Junius,  about  the  time  of  the  appearance  of  these  reso 
lutions,  and  this  preamble,  had  commenced  a  private 
correspondence  with  Wilkes,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding 
the  supporters  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  in  their  attacks 
upon  the  ministry.  The  society  eagerly  accepted  the 
proffered  aid  of  Junius.  Junius  was  not  entirely  pleased 
with  the  preamble  and  resolutions  ;  and  soon  after  their 
appearance,  addressed  a  long  letter  to  Wilkes,  to  be  laid 
before  the  society,  in  which  he  fully  stated  his  objec 
tions  to  them  and  his  reasons  for  his  objections.  This 
letter  of  Junius,  and  the  preamble  and  resolutions,  may 

*  The  letters  here  spoken  of,  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix  to  this  work,  No.  I. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  23 

be  found  in  the  edition  of  Woodfall's  Collection  of  the 
Letters  of  Junius,  printed  in  Philadelphia,  by  Bradford 
&  Innskeep,  1813,  p.  172,  of  vol.  i.  In  this  letter,  we 
have  the  opinion  of  Junius  on  the  subject  of  American 
taxation.  At  page  183,  of  the  edition  just  spoken  of,  he 
notices  the  resolutions  relating  to  Ireland  and  America, 
thus  :  "  You  are  very  civil  to  Ireland  and  America  ;  and 
if  you  mean  any  thing  but  ostentation,  it  may  possibly 
answer  your  purpose.  Your  care  of  Ireland  is  much  to 
be  commended.  But  I  think,  in  good  policy,  you  may 
as  well  complete  a  reformation  at  home,  before  you  at 
tempt  to  carry  your  improvements  to  such  a  distance. 
Clearing  the  fountain  is  the  best  and  shortest  way  to 
purify  the  stream.  As  to  taxing  the  Americans  by  their 
own  representatives,  I  confess  I  do  not  perfectly  under 
stand  you.  If  you  propose  that,  in  the  article  of  taxa 
tion,  they  should  be  left  to  the  authority  of  their  respec 
tive  assemblies,  I  must  own,  I  think  you  had  no  business 
to  revive  a  question  which  should,  and  probably  would 
lay  dormant  forever.*  If  you  mean,  that  the  Americans 
should  be  authorized  to  send  their  representatives  to  the 
British  parliament,  I  shall  be  contented  to  refer  you  to 
what  Burke  said  on  that  subject,  and  will  not  venture  to 
add  any  thing  of  mine  own,  for  fear  of  discovering  an  of 
fensive  disregard  of  your  opinion.  Since  the  repeal  of 
the  stamp  act,  I  know  of  no  acts  tending  to  tax  the  Ame 
ricans,  except  that  which  creates  the  tea  duty,  and  even 
that  can  hardly  be  called  internal ;  yet  it  ought  to  be  re 
pealed,  as  an  impolitic  act,  not  as  an  oppressive  one.f  It 

*  It  is  obvious,  that  Junius  had  not  paid  much  attention  to  American  questions. 
To  be  left  to  the  authority  of  their  own  assemblies  to  grant  money  to  the  mother, 
was  what  the  Americans  had,  all  along,  claimed  as  a  right. 

t  Here  Junius  betrays  his  inattention  to  the  principles  asserted  in  the  taxing  acts. 
The  reservation  of  the  small  duty  on  tea,  was  expressly  made  to  aisert  the  right  of 
the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  to  tax  America,  without  her  consent,  in  any  mode 
and  to  any  extent.  It  was  to  the  assertion  and  assumption  of  this  right,  and  not  to 
the  amount  of  the  duty,  that  the  colonies  objected.  What  security  had  they,  that 
if  the  principle  was  allowed  to  be  true,  it  would  not  be  hereafter  enforced  more 
rigorously  ?  The  excise  laws  were  then  in  operation.  When  Junius  says,  "  the 
tea  duty  could  hardly  be  called  internal,"  he  was,  in  fact,  vindicating  the  "propriety 
of  the  duty  and  its  principle.  Junius  suffered  no  actual  oppression,  yet  how  vehe 
mently  he  maintained  that  the  violation  of  the  principles  of  the  constitution  even  by 
the  assertion  of  a  false  one,  was  oppression.  This  was  the  proposition  which  the 
Americana  maintained. 


24  LIFE    OF 

preserves  the  contention  between  the  colonies  and  the 
mother  country,  when  every  thing  worth  contending  for 
is,  in  reality,  given  up.  When  this  act  is  repealed,  I 
presume  you  will  turn  your  thoughts  to  the  postage  act, 
a  tax  imposed  by  the  authority  of  parliament,  and  levied 
in  the  very  heart  of  the  colonies.  I  am  not  sufficiently 
informed  on  the  subject  of  that  excise,  which  you  say 
is  substituted  in  North  America  for  the  laws  of  cus 
toms,  as  to  deliver  such  an  opinion  on  it  as  I  would 
abide  by.  Yet  I  can  easily  comprehend  that,  admitting 
the  necessity  of  raising  a  revenue  for  the  support  of  gov 
ernment  there,  any  other  revenue  laws  but  those  of  ex 
cise,  would  be  nugatory  in  such  a  country  as  America. 
I  say  this  with  great  diffidence,  as  to  the  point  in  ques 
tion,  and  with  a  positive  protest  against  any  conclusion 
from  America  to  Great  Britain."  In  one  of  Wilkes's 
letters  to  Junius,  he  tells  him,  "  that  the  American  Dr. 
Lee,  the  author  of  the  letters  signed  "Junius  Ameri- 
canus,"  is  the  author  of  the  preamble  and  resolutions, 
upon  which  Junius  was  commenting.  The  authority  of 
Junius,  adverse  as  his  opinions  certainly  were  to  Ameri 
can  rights,  might  have  been  injurious  to  the  cause  of  the 
colonies,  by  abating  the  zeal  of  the  opposition  in  its  fa 
vour.  This  consequence  was  at  once  discerned  by  Mr. 
Lee,  who,  unawed  by  the  name  and  ability  of  Junius, 
and  true  to  the  cause  nearest  his  heart,  determined  to 
controvert,  by  a  direct  reply  to  his  letter  to  Wilkjgs,  his 
opinions  respecting  American  taxation.  In  a  subsequent 
letter  of  Wilkes  to  Junius  (page  189  of  the  edition 
already  quoted),  Wilkes  tells  him  that  he  had  laid  his 
letter  before  the  society,  and  "  that  Dr.  Lee  had  told 
him  he  thought  the  letter  capable  of  a  full  answer, 
which  he  meant  to  lay  before  the  society  on  a  future 
day,  which  he  would  first  communicate  to  him." 

Mr.  Lee  made  good  his  intention,  and  wrote  an  an 
swer  and  transmitted  it  to  Junius.  No  one  had  before 
answered  this  able  writer  with  success.  The  boldness  of 
Mr.  Lee  was  amply  sustained  by  his  talents,  which  drew 
from  Junius  himself  the  following  compliment,  and 
an  invitation  to  aid  him,  "where  he  thought  him  right. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  25 

as  he  had  opposed  him,  where  he  thought  him  wrong." 
At  page  209  of  Woodfall,  Junius  thus  writes  to  Wilkes. 
"  My  American  namesake  is  plainly  a  man  of  abilities, 
though  a  little  unreasonable,  when  he  demands  more  than 
an  absolute  surrender  of  the  fact.  I  agree  with  him, 
that  it  is  a  hardship  on  the  Americans  to  be  taxed  by  the 
British  legislature ;  but  it  is  a  hardship  inseparable  in 
theory,  from  the  condition  of  colonists  in  which  they 
have  voluntarily  placed  themselves.  If  emigration  be  no 
crime  to  deserve  punishment,  it  is  certainly  no  virtue  to 
claim  exemption ;  and  however  it  may  have  proved  es 
sentially  beneficial,  the  mother  country  was  but  little 
obliged  to  the  motives  of  the  first  emigrants.  Au  reste, 
I  see  no  use  in  fighting  this  question  in  the  news  papers  ; 
nor  have  I  time.  You  may  assure  Dr.  Lee,  that  to  my 
heart  and  understanding,  the  names  of  American  and 
Englishman  are  synonymous  ;  and  that  as  to  any  future 
taxation  upon  America,  1  look  upon  it  as  near  to  impos 
sible,  as  the  highest  probability  can  go — 

1  hope,  that  since  he  has  opposed  me,  where  he  thinks  me 
wrong,  he  will  be  equally  ready  to  assist  me,  where  he  thinks 
me  right." 

In  the  following  letter  of  Mr.  Lee  to  one  of  his  bro 
thers,  he  mentions,  with  other  incidents  of  the  day,  the 
formation  of  the  society  of  "  the  Bill  of  Rights."  The 
reason,  why  the  "  North  Britons"  (as  he  terms  the 
Scotch)  were  so  opposed  to  this  society  was,  that  it  was 
formed  of  those  who  were  friendly  to  Wilkes  and  his 
cause.  The  dislike,  entertained  by  Junius  and  Wilkes, 
of  the  Scotch,  and  their  abuse  of  them,  will  be  recol 
lected  by  the  reader.  There  was  a  strong  prejudice  at 
this  time  prevailing  in  England  against  the  Scotch,  aris 
ing  from  the  fact  that  most  of  the  influential  members  of 
the  ministry  and  their  party,  were  Scotchmen.  George 
the  III.  had  been  educated  under  the  care  and  guardian 
ship  of  the  Earl  of  Bute,  who  was  of  Scotch  descent, 
and  was  strongly  attached  to  Scotch  politicians.  He  had 
imparted  this  partiality  to  the  king,  who  in  the  early 
part  of  his  reign,  bestowed  most  of  the  highest  and  more 
lucrative  places  on  them.  This  partiality,  however  just 

VOL.  i.  4 


26  LIFE    OF 

in  itself,  was  indiscreetly  indulged.  The  English  part 
of  the  empire  became  jealous  of  this  bias  in  the  mind 
of  the  king ;  and  jealousy  at  length  rose  to  discontent 
and  complaint.  It  was  not  strange  that  the  opposition 
should  have  made  the  most  of  this  temper  of  the  people 
of  England,  and  that  the  "  North  Britons"  should  have 
adhered  closely  to  the  ministerial  party.  The  society 
of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  being  an  efficient  organ  of  opposi 
tion,  could  not  fail  of  being  an  object  of  denunciation  by 
them.  In  this  letter  Mr.  Lee  mentions  a  curious  anec 
dote,  that  a  speech  had  been  made  in  England,  for  Lord 
Botetourt,  to  be  delivered  by  him  on  his  arrival  in  the 
colony  of  Virginia,  to  the  House  of  Burgesses  ;  that  this 
speech  had  been  debated  in  the  King's  Privy  Council, 
where  Lord  Shelburne  (always  the  friend  of  the  col 
onies)  had  succeeded  in  expunging  a  part  of  it,  requiring 
from  the  house  of  burgesses  of  that  colony,  an  express 
acknowledgment  of  the  principle  of  the  declaratory  act, 
which  that  body  had  resolutely  declared  to  be  unconsti 
tutional. 

"My  Dear  Brother, — I  hardly  thought  the  distance  of 
the  ocean  between  us  was  so  immense,  that  not  a  line 
from  you,  or  any  one  else  in  Virginia,  could  have  reached 
me.  Yet  so  I  hitherto  unhappily  experienced. 

May  I  give  you  joy,  as  I  do  our  brother  William,  who 
has  changed  his  voyage  to  India,  in  the  Princess  of  Wales, 
into  one  to  the  land  of  matrimony,  in  the  Miss  Ludwell. 
As  a  warm  climate  suits  not  with  him,  I  hope  he  will  find 
a  temperate  one  in  the  place  of  his  destination. 

The  esquire  writes  me,  of  your  not  being  any  longer 
a  member  of  the  assembly.  How  immoderately  lazy  you 


are  ! 


I  have  sent  all  the  political  pamphlets  worth  reading  to 
Richard  Henry,  which  I  suppose  you  will  read.  We  are 
here  in  very  great  confusion,  parties  run  so  high.  Mr. 
Wilkes  is  expelled  a  third  time,  and  will  be  re-chosen. 
The  two  Irish  chairmen  condemned  to  death  for  a  mur 
der  at  the  Brentford  election,  have  been  pardoned,  on 
a  groundless  and  venal  opinion  of  ten  surgeons,  five  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  27 

whom  were  placemen,  that  the  blow  did  not  appear  to 
them  to  be  the  cause  of  the  death.  So  not  one  person 
has  suffered  for  that  unparalleled  outrage. 

Several  addresses  have  been  obtained,  condemning  the 
opposition  and  flattering  the  ministry.  But  they  are  the 
fruit  of  force  and  fraud,  and  serve  rather  to  manifest  a 
contrary  sense  in  the  people,  to  that  which  they  convey 
to  the  throne.  The  address  of  the  merchants  of  London 
was  presented  yesterday.  The  mob  rose  against  it,  and 
shut  the  city  gates,  and  put  the  whole  cavalcade  to  flight. 
The  shattered  remains  escaped  to  St.  James',  accompa 
nied  by  a  hearse,  representing  the  murder  of  Allen.  The 
bells  were  muffled,  and  were  tolled  as  the  addressers 
passed  along  Fleet-street,  which  leads  to  the  city  gate. 
Neither  the  form,  nor  the  propriety  of  this  address,  were 
ever  submitted  to  the  merchants ;  but  these  were  deter 
mined  by  Mr.  Boehem,  Mr.  Dingley,  and  Mr.  Muilman  ; 
the  former  a  man  of  reputation  and  credit  as  a  merchant, 
the  two  others  of  bad  characters  ;  the  first  and  last  Dutch 
men.  The  merchants  had  it  only  in  their  option  to  sign 
it  or  not  to  sign  it ;  the  placemen,  tools,  and  Scotsmen, 
chose  the  former ;  and  their  act  passes  for  that  of  all  the 
merchants.  There  never  was  a  more  infamous  transac 
tion.  Mr.  Molleson,  Mr.  Guest,  and  Mr.  Buchanan,  were 
among;  the  signers. 

O  O 

The  affairs  of  America  received  their  final  discussion 
last  week,  in  the  rejection  of  the  New-York  petition. 
The  ministry  carry  every  thing,  with  an  absolute  majori 
ty.  A  set  of  men  could  hardly  be  chosen,  more  despised, 
here,  and  in  America  ;  but  they  coincide  with  the  views 
of  court ;  and  while  such  principles  remain  there,  'tis  of 
little  moment  who  are  in  the  administration.  We  have 
little  hope  from  any  change,  and  seem  so  little  faithful  to 
our  own  cause,  that  it  is  confidently  asserted,  that  more 
goods  than  ever  have  been  shipped  to  America  this  year. 
If  it  be  thus,  we  infamously  lay  down  the  only  weapons 
we  have ;  slavery  is  our  due,  and  it  will  infallibly  be  our 
portion. 

The  worthy  Lord  Barrington  moved  the  other  day  for 
empowering  the  officers  in  America  to  quarter  the  sol- 


28  LIFE     OF 

diers  in  private  houses.     But  the  ministry  being  divided 
upon  it,  a  negative  was  the  fate  of  his  motion. 

A  number  of  gentlemen  have  formed  an  association 
under  the  title  of  Supporters  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  which 
gives  no  small  offence  to  administration,  and  to  the 
North  Britons,  because  they  patronize  subscriptions  for 
Mr.  Wilkes,  and  are  determined  to  pay  his  debts,  and 
make  him  independent.  The  chief  of  them  are  St.  John, 
St.  Aubin,  Sir  John  Molesworth,  Sir  Joseph  Mawbey, 
Mr.  Sawbridge,  Mr.  Turner,  Mr.  Townsend,  Mr.  Maclean, 
Mr.  Glyn,  members  of  parliament ;  Sir  Cecil  Wray,  also 
a  member  ;  Lord  Viscount  Montmerries,  Sir  Francis  Del- 
aval,  Sir  John  Barnard,  all  of  them  independent,  and  ex 
cept  Maclean  and  Townsend,  of  very  considerable  fami 
ly  and  fortune.  Mr.  Sawbridge  is  a  brother  of  the  cele 
brated  Mrs.  Macauley.  The  addresses  are  principally 
levelled  at  this  association.  I  have  been  at  one  of  their 
meetings,  but  my  purse  is  not  equal  to  my  inclination  to 
support  the  Bill  of  Rights. 

Your  governor's  speech  was  drawn  up  here,  and  de 
bated  in  council.  Before  he  went  out,  Lord  Shelburne 
obtained  the  expunging  of  an  express  requisition  from 
your  assembly,  of  an  acknowledgment  of  the  Declaratory 
Bill.  If  therefore  any  such  is  made,  it  is  on  the  sole 
authority  of  Lord  Hillsborough. 

My  love  to  all  with  you,  particularly  to  Mrs.  Lee,  if 
yet  so  constituted.  Adieu,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

London,  March  23d,  1769. 


ARTHUR   LEE.  29 


CHAPTER  II. 

Political  contentions  between  the  Ministerial  and  Opposition  parties  in  England— 
The  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  Crosby,  and  Alderman  Oliver  are  committed  to  the 
Tower,  by  order  of  the  Commons— The  Society  of  the  Bill  of  Rights  vote  their 
thanks  to  Crosby  and  Oliver,  and  an  Address  to  them — Lee  is  appointed  to  draught 
the  Address  and  prepares  it — It  is  accepted  and  published — The  Address — Its  style, 
&c. — It  is  admired — He  is  appointed  Colonial  Agent^of  Massachusetts,  in  case  of 
the  death  or  absence  of  Dr.  Franklin — Is  retained  by  the  Assembly  of  that 
Province  to  support  their  Petition  to  the  King,  to  remove  the  Governor  and  Lieut. 
Governor — Dr.  Franklin's  trial  before  the  King  and  Council,  respecting  the  pub. 
lication  of  certain  letters — On  the  return  of  Doctor  Franklin,  he  becomes  the 
Agent  for  the  Province — Remains  of  a  history  of  the  Revolution,  by  Mr.  Lee — 
His  services  to  the  Province  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  generous  conduct  of  its 
Assembly — He  becomes  a  friend  and  correspondent  of  Samuel  Adams — The  cha 
racter  of  their  correspondence — Letter  of  Dr.  Rush — Letter  on  American  affairs 
of  Lee,  to  his  brother  in  Virginia — Anecdote  of  Lfce  and  Wedderburne — The  Pe 
tition  to  the  King  and  the  Addresses  of  the  first  Congress  are  sent  to  Lee,  to  be 
presented  and  published — Letter  of  Burke  on  this  subject — Anecdotes  and  letters 
of  Lee  respecting  the  reception  of  these  Papers,  by  the  King  and  People  of  Eng 
land — Letter  of  the  second  Congress  to  Lee  and  Penn,  with  another  Address — -, 
The  case  of  Mr.  Lovell — His  letter  to  Mr.  Lee — Their  subsequent  friendship  and 
correspondence. 

DURING  the  years  1770  and  '71,  the  political  conten 
tions  between  the  ministry  and  the  opposition  were  very 
violent.     This  was  particularly  the  case  in  the  city  of 
London.     A  messenger  of  the  house  of  commons  arrest 
ed  a  printer,  a  citizen  of  London,  by  order  of  the  com 
mons,  commanding  him  to  appear  at  their  bar,  for  having 
printed  some  debates  of  the  house  which  they  declared 
to  be  a  violation  of  the  privileges  of  parliament.     The 
opposition  contended,  that  no  constitutional  privilege  jus 
tified  the  warrant,  under  which  the  messenger  had  arrest 
ed  the  printer.     This  incident  gave  rise  to  warm  discus 
sions  in  the  papers  at  the  time,  and  many  debates  in  par 
liament.     The  messenger  of  the  commons  was  taken  into 
custody  by  a  constable,  who  carried  him  before  the  lord 
mayor.     The  case  was  heard  by  the  lord  mayor,  and  al 
dermen  Wilkes  and  Oliver,  who  discharged  the  printer, 


30  LIFE    OF 

and  signed  a  commitment  of  the  messenger,  for  an  assault 
and  false  imprisonment.  This  proceeding  so  exasperated 
the  commons,  that  they  summoned  the  aldermen  to  appear 
at  the  bar  of  the  house,  to  answer  for  their  conduct. 
Wilkes  refused  to  obey  the  summons  ;  but  the  lord  mayor 
and  alderman  Oliver  attended,  and  justified  their  proceed 
ing.  They  were  committed  to  the  tower  for  contumacy. 
Mr.  Crosby,  the  lord  mayor,  upon  hearing  the  order  for 
his  commitment,  addressed  the  speaker  in  terms  of  firm 
and  manly  remonstrance  against  this  arbitrary  step,  and 
concluded  with  this  bold  and  patriotic  declaration  : — "  I 
will  through  life  continue  to  obey  the  dictates  of  honour 
and  conscience;  to  support,  to  the  utmost  of  my  power, 
every  part  of  the  constitution  of  this  kingdom  ;  and  the 
event  I  shall  always  leave  to  heaven ;  at  all  times,  ready 
to  meet  my  fate." 

This  measure  of  the  commons  excited  a  strong  senti 
ment  of  indignation  "throughout  the  nation.  The  society 
of  the  supporters  of  the  Bill  of  Rights  passed  resolutions 
against  the  outrage  committed  upon  the  lord  mayor  and 
the  alderman,  and  voted  an  address  of  thanks  to  these 
magistrates,  warmly  approving  of  their  firmness  in  having 
resisted  the  illegal  conduct  of  the  commons.  Mr.  Lee 
was  appointed  to  write  the  address,  which  being  adopted, 
and  much  admired,  was  published  by  the  livery  of 
London.  It  is  here  inserted,  and  is  taken  from  his  origi 
nal  MS.  draught. 

"The  Members  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  impressed  with 
the  deepest  respect  and  gratitude  for  the  manly  support 
you  have  given  to  the  law  of  the  land,  and  the  liberties 
of  the  nation,  in  committing  a  messenger  of  the  house  of 
commons,  for  an  assault  on  a  citizen  of  London,  have  de 
puted  us  to  convey  to  you  their  thanks  and  approbation 
of  your  conduct. 

When  privilege  is  at  variance  with  the  law  of  the  land 
and  the  rights  of  the  people,  no  honest  man  can  hesitate 
to  determine  against  it.  Our  ancestors  held  as  a  maxim, 
that  he  who  does  not  favour  liberty,  is  impious  and  cruel.* 

*  Mr.  Lee  has  quoted  in  his  MS.  the  maxim  in  Latin  «« Libertati,  qui  non  favet, 
impius  et  crudelis  judicjuudus."  Fortescue. — JL.d.  Coke. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  31 

Had  there  been  only  a  doubt,  therefore,  of  the  constitu 
tional  and  legal  tendency  of  the  proceeding  you  opposed, 
that  doubt  would  have  justified  your  opposition*  The 
process  which  deprives  a  freeman  of  his  liberty,  ought  to 
be  clear  and  unquestionable.  But  this  proceeding  was 
plainly  arbitrary,  and  subversive  of  the  general  liberty  of 
the  subject,  declared  in  Magna  Charta  and  other  vener 
able  statutes,  as  well  as  of  the  chartered  rights  of  the  city 
of  London,  most  solemnly  confirmed  by  act  of  parliament* 
You  therefore,  gentlemen,  when  you  upheld  the  law,  acted 
with  a  spirit  and  integrity  becoming  the  first  magistrates 
of  this  great  city,  which  has  ever  distinguished  itself  in 
patronizing  liberty. 

We  have  been  told,  that  usage  will  justify  this  exercise 
of  privilege.     But  it  is  a  maxim  of  the  common  law,  the 
groundwork  of  our  constitution,  that  "  usage  against  rea 
son  is  an  usurpation."*     Now  it  is   manifestly  against 
reason,  that  the  people  should  be  subject  to  be  deprived 
of  their  liberty,  at  the  arbitrary  and  capricious  will  of  an 
assembly  of  their  own  creation ;  and  that  creation,  too, 
for  the  very  purpose  of  preserving  liberty.     "  The  princi 
ples  of  the  law  of  England  are  always  favourable  to  the 
personal  liberty  of  the  subject.^      If   the  powers  of   the 
house  of  commons  are  not  exactly  defined  by  law,  still 
they  must  be  limited  by  the  principles  of  it,  and  by  the 
reason  of  the  case  in  which  they  are  exercised.     To  shut 
up  from  the  people,  who  have  an  essential  and  unalienabie 
right  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  their  representatives, 
all  knowledge  of  their  proceedings,  is  against  reason,  a 
flagrant  violation  of  right,  and  stamps  an  alarming  suspi 
cion  on  those  whose  actions  are  thus  carefully  covered 
with  darkness.     A  house  of  commons,  privileged  against 
the  people,  to  trample  on  the  law,  is  a  manifest  and  mon 
strous  absurdity.     They  were  vested  with  privilege  to 
defend  them  in  the  due  exercise  of  their  functions,  from 
the  crown  and  its  ministers.     And  we  yet  hope  to  see, 

*  Consuetude  contra  rationem,  potius  usurpalio,  quam  consuetude  appellari  de- 
bet.— Ld.  Coke. 

t  Anglic  jura,  in  omni  casu,  libertati  dant  favorem. — Fortescue. — Who  does  not 
admire  and  cherish  the  common  law  > 


32  LIFE    OF 

through  the  awakened  virtue  of  the  people,  a  house  of 
commons,  who  will  direct  the  powers  trusted  with  them 
by  the  community,  not  against  liberty,  but  to  a  severe  and 
exemplary  inquiry  by  whose  advice  it  has  happened,  that 
the  present  reign,  considering  its  duration  and  circum 
stances,  has  been  arbitrary  and  unconstitutional  beyond 
the  worst  example  of  former  times.  It  is  then,  that  the 
alarms  of  the  people  will  be  composed,  their  indignation 
will  subside,  and  their  confidence  in  their  representatives 
and  in  government  will  be  restored.  They  never  can  be 
supposed  to  have  chosen  deputies  to  be  tyrants ;  that  is, 
to  have  an  arbitrary  and  unexaminable  power  over  them 
selves.  They  acknowledge  no  absolute  power  over  them 
but  the  law,  and  to  that  their  representatives  are  equally 
subject. 

It  is  in  support  of  this,  gentlemen,  that  you  now  suffer ; 
and,  next  to  vindicating  the  violated  laws,  we  deem  it 
your  greatest  happiness  and  honour  to  suffer  nobly  in 
their  defence.  The  fabric  of  English  liberty  has  been 
cemented  by  the  blood  of  Englishmen ;  and  should  it  be 
necessary,  we  trust  there  is  yet  patriotism  enough,  to  fur 
nish  blood  for  its  reparation. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  Lord  Mayor, 
and  Mr.  Alderman  Oliver." 

The  bold  and  strenuous  part  that  Mr.  Lee,  for  several 
years,  had  taken  in  opposition  to  the  ministerial  measures, 
against  those  particularly  which  affected  the  colonies,  had 
rendered  him  popular  in  all  of  them.  The  character  he 
had  established  as  a  writer  and  an  advocate,  had  become 
known  in  the  colonies.  Hence,  in  the  year  1770,  he  was 
appointed,  by  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts,  agent  for 
that  colony,  in  case  of  the  absence  or  death  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  who  was  then  residing  in  London  in  that  capacity. 
Dr.  Franklin  had  been  preceded  in  this  honourable  ap 
pointment  by  Dennis  De  Berdt,  a  highly  respectable  gen 
tleman  of  London.  Dr.  Franklin  continued  in  London 
until  the  spring  of  1775.  From  the  time  of  the  appoint 
ment  of  Mr.  Lee  just  mentioned,  until  the  return  of  Dr. 
Franklin  to  America,  when  he  became  sole  agent  for  the 
Massachusetts  Assembly,  he  aided  Dr.  Franklin  with  his 


ARTHUR    LEE.  33 

advice  and  opinions,  on  the  affairs  of  that  colony.  A 
close  and  warm  intimacy  sprang  up,  and  continued,  be 
tween  these  patriots,  while  they  resided  together  in  Lon 
don.  Their  friendship  was  founded  upon  their  private 
virtues,  was  nourished  by  similar  patriotic  motives,  and 
was  adorned  and  enlivened  by  scientific  researches  and 
acquirements.  But  their  mutual  political  and  scientific 
friends  had  to  regret,  at  a  subsequent  period,  their  estrange 
ment  from  each  other.  The  causes  of  the  interruption  of 
the  friendship  of  two  such  men,  are  subjects  not  inappro 
priate  to  the  designs  and  province  of  biography.  They 
are  stated  therefore  in  another  part  of  this  memoir  of 
Mr.  Lee. 

The  mention  of  this  honour  done  him  by  the  assembly 
of  Massachusetts,  is  made  by  Mr.  Lee,  in  the  remains 
of  a  sketch  which  he  left  behind  him,  of  a  history  of  the 
American  revolution,  which  the  reader  will  find  in  the 
Appendix,  No.  2.  He  will  there  find  the  letter  of  thanks, 
addressed  by  him  to  that  assembly;  a  letter,  which  an 
American  reader  will  peruse  with  no  ordinary  interest. 
The  reader  will  pardon  a  digression,  which  appears  not 
to  be  improper  here. 

The  author  had  understood  from  the  family  of  Mr. 
Lee,  that  he  had  commenced,  shortly  before  his  death,  a 
history  of  the  American  revolution  ;  of  its  political  char 
acter,  as  well  as  of  its  military  event's.  He  has  found 
among  his  MSS.  some  sheets  of"  Memoirs  of  the  Amer 
ican  Revolution,"  which,  he  says,  he  wrote  "  to  aid  in 
placing  the  history  of  the  American  revolution  in  its  true 
light."  He  had,  it  seems,  commenced  the  execution  of 
a  design,  that  would  have  produced  a  work  of  value  and 
interest  to  his  own  and  to  future  times.  What  part  of 
this  memoir  remains  will  amply  repay  him  who  shall 
read  it.  The  knowledge  of  the  rise  and  earliest  pro 
gress  of  our  revolutionary  struggle  contained  in  it,  will 
be  gratifying  to  every  intelligent  mind,  and  important  to 
our  future  historians  ;  for  every  authentic,  additional  ray 
of  light  cast  upon  the  events  and  genius  of  that  great 
transaction^  will  reflect  glory  upon  our  nation,  and  en- 

VOL.  i.  5 


34  LIFE    OF 

lighten  the  path  of  every  people,  who  shall  strive  for 
freedom.* 

In  the  year  1773,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  Dr. 
Franklin  obtained  possession  of  several  letters,  which  he 
transmitted  to  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts.  These 
letters  were  found  to  have  been  written  by  the  governor 
and  lieutenant  governor  of  that  province.  They  con 
tained  statements,  calculated,  in  the  opinion  of  the  as 
sembly,  to  make  false  impressions  of  their  proceedings, 
and  of  the  feelings  and  grievances  of  the  people  ;  and  to 
excite  a  temper  in  England  prejudicial  to  their  cause. 
The  discovery  of  these  letters  and  the  writers  of  them, 
so  exasperated  the  assembly,  that  a  petition  to  the  king 
and  council  for  the  removal  of  the  governor  and  lieuten 
ant  governor  from  their  offices,  was  voted  and  sent  to 
Dr.  Franklin  to  be  presented  to  the  king.  The  whole 
matter  was  made  one  of  enquiry  before  the  king  and  privy 
council  ;  but  it  was  decided,  as  it  might  have  been  ex 
pected,  that  the  grounds  and  charges  of  the  petition 
were  frivolous  and  vexatious.  The  assembly  directed 
Dr.  Franklin,  in  the  event  of  an  enquiry  into  the  con 
duct  of  the  governor  and  lieutenant  governor,  to  employ 
Mr.  Lee  to  support  their  petition. f  VAfter  Dr.  Franklin 
left  England,  in  the  year  1774,  Mr.  Lee  became  the  act 
ing  agent  for  the  assembly,  and  continued  in  this  capaci 
ty,  until  he  repaired  to  France,  as  a  secret  a^ent  of  the 
United  States  to  the  court  of  that  country .V  On  the  de 
parture  of  Dr.  Franklin  for  America,  he  addressed  the 
following  letter  to  Mr.  Lee.f 

CRAVEN  STREET,  MAR.  19,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — I  leave  directions  with  Mrs.  Stephenson 
to  deliver  to  you  all  the  Massachusetts  papers,  when  you 
please  to  call  for  them.  I  am  sorry  that  the  hurry  of 
preparing  for  my  voyage,  and  the  many  hinderances  I 
have  met  with,  prevented  rny  meeting  with  you  and  Mr. 
Bollan,  and  conversing  a  little  more  on  our  affairs,  before 

*  The  remnant  of  these  "  Memoirs"  will  be  found  in  No.  2,  of  the  Appendix, 
f  See  letters  of  the  venerable  Thomas  Gushing,  then  speaker  ofjhe  assembly  of 
Massachusetts,  to  Mr.  Lee.     Appendix,  No.  9. 
$  This  letter  is  taken  from  the  autograph  of  Dr.  Franklin. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  &5 

my  departure.  I  wish  to  both  of  you  health  and  happi 
ness,  and  shall  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  by  every  oppor 
tunity. 

I  shall  let  you  know  how  I  find  things  in  America.  I 
may  possibly  return  again  in  autumn,  but  you  will  if 
you  think  fit,  continue  henceforth  the  agent  for  Massa 
chusetts,  an  office  which  I  canj^t  again  undertake.  I 
wish  you  all  happiness,  and  am  ^rr,  yours  affectionately, 

B.  FRANKLIN.* 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  incidents  in  the  life  of  Mr. 
Lee,  is  connected  with  his  appointment  of  agent  for  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts.V/He  was  recommended  for  that 
honourable  but  hazardous  office,  by  that  able,  inflexible 
and  intrepid  patriot,  Samuel  Adams,  whose  sagacity  had 
already  discerned  in  him  a  spirit  congenial  with  his  own. 
At  this  time,  he  was  personally  unknown  to  Mr.  Adams. 
A  mutual  friend  of  these  gentlemen,  who  was  then  in 
London,  made  known  to  Mr.  Lee  the  fact  just  mention 
ed,  and  at  the  same  time,  acquainted  him  with  an  invita 
tion  from  that  great  man  to  commence  a  correspond 
ence,  which  he  immediately  accepted.  They  gave  each 
other  constant  information  of  every  event  which  occur 
red  in  America  and  England,  that  had  any  connexion 
with  American  affairs^/The  remains  of  the  correspond 
ence  of  these  patriotic^ citizens,  that  have  been  found 

*  It  is  due  to  the  honour  of  Ma<?sar.hnseff<*  to  state,  that  the  legislature  of  that 
commonwealth  presented  to  Mr.  Lee  a  tract  of  land,  of  considerable  value,  as  a 
compensation  for  his  services  in  the  capacity  of  agent  of  the  colony  of  Massachu 
setts  Bay,  and  as  a  mark  of  their  gratitude  for  them.  The  following  extract  of  a 
letter  of  Samuel  Adams  to  James  Warren,  Esq.  refers  to  the  services  of  Mr.  Lee 
at  this  period.  Speaking  of  his  attachment  to  him  and  his  brothers,  whom  a  fac 
tion  had  endeavoured  to  injure,  Mr.  Adams  says,  "  Now  you  tell  me  their  art  is  to 
prejudice  the  people  against  the  Lees,  and  to  propagate  that  I  am  a  friend  to  them. 
How  trifling  is  this  !  Am  I  accountable  to  the  people  for  my  opinions  of  men  ?  If 
I  have  found  from  long  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  those  gentlemen,  that  they 
are  and  have  been,  from  the  beginning  of  this  contest,  among  the  most  able  and 
zealous  defenders  of  the  rights  of  America  and  mankind,  shall  1  not  be  their  friend  ? 
I  will  avow  my  friendship  to  them  in  the  face  of  the  world.  As  an  inhabitant  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  I  should  think  myself  ungrateful  not  to  esteem  Arthur 
Lee  most  highly,  fur  his  voluntary  services  to  that  state,  in  times  of  her 
greatest  need,  to  the  injury  of  his  private  interest,  and  at  the  risk  of  his 
life.'"  How  noble  was  the  spirit  of  the  inestimable  patriot,  Samuel  Adams,  and 
how  honourable  to  any  man  was  his  friendship  ! 


36  LIFE    OF 

among  the  manuscript  papers  of  Mr.  Lee,  may  be  seen 
in  the  Appendix,  Nos.  8,  9.  These  letters  are  highly  im 
portant  to  the  history  of  the  American  revolution,  and 
while  they  are  creditable  to  the  talents  of  the  writers, 
they  are  invaluable  to  every  succeeding  generation  of 
their  countrymen.  Fortitude,  wisdom,  inflexible  virtue, 
and  ardent  patriotism  ajx  evinced  in  every  line.  While 
such  men  informed,  guioed,  and  animated  the  people  of 
the  colonies,  it  was  impossible  for  physical  power  to  sub 
due  them.  While  the  memory,  the  virtues  and  princi 
ples  of  such  men  shall  continue  to  be  revered  and  cher 
ished,  the  examples  of  the  heroic  days  of  our  nation  will 
secure  to  it  the  blessings  of  republican  freedom ! 

The  following  letter  of  our  justly  admired  and  cele 
brated  countryman,  Dr.  Rush,  with  whom  Mr.  Lee  had 
become  acquainted  in  London,  or  perhaps  at  Edinburgh, 
written  about  the  time  we  have  been  contemplating, 
and  breathing  its  spirit,  will  not  be  unacceptable  to  the 
reader. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  far  from  being  the  last  among  my 
countrymen  in  admiring  your  zeal  in  the  cause  of  Ame 
rican  liberty.  We  grow  more  sanguine  daily,  from  the 
success  of  our  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  court. 
There  i?  a  general  union  among  the  colonies,  which  no 
artifices  of  a  ministry  will  be  able^o  break.  Dr.  Frank 
lin  is  a  very  popular  character  in"every  part  of  America. 
He  will  be  received,  and  carried  in  triumph  to  his  house, 
when  he  arrives  amongst  us.  It  is  to  be  hoped  he  will 
not  consent  to  hold  any  more  offices  under  government. 
No  step  but  this  can  prevent  his  being  handed  down  to 
posterity  among  the  first  and  greatest  characters  in  the 
world. 

I  am  about  to  appear  before  the  public,  as  the  author 
of  an  oration  delivered  in  the  American  Philosophical 
Society,  on  the  natural  history  of  medicine  among  the 
Indians  in  North  America,  and  a  comparative  view  of 
their  diseases  and  remedies,  with  those  of  civilized  na 
tions.  I  have  connected  with  the  subject  some  political 
reflections,  which  will  tend  to  enlarge  the  ideas  of  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  37 

future  populousness  and  grandeur  of  America.  It  has 
been  published  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  read  with  par 
tiality  even  by  my  countrymen.  I  tremble  for  its  fate 
on  your  side  of  the  water.  You  must  apologize  for  the 
author,  by  pleading  his  many  disadvantages,  from  the 
want  of  leisure,  books  and  literary  company. 

My  success  in  business  has  exceeded  the  expectations 
with  which  I  left  London.  With  this  I  am  obliged  to 
console  myself  for  the  want  of  many  rational  enjoyments, 
which  I  gave  up  in  England.  The  chief  object  here 
is  commerce,  which,  you  know,  when  pursued  closely, 
sinks  the  man  into  a  machine.  Our  merchants  are  alive 
to  sentiments  of  liberty  and  public  virtue.  They  have 
twice  rescued  America  from  slavery  ;  but  it  is  re 
flecting  on  their  business  only,  to  add,  that  they  have 
little  relish  for  the  "  feast  of  reason,  and  the  flow  of  soul." 

My  brother  joins  in  compliments  to  you,  with  dear 
sir,  your  most  humble  servant,  B.  RUSH. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  Middle  Temple,  London. 
Philadelphia,  May  4th,  1774. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1774,  American  affairs 
wore  a  threatening  and  gloomy  aspect.  The  hearts  of  many 
began  to  faint ;  and  of  all  to  feel  forebodings  of  danger 
and  suffering,  or  of  submission  and  slavery.  The  feelings 
and  anticipations  of  Mr.  Lee,  who  witnessed  the  dark 
ness  in  its  thickest  shade,  will  be  seen  from  the  following 
letter  to  one  of  his  brothers: 

"  Most  sincerely  do  I  congratulate  my  dear  brother,  on 
the  possession  of  that  retirement,  in  which  only  can  true 
tranquillity  and  happiness  be  enjoyed.  Would  to  Heaven 
I  could  participate  in  the  blissful  retreat ! 

Where  peace,  with  ever  blooming  olive,  crowns 
The  gate;  where  honour's  liberal  hands  effuse 
Unenvied  treasures,  and  the  snowy  wings 
Of  innocence  and  love  protect  the  scene. 

May  providence  watch  over  you,  and  protect  you  from 
that  alarm,  which,  according  to  the  poet, 

"  Through  thickest  shades,  pursues  the  fond  of  peace." 


38  LIFE  OF 

How  ought  I  to  lament  that  my  fortune  and  my  tem 
per  are  perpetually  combating  my  inclination  and  my 
judgment.  No  man  can  see  in  a  more  amiable  light,  or 
feel  a  stronger  desire  of  enjoying  retirement,  than  I.  Yet, 
unhappily,  my  fate  has  thrown  me  into  public  life,  and 
the  impatience  of  my  nature  makes  me  embark  in  it,  with 
an  impetuosity  and  imprudence,  which  increase  the  evils 
to  which  it  is  necessarily  subject.  The  pursuit  is  as  end 
less  as  it  is  turbulent  and  deceitful.  One  bubble  is  no 
sooner  burst  than  another  rises,  with  something  new  to  en 
gage  and  irritate  its  deluded  pursuers.  You  will  judge  by 
this  time,  that  I  have  nothing  to  say  of  my  own  situation 
and  success,  which  can  gratify  the  benevolent  wishes  you 
have  the  goodness  to  entertain  for  me.  In  my  distresses 
you  will  also  sympathize,  for  they  are  felt  for  our  coun 
try.  The  parliament  are  now  bringing  the  question  to 
that  decision,  which  makes  me  tremble  for  the  virtue,  the 
character,  the  liberties  of  my  countrymen.  They  have 
passed  an  act  to  take  away  the  port  of  Boston,  till  every 
compensation  is  made  for  the  tea,  and  perfect  obedience 
is  acknowledged.  And  then  it  is  to  be  restored  in  such 
portions  as  the  king  pleases.  What  makes  this  more 
alarming  is,  that  no  accusation  is  brought  against  the 
town,  no  evidence  produced  to  criminate  it  ;  and  it  is 
avowed,  that  this  is  the  first  step  towards  reducing  all 
America  to  an  acknowledgment  of  the  right  of  parlia 
ment  to  impose  taxes  upon  her,  and  to  a  submission  to 
the  exercise  of  that  right. 

The  Americans  who  are  here  have  thought  it  of  so 
much  consequence,  that  they  have  petitioned  the  three 
branches  of  the  legislature  against  passing  such  a  bill ; 
but,  as  you  may  imagine,  without  success. 

The  next  proceeding  against  Boston  and  the  province 
is  already  announced  in  the  house  of  commons.  The  se 
lectmen  and  town-meetings  are  to  be  abolished.  The 
governor  is  to  be  endued  with  the  power  of  calling  the 
citizens  together,  when  and  for  what  purpose  he  pleases. 
They  are  not  to  deliberate  on  any  thing  but  what  he  dic 
tates.  The  council  and  judges  are  to  be  suspended  at 
the  governor's  pleasure.  The  constitution  of  juries  is  to 


ARTHUR    LEE.  39 

be  altered,  so  as  to  render  them  more  manageable  in  find 
ing  bills  and  verdicts  against  the  friends  of  liberty. 

We  are  jusl  informed  that  General  Gage  is  going  over 
immediately,  with  three  regiments,  as  governor  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  commander-in-chief ;  that  he  is  to  collect 
an  army  about  Boston,  in  order  to  impose  these  measures, 
and  reduce  the  people  to  entire  obedience. 

The  storm,  you  see,  runs  high  ;  and  it  will  require  great 
prudence,  wisdom,  and  resolution,  to  save  our  liberties 
from  shipwreck.  In  my  opinion,  there  ought  to  be  a  general 
congress  of  the  colonies;  and  I  think  Annapolis  would  be 
the  place,  where  it  wrould  be  less  liable  to  military  inter 
ruption,  than  at  New- York  or  Philadelphia.  If  you  have 
virtue  enough  to  resolve  to  stop,  and  to  execute  the  reso 
lution  of  stopping  your  exports  and  imports  for  one  year, 
this  country  must  do  you  justice.  The  shipping,  manu 
factures,  and  revenue,  depend  so  much  on  the  tobacco 
and  Carolina  colonies,  that  they  alone,  by  stopping  their 
exports,  would  force  redress.  Such  a  measure  should  be 
attended  with  an  address  to  the  merchants,  manufactur 
ers,  and  traders  of  this  country,  stating  the  necessity 
which  compels  you  to  a  measure  injurious  to  them;  pro 
fessing  every  thing  to  flatter  and  conciliate  them.  Such  a 
measure,  operating  at  the  general  election,  next  April, 
would  probably  produce  such  a  return  of  members,  as 
would  listen  to  truth  and  redress,  not  so  much  our  griev 
ances,  as  their  own. 

This  is  the  only  effectual  measure  I  can  conceive.  If 
there  is  not  virtue  enough  for  it,  I  am  afraid  American 
liberty  is  no  more;  for  you  may  depend  upon  it,  that  if 
they  find  the  chains  can  be  easily  imposed,  they  will 
make  them  heavy,  and  rivet  them  fast. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  describe  how  much  I  am 
grieved  at  these  proceedings,  and  with  what  anxiety  I  look 
forward  to  the  event.  You  know  I  have  doubted  the  vir 
tue  of  my  countrymen.  God  grant,  that  I  may  be  mis 
taken  ;  that  by  a  wise,  temperate,  and  firm  conduct,  they 
may  escape  the  blow  intended,  and  preserve  their  free 
dom.  The  friends  of  liberty  here,  look  to  your  con 
duct  with  great  anxiety.  They  consider  it  as  decisive, 


40  LIFE    OF 

either  to  establish  or  overturn  the  present  plan  of  despot 
ism. 

There  is  a  spirit  of  violence,  injustice,  and  persecution 
in  administration,  against  every  active  friend  of  America, 
which  makes  that  character  perilous.  I  cannot  see  that 
any  service  can  be  done  here  until  the  event  of  these 
measures  is  seen,  and  the  popular  prejudices  begin  to 
abate.  I  am  therefore  determined  to  withdraw  myself, 
by  taking  the  advantage  of  a  favourable  opportunity  of 
visiting  Rome,  for  some  months;  from  whence  however, 
I  shall  return  sooner,  if  any  great  event  should  hold  out 
a  probability  of  my  being  useful. 

Mrs.  Lee  well  knows  the  power  of  praise ;  and  how 
ambitious  I  should  be  of  meriting  it  from  her.  But,  alas, 
I  have  not  the  powers  of  pleasing.  Horrors  only  dwell 
on  my  imagination.  Public  corruption  at  present,  and 
public  calamity  for  the  future,  are  the  dismal  objects 
which  incessantly  fill  my  mind.  The  busy  haunts  of  men 
furnish  more  to  lament  than  to  rejoice  in ;  to  censure, 
than  to  praise.  They  are  filled  with  scenes  of  false  hap 
piness  and  real  misery,  variety  of  vice  and  wretchedness. 
It  is  rural  retirement  only,  rural  innocence, rural  tranquillity, 
which  excite  an  uninterrupted  flow  of  ideas,  amiable  and 
delightful.  In  these  pleasing  scenes,  the  perturbed  spi 
rits  settle  into  a  calm,  productive  of  more  real  happiness, 
than  all  that  the  splendour  of  fortune,  all  that  the  pomp 
of  power  can  bestow.  It  is  there  the  golden  age  revives, 
and  all  things  inspire  the  spirit  of  love  and  delight. 

My  best  love  awaits  her.     Remember  me  at  Mt.  Airy, 
Stradford,  Chantilly,  and  wherever  else  you  think   the 
mention  of  my  name  will  not  be  disagreeable. 
Adieu,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

Francis  L.  Lee. 

April  2d,  1774. 

The  following  anecdote,  which  grew  out  of  the  circum 
stances  of  these  times,  will  not  be  considered  a  digressive 
one,  as  it  illustrates  the  character  of  one  of  those  really 


ARTHUR    LEE.  41 

great  men,  whom  the  God  of  providence  raised  up  to 
consummate  through  their  subordinate  agency,  one  of  the 
grandest  events  in  His  moral  government  of  the  world. 
During  a  debate  in  the  house  of  commons  on  American 
affairs,  Mr.  Lee,  who  always  attended  in  the  lobby  of  the 
house  when  any  American  question  was  debated,  heard 
Mr.  Wedderburne  (afterwards  Lord  Loughborough)  make 
a  violent  attack  on  the  character  of  the  colonial  assem 
blies,  and  assert,  that  they  had  stopped  all  legal  proceed 
ings  for  the  recovery  by  British  merchants,  of  debts  due 
to  them  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  upon  the 
pretence  of  the  oppression  of  the  stamp  act,  and  had  af 
terwards  refused  to  restore  the  legal  means  of  the  recov 
ery  of  such  debts,  although  that  act  had  been  repealed.* 
Mr.  Lee  heard  this  assertion  with  indignation.  As  soon 
as  parliament  adjourned,  he  addressed  a  note  to  Wedder 
burne,  in  which  he  denounced  in  strong  terms,  his  charge 
against  the  American  assemblies,  and  called  on  him  as  a 
man  of  honour,  to  retract  it  in  as  public  a  manner  as  he 
had  made  it;  and  threatened,  if  he  did  not  do  so,  to  de 
clare  him  through  the  public  papers,  "  a  propagator  of 
mischievous  calumnies  against  America."  One  of  the 
admired  and  celebrated  addresses  of  the  continental  con 
gress  in  the  year  1774,  was  an  address  to  the  king  on 
the  subject  of  colonial  grievances.  On  the  2iith  October 
1774,  it  was  resolved,  "  that  the  address  to  the  king  be 
enclosed  in  a  letter  to  the  several  colony  agents,  in  or 
der  that  the  same  may  be  by  them  presented  to  his 
majesty  ;  and  the  agents  be  requested  to  call  in  the  aid 
of  such  noblemen  and  gentlemen,  as  are  esteemed  firm 
friends  to  American  liberty,  &c."  Mr.  Richard  Henry 
Lee  wrote  the  letter  to  the  agents,  f  Mr.  Arthur  Lee  was 
at  this  time,  as  it  has  been  already  mentioned,  the  agent 
for  Massachusetts.  The  extensive  acquaintance  and  in 
tercourse  of  Mr.  Lee  with  the  leaders  of  the  opposition 
party,  enabled  him  to  execute  the  request  contained  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  above  resolution  to  great  advantage. 

'  The  Americans  did  not  complain  of  any  actual  oppression  from,  this  act,  but 
of  the  dangerous  and  unconstitutional  principle  which  it  asserted,  life  act  indeed 
had  been  repealed,  but  its  spirit  was  expressly  retained  and  enforced  in  the  tea  duty. 

t  See  Journals,  p.  56. 
VOL.    I.  6 


42  LIFE    OF 

He  presented  copies  of  the  several  addresses  of  the  con 
gress,  viz.,  to  the  king,  to  the  people  of  British  America, 
and  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  to  Lord  Chatham,  to 
Mr.  Burke,  and  to  many  other  distinguished  friends  of 
America.  These  addresses  produced  a  great  effect  on  the 
mind  of  the  British  people,  and  drew  from  Lord  Chatham 
a  well  known  expression  of  admiration.* 

As  soon  as  these  papers  reached  Mr.  Lee,  he  took  the 
necessary  steps  to  present  the  petition  to  the  king,  and 
to  procure  the  most  extensive  circulation  of  the  address 
to  the  people  of  Great  Britain.  Being  particularly  anx 
ious  to  avail  himself  of  the  active  and  open  agency  of  Mr. 
Burke,  whose  weight  of  character  and  influence  with 
the  people  were  at  this  time  great.  Mr.  Lee  addressed 
a  letter  to  him,  desiring  that  he  might  accompany  him 
when  he  should  wait  with  the  petition  to  the  king,  on 
Lord  Dartmouth,  who  had  succeeded  Lord  Hillsborough 
as  secretary  for  the  colonies.  The  reply  of  Mr.  Burke 
is  taken  from  his  autographic  letter,  now  in  possession  of 
the  author.  Although  he  declined  to  comply  with  the 
request  of  Mr.  Lee,  for  the  reason  his  letter  discloses,  it 
still  evinces  his  real  friendship  for  the  colonies,  and  the 
candour  and  genuine  patriotism  of  that  great  man. 

"Sir, — I  am  honoured  with  your  letter  of  the  21st  inst. 
informing  me  of  the  time  on  which  you  purpose  to  wait 
on  Lord  Dartmouth,  with  the  petition  of  the  American 


congress. 

o 


I  should  be  happy  to  attend  you  on  that  occasion,  as 
you  desire,  if  I  were  in  the  slightest  degree  authorized 
to  do  so  by  the  colony  which  I  represent.  I  have  been 
chosen  agent  by  the  general  assembly  of  New-York. 
That  assembly  has  actually  refused  to  send  deputies  to 
the  congress  ;  so  that,  if  I  were  to  present  a  petition  in 
the  character  of  their  agent.  I  should  act  not  only  with 
out,  but  contrary  to  the  authority  of  my  constituents. 
Whilst  I  act  for  them,  it  is  not  possible  for  me,  in  my 
transactions  with  the  boards  or  ministers,  to  divest  my 
self  occasionally  of  that  character. 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  I.     A.  Lee's  letter  to  his  brother,  dated  Dec.  22d,  1774. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  43 

This,  and  this  only,  is  my  reason  for  not  obeying  your 
commands.  I  do  approve  exceedingly  of  all  dutiful  ap 
plications  of  the  congress  to  his  majesty.  I  am  con 
vinced,  that  nothing  is  further  from  the  desires  of  the 
gentlemen  who  compose  it,  than  to  separate  themselves 
from  their  allegiance  to  their  sovereign,  or  their  subordi 
nate  connexion  with  their  mother  country.  I  believe 
they  sincerely  wish  for  an  end  of  these  unhappy  trou 
bles,  in  which,  while  all  are  distressed,  they  must  be  the 
first  and  greatest  sufferers.  It  were  greatly  to  be  desir 
ed,  that  ministers  could  meet  their  pacific  dispositions 
with  a  temper  corresponding  to  them.  On  these  princi 
ples  I  heartily  wish  you  success,  in  your  laudable  en 
deavours  for  the  restoration  of  peace,  and  the  reconcili 
ation  of  our  fellow  subjects  to  their  sovereign. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  your  most  obedient  and  humble 
servant,  EDMUND  BURKE. 

Beconsfield,  Aug.  22d,  1775." 

Mr.  Richard  Penn  (a  descendant  of  William  Penn, 
and  the  agent  for  the  colony  of  Pennsylvania)  and  Mr. 
Lee  addressed  a  note  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  informing  him 
of  the  commands  they  had  received  from  congress  to 
present  their  petition  to  the  king,  and  respectfully  re 
questing  an  interview  with  his  lordship  for  the  purpose 
of  presenting  it  through  him  (according  to  the  routine 
of  established  ceremonies  of  state)  to  his  majesty.  To 
their  note  Lord  Dartmouth  returned  the  following  polite 
reply. 

"  Lord  Dartmouth  presents  his  compliments  to  Mr. 
Richard  Penn  and  Mr.  Lee  ;  he  has  just  received  by  the 
post  their  note  of  the  21st  inst.,  which  would  have  been 
sent  to  him  by  express,  if  it  had  been  known  at  his  of 
fice  that  they  had  any  commands  for  him,  Lord  Dart 
mouth  having  left  orders  there  that  he  should  be  sent 
for  whenever  his  presence  should  be  required  in  town. 
He  will  return  to  London  in  a  day  or  two,  and  will  not 
fail  to  inform  Mr.  Penn  and  Mr.  Lee  of  his  arrival." 

"Sandwell,  24th  August  1775." 


44  LIFE    OF 

At  their  interview  with  Lord  Dartmouth,  these  gen 
tlemen  delivered  the  petition  to  him,  which  was  signed 
by  the  president  of  congress,  who  promised  them  that 
he  would  immediately  lay  it  before  the  king,  and  make 
known  his  answer  to  them.  While  the  petition  was  yet 
before  his  majesty,  a  debate  took  place  in  the  house  of 
lords  on  American  affairs.  In  this  debate  Lord  Dart 
mouth  alluded  to  a  publication  that  Mr.  Penn  and  Mr.  Lee 
had  caused  to  be  made,  in  which  they  stated  what  had 
occurred  in  the  course  of  their  interviews  with  that  minis 
ter  respecting  the  delivery  of  the  petition.  Mr.  Lee,  who 
thought  he  discerned  in  the  remarks  of  Lord  Dartmouth 
a  covert  censure  on  them,  and  an  implied  denial  of  the 
truth  of  the  statement  made  in  their  publication,  deter 
mined  if  Mr.  Penn  understood  Lord  D.'s  remarks  as 
he  did,  to  reply  to  them  through  the  press.  Mr.  Penn 
however,  not  perceiving  the  same  tendency  in  them  thai 
had  struck  the  mind  of  Mr.  Lee,  Mr.  Lee  desisted  from 
his  purpose.  Mr.  Penn's  note  to  Mr,  Lee  relates  to  in 
teresting  transactions,  and  is  here  inserted. 

"Mr.  Penn  presents  his  compliments  to  Mr.  Lee; 
what  fell  from  Lord  Dartmouth  in  the  debate  on  Friday 
did  not  strike  Mr.  P.  in  the  same  light  it  seems  to  have 
appeared  to  Mr.  Lee,  from  the  contents  of  his  note,  nor 
did  he  imagine  that  his  lordship  intended  to  throw  out 
any,  the  least  insinuation  against  the  conduct  of  either  of 
them.  It  is  not  extraordinary  to  Mr.  P.  that  any  man 
in  a  bad  cause  when  hard  run,  should  endeavour  to  catch 
at  any  twig  in  his  way  ;  at  the  same  time,  Mr.  P.  is  tho 
roughly  satisfied  in  his  own  conscience,  that  what  they 
have  already  laid  before  the  public  respecting  the  deliv 
ery  of  the  petition,  was  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth. 

New  Bond  Street,  Nov'r.  12th,  1775." 

After  some  time  had  elapsed,  without  any  answer  hav 
ing  been  returned  to  the  petition  to  the  king,  Mr.  Penn 
and  Mr.  Lee  waited  again  on  Lord  Dartmouth,  and  ex 
pressed  their  earnest  desire  to  receive  some  answer, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  45 

which  they  might  return  to  congress.  To  their  surprise 
and  concern  his  lordship  informed  them  that  "  no  answer 
would  be  given."  The  following  is  Mr.  Lee's  account 
of  this  interview. — "  Upon  receiving  this  answer  from 
Lord  Dartmouth,  '  that  no  answer  would  be  given'  to 
the  petition,  I  expressed  to  him  my  sorrow  that  his  ma 
jesty  had  adopted  a  measure  which  would  occasion  so 
much  bloodshed.  To  this  his  lordship  answered,  that  if 
he  thought  it  would  be  the  cause  of  shedding  one  drop 
of  blood,  he  should  never  have  concurred  in  it,  but  that 
he  could  not  be  of  an  opinion  that  it  would  be  attended 
with  any  such  consequences.  My  lord  (I  replied),  as 
sure  as  we  exist,  this  answer  will  be  the  cause  of  much 
blood  being  shed  in  America,  and  of  most  dreadful  con 
sequences.  We  then  took  our  leave.  Persuaded  as  I 
was  that  the  determination  of  the  king  and  his  ministers 
had  been  long  fixed  for  using  force,  I  should  not  have 
troubled  myself  with  making  any  observation  on  the  an 
swer  we  received,  but  that  this  secretary  being;  a  man  of 
great  candour  and  amiableness  of  character,  I  thought 
that  the  assurance  I  gave  him  of  the  consequence  of  the 
king's  answer,  would  have  some  effect  on  the  cabinet. 
We  agreed  upon  the  following  letter  to  the  president  of 
congress. 

LONDON,  SEPT.  2,  1775. 

Sir, — -On  the  21st  of  last  month,  we  sent  to  the  se 
cretary  of  state  for  America,  a  copy  of  the  petition  from 
the  general  congress  ;  and  yesterday,  the  first  moment 
it  was  permitted  us,  we  presented  to  him  the  original, 
which  his  lordship  promised  to  deliver  to  his  majesty. 
Wre  thought  it  our  duty  to  press  his  lordship  to  obtain 
an  answer  ;  but  we  were  informed,  that  as  his  majesty 
did  not  receive  it  on  the  throne,  no  answer  would  be  given. 
We  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

RICHARD  PENN, 
ARTHUR  LEE." 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1775,  the  lord  mayor,  al 
dermen  and  livery  of  London,  the  people  of  which  city 


46  LIFE    OF 

had  long  been  distinguished  in  the  history  of  England 
for  their  love  of  freedom  and  boldness  in  asserting  it, 
presented  in  the  name  of  its  citizens,  to  the  king  and  par 
liament,  a  remonstrance  against  the  colonial  measures  of 
the  ministry.  This  incident  produced  a  considerable  sen 
sation  in  England.  The  style  and  spirit  of  the  remon 
strance  were  greatly  admired;  and  it  was  extensively 
circulated  throughout  the  kingdom.  Mr.  Lee  wrote  it  at 
the  request  of  the  Common  Hall.  He  had  acquainted  his 
brother,  R.  H.  Lee,  of  the  adoption  and  presentment  of 
the  remonstrance  ;  and  had,  at  the  request  of  the  Common 
Hall,  transmitted  a  copy  of  it  to  the  congress,  which  body 
had  assembled  a  second  time  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  10th 
May  1775.  On  the  (3th  July  it  was  resolved,  "that  a  let 
ter  be  prepared,  to  the  lord  mayor,  aldermen  and  livery  of 
London,  expressing  the  thanks  of  this  congress  for  their 
virtuous  and  spirited  opposition  to  the  oppressive  and 
ruinous  svstem  of  colony  administration  adopted  by  the 
British  ministry."  Richard  Henry  Lee  was  the  chair 
man  of  the  committee  ordered  to  prepare  it,  and  penned 
the  elegant  letter  of  thanks  which  may  be  found  in  the 
I.  Vol.  of  the  journals  of  the  old  congress,  page  14M.* 
Neither  of  the  brothers  was  aware  of  the  agency  which 
each  had  had  in  the  production  of  these  papers  until  after 
the  revolution,  when  they  disclosed  to  one  another  the 
authorship  of  them.f 

At  this  second  session  of  the  old  congress  another  pe 
tition  to  the  king,  and  another  address  to  the  people  of 
Great  Britain,  were  adopted.  The  committee  who  drew 
up  the  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  was  corn- 
posed  of  Richard  H.  Lee,  R.  R.  Livingston,  and  Pendle- 
ton.  This  impressive  and  eloquent  address  was  written 
by  the  first  named  gentleman,  and  may  be  found  in  the 
journals  of  congress.  The  petition  and  address  were  trans 
mitted  to  the  "Hon'ble  Richard  Penn,  William  Bolan,  Ar 
thur  Lee,  Edmund  Burke,  and  -  -  Garth,  Esqrs.,"  with 
the  following  letter  signed  by  the  president  of  congress, 
which  will  be  read  with  interest. 

*  See  Life  of  Richard  H.  Lee,  p.  153.  t  Id.  p.  153.    See  Jour.  III. 


ARTHUR    JLEE.  47 

"  Gentlemen, — The  perseverance  of  the  British  minis 
try  in  their  unjust  and  cruel  system  of  colony  administra 
tion  has  occasioned  the  meeting  of  another  congress.  We 
have  again  appealed  to  the  justice  of  our  sovereign  for 
protection  against  the  destruction  which  his  ministers 
meditate  for  his  American  subjects. 

This  petition  to  his  majesty  you  will  please  gentle 
men  to  present  to  the  king,  with  all  convenient  expedi 
tion,  after  which  we  desire  it  may  be  given  to  the  pub 
lic.  We  likewise  send  you  our  second  application  to  the 
equity  and  interest  of  our  fello\v  subjects  in  Great  Bri 
tain,  and  also  a  declaration  for  setting  forth  the  causes  of 
our  taking  up  arms  ;  both  which  we  wish  may  be  immedi 
ately  put  to  the  press,  and  communicated  as  universally 
as  possible. 

The  congress  entertain  the  highest  sense  of  the  wise 
and  worthy  interposition  of  the  lord  mayor  and  livery  of 
London,  in  favour  of  injured  America.  They  have  ex 
pressed  this  their  sense  in  a  letter  to  his  lordship  and  the 
livery,  which  we  desire  may  be  presented  in  the  manner 
most  agreeable  to  that  respectable  body. 

You  will  oblige  us,  gentlemen, by  giving  the  most  early 
information  to  congress,  and  to  the  speakers  of  our  re 
spective  assemblies,  of  your  proceedings  in  this  business, 
and  such  further  intelligence  as  you  may  judge  to  be  of 
importance  to  America  in  this  great  contest. 

We  are  with  great  regard,  gentlemen,  your  most  obe 
dient  and  very  humble  servants,  &c. 

By  order  of  the  congress. 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  Preset.* 
Philadelphia,  July  Sth,  1775." 

Messrs.  Penn  and  Lee  presented  the  original  to  the 
king,  through  the  secretary  for  the  colonies,  who  soon  re 
plied  to  them  that  "no  answer  would  be  given."  Mr. 
Lee  has  endorsed  on  the  paper  from  which  the  letter  of 
the  president  of  congress  was  copied,  the  following  note 
and  memorandum. 

*  This  is  taken  from  a  copy  signed  with  the  president's  autographic  signature. 


48  LIFE    OF 

"Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Penn  present  their  respects  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  and  enclose  a  copy  of  an  humble  and  earnest 
petition  from  the  continental  congress  in  America  to  the 
king ;  they  mean,  with  Lord  Dartmouth's  permission,  to 
wait  on  his  lordship  on  Wednesday  next  at  noon,  with 
the  original,  for  his  lordship  to  present  to  his  majesty. 

Garden  Court ,  Middle  Temple,  Aug.  21,  1775. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth, 
Secretary  of  State  for  America." 

i 

An  answer  having  been  refused  to  this  petition,  Mr. 
Lee  and  Mr.  Penn  directed  it  to  be  printed  in  the  public 
papers,  with  this  advertisement  prefixed: — "  The  follow 
ing  is  a  true  copy  of  the  petition  from  the  general  con 
gress  in  America  to  his  majesty,  which  we  delivered  to 
Lord  Dartmouth  the  1st  of  this  month,  and  to  which  his 
lordship  said  no  answer  would  be  given. 

c,.  ARTHUR  LEE. 

S'Sned>  RICHARD  PENN. 

Sept.  4th,  1775." 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  second  attempt  of  the  con 
gress  to  effect  a  return,  by  the  English  ministry,  to  the 
principles  of  the  constitution,  and  to  avoid  the  last  resort 
of  the  injured  and  oppressed.  The  times  were  gloomy, 
and  the  future  was  dark.  "Men's  souls"  were  indeed 
now  "to  be  tried."  The  following  letter  from  Mr.  James 
Lovel  of  Boston,  to  Mr.  Lee,  will  give  the  reader  some 
idea  of  the  lawless  and  daring  outrages  which  were  com 
mitted  against  the  free  citizens  of  the  colonies  by  the 
English  governors  and  commanders.  This  gentleman 
was  afterwards,  and  for  a  long  time,  a  deputy  from  Massa 
chusetts  to  the  congress,  and  was  a  conspicuous  and  use 
ful  member. 

"  Sir, — Suffering  under  a  most  wanton  exercise  of 
military  power,  I  am  sure  it  is  needless  to  do  any  thing 
further,  than  establish  that  fact  as  an  introduction  to  your 
notice  and  benevolent  exertions  for  me ;  though  I  am 
personally  a  stranger  to  you,  however  strictly  intimate 
with  your  real  character,  through  your  most  favoured  cor- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  49 

respondents  in   New  England,  and  your  political   writ 
ings. 

You  know  that  General  Gage,  with  troops  from  Great 
Britain,  entered  Boston  with  professions  of  friendship, 
and  of  a  design  to  promote  good  order  in  the  province. 
He  erected  works  at  the  isthmus,  which  joins  the  town  to 
the  main  country.  He  declared  himself  shocked,  upon  a 
remonstrance  of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  suggesting  ap 
prehended  danger  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  city, 
in  the  month  of  September  1774.  in  April  1775,  a  foolish 
military  excursion  to  the  town  of  Concord  brought  on  the 
present  warlike  proceedings  of  America.  In  the  week 
after  that  rupture,  the  inhabitants  of  my  native  town  were 
called  upon  to  deliver  up  their  arms,  on  condition  of  being 
at  liberty  to  depart  with  all  their  effects,  or  to  tarry  under 
the  general's  protection. 

The  papers  enclosed  to  you  herewith,  will  discover  the 
series  of  treatment  which  I  experienced  from  that  time. 
General  Gage  left  Boston  October  10th  last  year  ;  at 
which  time  I  sent  copies  of  all  my  letters  and  petitions, 
whereby  I  had  aimed  to  regain  freedom  by  trial,  with  a, 
copy  of  General  Howe's  evasive  answer.  I  wrote  also 
to  the  lord  mayor  of  London  ;  to  the  printer  of  the  Lon 
don  Mercury,  and  to  General  Gage.  1  suspect  the  bearer 
Mr.  William  Powell  deceived  me,  and  did  not  deliver  the 
packet  to  Mr.  Thomas  Broomfield,  merchant ;  or  that 
the  latter  through  timidity,  suppressed  the  papers. 

When  I  was  hurried  from  Boston  jail  in  last  March,  I 
left  my  pocket  book  with  my  wife,  but  I  recollected  the 
most  material  passages  in  my  petitions,  for  the  informa 
tion  of  my  friends  here,  and  afterwards  gave  them  in 
charge  to  Mr.  Michael  Joy,  who  sailed  from  hence  the  1 2th 
May.  This  worthy  young  man  having  been  the  protec 
tor  of  my  family  after  my  arrest,  can  give  you  a  very 
minute  description  of  its  miseries. 

General  Gage  threw  me  into  prison,  and  left  Gen. 
Howe  with  only  the  power  of  a  jailor  as  he  pretended, 
in  October,  though  at  the  same  time  he  offered  to  ex 
change  me  for  two  military  officers. 

The  present  commander,  Gen.  Massie,  declares  that 
VOL.  i.  7 


50  LIFE    OF 

his  hands  are  tied.  He  sent  his  chaplain  to  tell  the 
prisoners,  that  he  would  take  upon  himself  to  release  us 
for  an  equal  number,  if  our  friends  would  discharge  such 
a  number.  He  directed  us  to  write  letters  to  that  pur 
port,  and  said  he  would  forward  them  immediately  :  but 
in  two  days  after  he  acquainted  a  person  who  offered  a 
vessel  for  a  flag  of  truce,  that  if  prisoners  were  actually 
to  arrive  here  under  a  flag,  he  should  be  obliged  to  seize 
them  till  Gen.  Howe's  orders.  Such  is  the  duplicity  with 
which  British  heroes  conduct,  after  undertaking  the  task 
of  kidnapping  freeborn  citizens  ! 

I  have  not  obtained  a  sight  of  General  Massie,  nor  even 
one  of  his  aids  de  camp.  I  have  no  prospect  of  release 
from  jail,  but  through  your  sagacity  and  humane  and 
generous  spirit. 

Hancock  and  Mams  are  the  only  names  excepted  in  the 
lying  act  of  grace,  of  June  \1th.  But  there  is  a  deep 
rancour  against  me  for  having  publicly  repeated,  after 
judge  Blackstone,  what  the  murderers  have  now  taught 
me  by  experience,  "  that  slaves  envy  the  freedom  of 
others,  and  take  a  malicious  pleasure  in  contributing  to 
destroy  it." 

I  must  not  omit  to  tell  you  that  on  the  second  of  Feb. 
the  general  got  possession  of  a  billet,  which  I  had  given 
that  morning  to  one  going  to  Point  Shirley.  He  there 
upon  ordered  me  to  be  closely  locked  up,  and  be  debarred 
the  use  of  pen,  ink,  and  paper.  They  will  plead  this  as 
a  proof  of  my  just  imprisonment;  but  surely,  sir,  it  can 
not  have  such  a  retrospective  force.  I  was  as  innocent 
as  an  unborn  infant,  as  to  the  forbidden  correspondence, 
until  I  had  been  unjustly  distressed  in  prison.  The 
promised  protection  of  June  12th,  being  taken  from  me, 
I  slighted  the  wretches,  and  all  their  military  edicts : 
and  I  continue  to  do  it  most  cordially. 

Should  you  recover  the  papers  referred  to  as  sent  in 
October  and  May,  I  am  satisfied  you  will  judge  that  I 
have  maintained  a  manly  spirit,  under  all  my  past  op 
pressions.  I  hope  you  will  be  induced  to  believe  that  no 
fresh  exertions  of  the  scientific  barbarity  of  those  who 
hold  me  in  duress,  shall  bring  me  to  any  conduct  that 


ARTHUR    LEE.  51 

can  be  disgraceful  to  the  patronage  which  I  promise 
myself  you  will  afford  to,  sir,  your  sincere  admirer  and 
suffering  humble  servant. 

JAMES  LOVELL. 
Halifax,  ProvosVs,  June  the  25th,  1776." 

This  letter  from  his  manly  and  suffering  fellow  citi 
zen,  did  not  reach  Mr.  Lee  in  time  to  enable  him  to 
exert  himself  to  procure  the  release  of  Mr.  Lovell.  Be 
tween  this  gentleman  and  Mr.  Lee  there  began  a  warm 
friendship  and  correspondence  from  Mr.  Lee's  receipt  of 
this  letter  which  continued  until  their  death.  They  had 
never  seen  each  other  until  the  return  of  Mr.  Lee  from 
France  in  the  year  1781,  although  the  terms  of  their 
letters  written  during  the  residence  of  Mr.  Lee  abroad, 
would  induce  a  reader  to  suppose  they  had  long  been 
personally  ^acquainted. 


52  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER   III. 

Mr.  Lee  is  appointed  in  Dec.  1775,  secret  Agent  of  Congress — Letter  of  the  "  Se 
cret  Corresponding  Committee"  of  Congress,  acquainting  him  of  the  appoint 
ment  and  the  purpose  of  it — His  interviews  with  the  French  Minister  at  London — 
He  goes  to  France  as  secret  Agent,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1776 — His  interviews 
with  Vergennes  and  Turgot— The  Result  of  his  Mission— In  the  fall  of  1776,  he 
is  appointed  a  Joint  Commissioner  to  the  Court  of  France,  with  Dr.  Franklin  and 
Silas  Deane — Letter  to  Lord  Shelburne — Interesting  Anecdote  of  Voltaire — 
Agency  for  the  State  of  Virginia — His  learned  and  political  friends  in  France, 
Turgot,  Adanson,  Vergennes,  Neckar,  Breteuil,  &c. — State  of  Affairs  in  America 
in  the  winter  of  1776-7 — Memorial  on  this  subject,  from  the  American  Com 
missioners  to  the  Court  of  France — Written  by  Mr.  Lee — Note  of  the  Commis 
sioners  to  the  same,  touching  the  capture  of  an  American  vessel  on  the  coast  of 
France — Mr.  Lee  is  appointed  sole  Commissioner  to  the  Court  of  Madrid — Goes 
to  Spain — Is  desired  by  that^CouVt  not  to  proceed  to  Madrid— »-His  letters  to  the 
Commissioners  in  Paris,*from,  Victoria  in  Spain — Their  tteply  written  by  Dr. 
Franklin — The  British  Court  remonstrates  with  that  of  Spain  against  the  recep 
tion  of  Mr.  Lee — His  Correspondence  on  this  subject — His  Memorial  to  the 
Court  of  Spain  on  the  subject  of  his  Mission — Results  of  it — He  returns  to  Paris 
^— Is  sent  to  Berlin  as  Commissioner  to  the  Court  of  Prussia — Letter  from  Berlin 
to  General  Washington — Spanish  Papers. 

IN  the  month  of  November  1775,  the  congress  ap 
pointed  a  committee  for  the  purpose  of  secretly  corres 
ponding  with  the  friends  of  the  colonies,  "in  Great  Bri 
tain,  Ireland,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  world. "*  The  prin 
cipal  object  of  this  committee  was  to  ascertain  the  feel 
ings  and  views  of  the  courts  of  France  and  Spain,  in  regard 
to  the  dispute  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain ; 
and  how  far  they  would  be  disposed  to  assist  them  in  arms, 
ammunition  and  money,  and  eventually  to  form  trea 
ties  of  commerce  and  alliance  with  them.  It  was  known 
that  France  had  not  been  an  idle  spectator  of  the  con 
test  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies.  The  con 
gress  was  desirous  of  ascertaining  more  directly  her 
views  on  this  subject.  To  enable  them  to  attain  their 
object,  the  committee  was  authorized  to  appoint  secret 

*  See  Secret  Journals,  vol.  i. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  53 

agents  abroad  to  aid  them  in  obtaining  the  most  authen 
tic  information  on  every  point/rfi  which  it  was  important 
to  have  certain  intelligence.  VThe  committee,  which  was 
styled  "  the  Secret  Committee  of  Congress,"  appointed 
Mr.  Lee  their  secret  agent  in  London.  Of  this  appoint 
ment  he  was  informed  by  a  letter  from  that  committee, 
which  is  here  inserted  from  the  original  MS.  in  the  hand 
writing  of  Dr.  Franklin,  with  the  signatures  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  John  Dickinson  and  John  Jay,  in  their  hand 
writing.  \This  letter  cannot  fail  to  interest  the  reader, 
for  it  contains  the  views  of  congress,  at  an  early  and  mo 
mentous  period  of  the  revolution,  on  subjects  ol  the  last 
importance. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  12th,  1775. 

"  Sir, — By  this  conveyance  we  have  the  pleasure  of 
transmitting  to  you  sundry  printed  papers,  that  such  of 
them  as  you  think  proper  may  be  immediately  published 
in  England. 

We  have  wrritten  on  the  subject  of  American  affairs 
to  Monsieur  C.  G.  F.  Dumas,  who  resides  at  the  Hague. 
We  recommend  to  you  to  correspond  with  him,  and  to 
send  through  his  hands  any  letters  to  us  \vhich  you  can 
not  send  more  directly.  He  wrill  transmit  them  via  St. 
Eustatia.  When  you  write  to  him  direct  your  letter 
thus,  '  A  Mons  :  Mons  :  C.  G.  F.  Dumas,  cher  Mad. 
le  V.  Loder  a  la  Hague,'  and  put  it  under  cover,  direct 
ed  to  Mr.  A.  Stucky>  merchant,  at  Rotterdam. 

Mr.  Story  may  be  trusted  with  any  despatches  you 
think  proper  to  send  us.  You  will  be  so  kind  as  to  aid 
and  advise  him. 

It  would  be  agreeable  to  congress  to  know  the  disposi 
tion  of  foreign  powers  towards  ws,  and  we  hope  this  ob 
ject  will  engage  your  attention.  We  need  not  hint  that 
great  circumspection  and  impenetrable  sccresy  are  necessary. 
The  congress  rely  on  your  zeal  and  abilities  to  serve 
them,  and  will  readily  compensate  you  for  whatever 
trouble  and  expense  a  compliance  with  their  desire  may 
pccasion.  We  remit  you  for  the  present  £200. 
:  Whenever  you  think  the  importance  of  your  des- 


54  LIFE    OF 

patches  may  require  it,  we  desire  you  to  send  an  express 
boat  with  them  from  England,  for  which  service  your 
agreement  with  the  owner  there  shall  be  fulfilled  by  us 
here. 

We  can  now  only  add  that  wre  continue  firm  in  our 
resolutions  to  defend  ourselves,  notwithstanding  the  big 
threats  of  the  ministry.  We  have  just  taken  one  of  their 
ordnance  storeships,  in  which  an  abundance  of  carcasses 
and  bombs  intended  for  burning  our  towns,  were  found. 

With  great  esteem  we  are,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
humble  servants. 

B.   FRANKLIN,       }  n        ...         /» 
,^  f  Committee    of 

JOHN  DICKINSON,  >  ^  j  J 

'  L  Correspondence. 
JOHN  JAY,  } 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

In  the  capacity  of  agent  for  the  secret  committee  of 
congress  Mr.  Lee  acted  with  a  zeal  yet  more  active  than 
he  had  heretofore  done,  and  with  more  assured  confidence 
exerted  himself  in  behalf  of  his  country.  Feeling  that 
his  new  character  as  agent  for  so  respectable  a  body  as 
the  continental  congress  gave  more  importance  and  im 
parted  more  weight  to  his  efforts  as  its  authority  empow 
ered  him  to  enlarge  them,  he  gave  free  course  to  his  active 
and  patriotic  mind.  From  this  time  until  he  left  England 
he  devoted  himself  almost  entirely  to  public  concerns. 

As  soon  as  he  received  the  foregoing  letter  from  the 
secret  committee,  he  sought  and  obtained  several  inter 
views  with  the  French  ambassador  at  the  court  of  Great 
Britain,  and  urged  upon  the  attention  of  his  court  the  di 
rect  interest  of  France,  in  afTording  to  the  colonies  the 
cheerings  of  her  friendship,  and  even  her  aid.  In  conse 
quence  of  these  conferences  with  the  French  ambassa 
dor,  the  count  de  Vergennes,  then  the  prime  minister  of 
Lewis  the  1 6th, an  able  and  enlightened  statesman  to  whom 
the  colonies  were  deeply  indebted,  sent  a  gentleman*  in 
a  confidential  manner  to  Mr.  Lee  in  London,  to  inform 
him  "  that  the  French  court  could  not  think  of  entering 

*  This  person  wag  Mons.  Caron  de  Beaumarchais. 


ARTHUR   LEE. 

into  a  war  with  England;  but  that  they  would  assist 
America  by  sending  from  Holland  this  fall  £200,000  worth 
of  arms  and  ammunition  to  St.  Eustatia,  Martinique  or 
Cape  Francois  ;  that  application  was  to  be  made  to  the  go-  J 
vernors  or  commandants  of  those  places,  by  enquiring  for 
Mons.  Hortalez;  and  that  on  persons  properly  authorized 
applying,  the  above  articles  would  be  delivered  to  them." 
Mr.  Lee  immediately  informed  Mr.  Storey,  (the  gentleman 
mentioned  in  the  foregoing  letter  from  the  secret  com 
mittee)  who  had  been  sent  by  that  committee  on  a  se 
cret  agency  to  France,  Holland  and  England.  This  gen 
tleman  did  not  reach  America  with  this  important  intelli 
gence  until  several  months  afterwards.*  ^ 

V/  In  the  winter  of  1776  Mr.  Lee  repaired  to  Paris  by 
the  direction  of  the  secret  committee  of  congress  (to 
which  committee  that  body  had  intrusted  all  its  business 
with  foreign  agents  and  foreign  courts),  as  their  secret 
agent,  to  improve  the  favourable  disposition  of  France 
towards  the  colonies.  In  this  capacity  he  was  received 
and  was  kindly  and  respectfully  treated  by  Count  Ver- 
gennes.  The  reader  can  well  imagine  with  what  earnest 
ness  and  ability  he  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
now  afforded  him  of  placing  the  situation,  character  and 
concerns  of  his  country  in  favourable  and  interesting 
views  before  the  mind  of  Vergennes.  Mr.  Lee  did  not 
confine  his  exertions  to  the  French  ministry  alone,  but 
laboured  to  produce  the  same  sentiments  in  the  minds  of 
distinguished  and  influential  men  in  France  who  held  no 

,  official  stations ;  and  to  awaken  a  feeling  of  good  will 
towards  America  in  the  French  nation.  To  enable  him 
to  do  this,  he  obtained  the  acquaintance  of  the  class  of 
men  just  alluded  to,  and  wrote  short  and  popular  pieces 
in  the  journals  of  the  day  calculated  to  inform  the  pub 
lic  mind  of  the  amount  of  the  population  of  the  colonies, 
the  products  of  their  country,  and  the  commercial  advan 
tages  they  held  out  to  France.  There  were  at  this 

*  See  the  first  No.  of  the  American  Quarterly  Review,  which  contains  a' very  in 
teresting  article,  "  The  Secret  Journals  of  the  old  Congress."  The  writer  of  it  had 
access  to  the  journal  of  the  secret  committee,  from  which  he  has  given  extracts 
confirming  the  account  here  given  of  Mr.  Lee's  agency  in  the  incipient  and  important 
negotiations  of  the  United  States  with  France. 


56  LIFE    OF 

time    in    France    many  men   who   had  great  influence 
on  public  opinion,  though  they  held  no  offices  under  the 
government,  and  took  little  part  in  what  might  be  termed 
practical  politics.     They  obtained  this  influence  from  the 
fame  of  their  learning  and  from  their  political  writings. 
To  them  Mr.  Lee  found  an  easy  access;  and  his  literary 
and  scientific  acquirements  proved  of  essential  advantage 
(as  well  as  a  source  of  enjoyment  in  his  intercourse  with 
them),  in  gaining  their  attention  to  the  affairs  of  America. 
Among  these  persons  the  celebrated  Turgot  held  a  con 
spicuous  place.    Mr.  Lee  cultivated  his  acquaintance,  and 
presented  to  his  enthusiastic  mind  the  character  of  his 
countrymen  as  a  brave  people,  warmly  and  obstinately  at 
tached  to  freedom ;  and  to  his  judgment,  the  policy  of 
France  in  assisting  them  in  wresting  from  England  their 
political  independence.     Impressed  by  the  forcible  repre 
sentation  of  Mr.  Lee,  the  Count  de  Vergennes  in  the 
spring  of  '76  presented  to  the  king  a  memorial  on  Ameri 
can  affairs,  accompanied  with  reflections  of  Turgot  on 
the  subject  of  it.     The  policy  advised  by  this  memorial 
and  enforced  by  the  reflections  of  Mons. Turgot, was  "to  fa 
cilitate  to  the  colonists  the  means  of  procuring  in  the  way 
of  commerce  the  articles  and  even  the  money  which  they 
needed  ;  but  without  departing  from  neutrality,  and  with 
out  giving  them  direct  strccours."     This  aid,  even  thus 
furnished,  was  as  much  as  Mr.  Lee  could  anticipate  at 
this  time. 

To  carry  into  effect  this  plan  of  assisting  the  Ameri 
cans,  Vergennes  directed  the  same  secret  agent  whom  he 
had  sent  to  London  in  December  '?/)  to  wTait  on  Mr.  Lee; 
and  inform  him  of  the  views  and  determination  of  the 
French  court  respecting  America.  Mr.  Lee  transmitted 
this  highly  important  intelligence  to  the  secret  committee, 
through  the  same  gentleman  to  whom  he  had  communicated 
the  message  of  Vergennes  delivered  to  him  in  London  in 
the  preceding  fall.  This  gentleman  (Mr.  Storey)  reached 
Philadelphia,  and  imparted  the  information  of  the  official 
promise  of  aid  from  the  court  of  France  to  Dr.  Franklin 
and  Robert  Morris,  two  of  the  committee,  on  the  first  of 
October  1776.  The  minutes  or  journals  of  this  transac- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  57 

tion  kept  by  the  committee,  are  here  taken  from  an  ex 
tract  from  their  journal,  to  be  found  in  the  article  refer 
red  to  in  the  ably  conducted  and  useful  periodical,  the 
American  Quarterly  Review,  page  132,  &c.  After  stat 
ing  the  information  received  (as  they  say)  from  Mr.  Ar 
thur  Lee  through  Mr.  Storey,  the  two  members  of  the 
committee  just  named  thus  proceed: 

"PHILADELPHIA,  October  1st,  1776. — The  above  in 
telligence  was  communicated  to  the  subscribers,  being 
the  only  two  members  of  the  committee  of  secret  corre 
spondence  now  in  this  city  ;  and  on  our  considering  the  na 
ture  and  importance  of  it,  we  agree  in  opinion  that  it  is 
our  indispensable  duty  to  keep  it  a  secret,  even  from  con 
gress,  for  the  following  reasons : 

1st.  Should  it  get  to  the  ears  of  our  enemies  at  New- 
York,  they  would  undoubtedly  take  measures  to  intercept 
these  supplies,  and  thereby  deprive  us  not  only  of  these 
succours  but  of  others  expected  by  the  same  route. 

2d.  As  the  court  of  France  have  taken  measures  to 
negotiate  this  loan  and  succour  in  the  most  cautious 
and  secret  manner,  should  we  divulge  it  immediately  we 
may  not  only  lose  the  present  benefit,  but  also  render 
that  court  cautious  of  any  further  connexion  with  such 
unguarded  people,  and  prevent  their  granting  other  loans 
and  assistance  we  stand  in  need  of,  and  have  directed 
Mr.  Deane  to  ask  of  them  ;  for  it  appears  from  all  our 
intelligence  they  are  not  disposed  to  enter  into  an  imme 
diate  war  with  Great  Britain,  though  disposed  to  support 
us  in  our  contest  with  them ;  we  therefore  think  it  our 
duty  to  cultivate  their  favourable  disposition  towards  us, 
to  draw  from  them  all  the  support  we  can ;  and  in  the 
end  their  private  aid  must  assist  us  to  establish  peace, 
or  inevitably  draw  them  as  parties  to  the  war. 

3d.  We  find  by  fatal  experience,  the  congress  consists 
of  too  many  members  to  keep  secrets,  as  none  could  be 
more  strongly  enjoined  than  the  present  embassy  to 
France,  notwithstanding  which,  Mr.  Morris  was  this  day 
asked  by  Mr.  Rees  Meredith,  whether  Dr.  Franklin  and 
others  were  really  going  ambassadors  to  France,  which 
VOL.  i.  8 


58  LIFE  OF 

plainly  proves  that  this  committee  ought  to  keep  this 
secret,  if  secresy  is  required. 

4th.  We  are  of  opinion  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  inform 
congress  of  this  intelligence  at  present,  because  Mr.  Mor 
ris  belongs  to  all  the  committees  that  can  properly  be 
employed  in  receiving  and  importing  the  expected  sup 
plies  from  Martinique,  and  will  influence  the  necessary 
measures  for  that  purpose ;  indeed,  we  have  already  au 
thorized  William  Bingham,  Esq.  to  apply  at  Martinique 
and  St.  Eustatius  for  what  comes  there,  and  remit  part 
by  the  armed  sloop  Independence,  Capt.  Young,  promis 
ing  to  send  others  for  the  rest. 

Mr.  Morris  will  apply  to  the  marine  committee  to  send 
other  armed  vessels  after  her,  and  also  to  Cape  Francois, 
(without  communicating  this  advice)  in  consequence  of 
private  intelligence  lately  received,  that  arms,  ammuni 
tion  and  clothing,  can  now  be  procured  at  those  places. 

But  should  unexampled  misfortune  befal  the  states  of 
America,  so  as  to  depress  the  spirits  of  congress,  it  is  our 
opinion  that  on  any  event  of  that  kind,  Mr.  Morris  (if 
Dr.  Franklin  should  be  absent)  should  communicate  this 
important  matter  to  congress,  otherwise  keep  it  until  part 
or  the  whole  supplies  arrive,  unless  other  events  happen 
to  render  the  communication  of  it  more  proper  than  it 
appears  to  be  at  present." 

The  reviewer,  in  the  article  just  referred  to,  adds  to 
these  minutes  of  the  committee  this  observation  :  "  This 
was  signed  by  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Morris,  and  soon 
after  approved  by  Richard  H.  Lee  and  Mr.  Hooper,  two 
other  members  of  the  committee." 

From  the  spring  of  the  year  1776  until  the  fall  of  it, 
k  Mr.  Lee  remained  in  Paris  as  a  secret  agent  of  congress. 
He  then  returned  to  England,  and  resided  in  London 
until  the  month  of  December,  when  having  received  an 
official  notification  of  his  appointment  as  a  commissioner 
to  France,  he  repaired  again  to  Paris.  ^  His  conduct  in 
the  capacity  of  a  secret  agent  in  France,  had  given  great 
satisfaction  to  that  body.  He  did  not  confine  himself 
within  the  exact  line  of  his  instructions,  as  agent  to  the 
French  court.  He  sought  and  improved  the  acquaint- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  59 

ance  of  the  ambassadors  of  the  different  powers  then  in 
Paris  ;  and  by  turning  their  attention  to  the  struggle  of 
the  British  colonies  in  North  America,  and  by  giving 
them  correct  information  concerning  their  affairs,  he  in 
spired  them  with  respect  and  interest  for  his  country. 
He  particularly  sought  to  engage  the  consideration  of 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  and  through  him,  of  his  court. 
He  had  so  far  succeeded  in  gaining  the  serious  attention 
of  the  Spanish  minister,  before  the  arrival  of  the  commis 
sioners  from  America,  and  before  the  appointment  of  a 
representative  to  the  court  of  Spain,  that  he  had  actually 
proposed  to  that  court  to  join  France  in  secretly  aiding 
the  United  States  with  money,  arms  and  other  warlike 
stores. 

In  the  month  of  September  (the  colonies  having  de 
clared  themselves  free  and  independent  states  in  the  pre 
ceding  July)  the  congress  proceeded  to  establish  diplo 
matic  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  and  to  appoint 
commissioners  to  represent  the  United  States,  at  those 
courts  which  they  considered  of  the  most  importance  and 
power.  Mr.  Lee  was  elected,  with  Silas  Deane,  Esq.  as 
one  of  a  joint  commission  to  the  court  of  France,  with 
whom  Dr.  Franklin  was  afterwards  joined.  He  was 
made  acquainted  with  the  honour  thus  conferred  upon 
him,  through  a  letter  from  the  secret  committee,  which 
had  been  styled,  since  the  declaration  of  independence, 
"  Committee  of  Correspondence." 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  23,  1776. 
"  Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

Sir, — By  this  conveyance  we  transmit  to  Silas  Deane, 
.Esq.  a  resolve  of  the  honourable  continental  congress  of 
delegates  from  the  thirteen  United  States  of  America, 
whereby  you  are  appointed  one  of  their  commissioners 
for  negotiating  a  treaty  of  alliance,  amity  and  commerce, 
with  the  court  of  France,  and  also  for  negotiating  trea 
ties  with  other  nations,  agreeably  to  certain  plans  and  j 
instructions  of  congress,  which  we  have  transmitted  by  ' 
various  conveyances  to  Mr.  Deane,  another  of  the  com-  1 
missioners.     We  have  requested  him  to  give  you  imme 
diate  notice  to  join  him,  and  on  your  meeting  to  deliver 


60  LIFE    OF 

this  letter  and  lay  before  you  all  the  papers  and  instruc 
tions,  also  to  deliver  you  the  resolve  whereby  you  are 
appointed.  We  flatter  ourselves  from  the  assurance  of 
our  friends  here,  that  you  will  cheerfully  undertake  this 
important  business,  and  that  our  country  will  greatly  be 
nefit  of  those  abilities  and  that  attachment  you  have  al 
ready  manifested  in  sundry  important  services,  which  at 
a  proper  period  shall  be  made  known  to  those  you  wish. 

This  committee  will  think  it  proper  to  address  all  their 
despatches  unto  Mr.  Deane,  until  they  have  certain  ad 
vice  that  his  colleagues  have  joined  him,  but  the  com 
munication  of  them  will  be  the  same  as  if  addressed  to 
the  whole. 

We  remain  with  much  regard  and  esteem,  sir,  your 
most  obedient,  humble  servants, 

ROBERT  MORRIS, 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN." 

In  the  following  letter  Mr.  Lee  alludes  to  the  promise 
of  aid  made  to  him  by  the  court  of  France  while  he  re 
mained  in  London,  and  of  which  he  had  informed  con 
gress,  through  Mr.  Storey.  It  conveys  to  congress  his 
thanks  for  the  honour  they  had  done  him,  in  terms  of 
warm  love  for  his  country. 

PARIS,  Dec.  31,  1776. 
"  To  the  honourable  committee  of  correspondence, 

Gentlemen, — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  favour 
of  the  3  1st  Oct.,  announcing  to  me  my  appointment  as 
one  of  the  commissioners  from  the  congress  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  I  cannot  express  how  much  I  am 
obliged  to  that  most  respectable  body,  for  giving  me  an 
opportunity  of  showing  how  much  I  prefer  the  service  of 
my  country  and  her  present  cause,  to  every  other  pursuit 
and  situation  in  life. 

I  had  the  happiness  of  joining  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr. 
Deane  the  day  after  the  arrival  of  the  former  at  this 
place.  We  have  employed  every  moment  in  preparing 
the  way  for  fulfilling  the  purport  of  our  mission.  It  is 
impossible  to  say  yet  in  what  degree  we  shall  be  able  to 
accomplish  our  instructions  and  our  wishes.  The  poli-i 


ARTHUR    LEE.  61 

tics  of  Europe  are  in  a  state  of  trembling  hesitation.  It 
is  in  consequence  of  this  that  I  find  the  promises  that 
were  made  me  by  the  French  agent  in  London,  and 
which  I  stated  to  you  by  Mr.  Storey  and  others,  have  not 
been  entirely  fulfilled.  The  changing  of  the  mode  of 
conveying  what  was  promised  was  settled  with  Mr. 
Deane,  whom  Mr.  Hortalez  found  here  on  his  return,  and 
with  whom  all  the  arrangements  were  afterwards  made. 
I  hope  you  will  have  received  some  of  the  supplies  long 
before  this  reaches  you.  Infinitely  short  as  they  are  of 
what  was  promised  in  quantity,  quality  and  time,  I  trust 
they  will  be  of  very  material  service  in  the  operations  of 
the  next  campaign.  It  is  that  to  which,  to  use  the  ex 
pression  of  our  arch  enemy,  we  must  look ;  and  no  exer 
tions  in  preparing  for  it  can  be  too  great,  because  the 
events  of  it  must  be  very  decisive. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  gentlemen,  your  very  obe 
dient  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE. 

It  will  not  much  interrupt  the  continuity  of  Mr.  Lee's 
occupations  at  the  court  of  France,  to  introduce  here 
a  beautiful  letter  of  Mr.  Lee,  written  in  reply  to  Lord 
Shelburne,  who  had  given  to  the  Abbe  Raynal  a  letter 
of  introduction  to  him.  It  may  be  proper  to  mention 
that  Mr.  Lee  for  several  years  before  he  left  England, 
had  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  that  estimable  nobleman, 
one  of  the  earliest  and  steadiest  friends  of  the  colonies 
among  the  English  politicians  and  ministers.  They  con 
tinued  to  correspond  long  after  the  war  between  their 
respective  nations  had  ceased,  and  the  independence  of 
the  United  States  had  been  acknowledged  by  Great  Bri 
tain.  The  reader  will  find  in  Appendix,  No.  10,  and 
will  peruse  with  no  little  pleasure,  the  letters  of  Lord 
Shelburne,  (afterwards  the  Marquis  of  Lansdown)  to 
Mr.  Lee,  on  the  subject  of  the  federal  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  which  had  been  proposed  to  the  people 
for  adoption,  and  had  become  at  the  period  when  some 
of  the  letters  of  the  marquis  were  writen,  a  topic  of 
anxious  discussion  by  American  statesmen.* 

*  The  reader  will  find  an  interesting  letter  in  the  "  Memoirs"  of  Mr.  Lee,  No. 
2,  of  the  Appendix,  to  Dr.  Priestley,  in  which  he  gives  the  Dr.,  who  had  asked  it, 


62  LIFE    OF 


PARIS,  Dec.  23d,  1776. 
"  To  the  Right  Honourable  the  earl  of  Shelburne. 

My  Lord, — A  very  few  hours  after  my  last  letter  to 
your  lordship  brought  me  the  desire  of  my  country,  that 
I  should  serve  her  in  a  public  character.  Your  lordship 
thinks  too  well  of  me,  I  hope,  to  suppose  I  could  hesitate 
a  moment.  In  fact  almost  the  same  minute  saw  me  bid 
adieu  perhaps  forever  to  a  country  where  I  had  fixed  my 
fortunes,  and  to  a  people  whom  I  most  respected  and 
could  have  loved.  But  the  first  object  of  my  life  is  my 
country,  the  first  wish  of  my  heart  is  public  liberty.  I 
must  see  therefore  the  liberties  of  my  country  established, 
or  perish  in  her  last  struggle. 

In  truth  I  have  long  despaired  even  of  a  struggle  for 
liberty  in  England, — I  will  not  insult  Scotland  with  the 
idea.  It  is  not  the  subtle  Wedderburne,  poisoning  the 
fountain  of  public  security  ;  nor  the  ruthless  Thurlow 
deliberately  butchering  the  liberties  of  his  country,  that 
makes  me  despair ;  but — and  yet  perhaps  the  people 
only  are  not  virtuous,  and  America  may  yet,  with  a  sort 
of  filial  piety,  reanimate  her  expiring  constitution.  Our 
pater  patriot  with  whom  and  Mr.  Deane  I  am  joined  in 
power,  is  in  good  health  and  spirits.  If  fate  will  have 
it  that  America,  as  she  has  reared  her  temples  and  her 
altars  to  liberty,  must  furnish  her  victims  too,  I  know 
not  where  she  can  find  a  sacrifice  more  respectable. 

Should  the  event  of  this  measure  be  found  fatal  to 
England,  it  is  the  perfidy  of  her  ministers,  which 
would  never  offer  any  thing  that  could  be  trusted,  that 
compel  it,  and  to  which  the  consequences  are  justly  im- 
putable. 

I  beg  your  lordship  to  remember  me  as  one  who  can 
never  cease  to  have  the  most  perfect  esteem  for  you. 
I  have  communicated  to  the  Abbe  Raynal  all  the  facts  I 
could  collect  in  answer  to  his  questions.  He  will  write 
to  you  soon. 

his  opinion  of  the  character  of  Lord  Shelburne.     The  Dr.  had  been  solicited  by  his 
lordship  to  become  the  tutor  of  his  eldest  son. 
t  Dr.  Franklin, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  63 

May  I  beg  to  be  remembered  to  our  friends  in  the 
college  and  to  those  out  of  it,  who  I  hope  will  always  do 
me  the  honour  of  remembering  me, — Col.  Barre,  Mr. 
Dunning,  Dr.  Priestley,  Dr.  Price,  &c.  &c. 

I  have  the  honour  of  being  your  friend  and  humble 
servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

The  two  other  commissioners  having  now  joined  Mr. 
Lee  at  Paris,  they  immediately  commenced  their  confer 
ences  and  negotiations  with  the  court  of  France.*  On 
the  5th  January  1777,  they  presented  to  that  court  the 
following  memorial. 

"  To  his  excellency  Count  de  Vergennes, 

The  congress  the  better  to  defend  their  coasts,  pro 
tect  their  trade,  and  drive  off  the  enemy,  have  instruct 
ed  us  to  apply  to  France  for  eight  ships  of  the  line,  com 
pletely  manned,  the  expense  of  which  they  will  under 
take  to  pay  ;  as  other  princes  of  Europe  are  lending  or 
hiring  their  troops  to  Britain  against  America,  it  is  ap 
prehended  that  France  may  if  she  thinks  fit,  afford  our 
independent  state^  the  same  kind  of  aid  without  giving 
England  any  first  cause  of  complaint.  But  if  England 
should  on  that  account  declare  war,  we  conceive  that  by 
the  united  force  of  France,  Spain  and  America,  she  will 
lose  all  her  possessions  in  the  West  Indies,  much  the 
greatest  part  of  that  commerce  which  has  rendered  her  so 
opulent,  and  be  reduced  to  that  state  of  weakness  and 
humiliation  she  has  by  her  perfidy,  her  insolence  and 
her  cruelty,  both  in  the  east  and  the  west  so  justly  me 
rited. 

We  are  also  instructed  to  solicit  the  court  of  France, 
for  an  immediate  supply  of  20  or  30,000  muskets  and 
bayonets,  and  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition  and  brass 
field  pieces,  to  be  sent  under  convoy.  The  United 

*  Mr.  Lee  often  related  an  anecdote  which  occurred  soon  after  the  American 
commissioners  arrived.  Voltaire  was  then  dangerously  ill  in  Paris,  where  he  shortly 
after  died.  He  had  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Americans.  The  commis 
sioners  requested  to  be  permitted  to  wait  on  him,  which  Voltaire  cheerfully  granted. 
As  they  entered  the  room  he  raised  himself  feebly  up  in  his  bed,  and  in  a  moment 
ary  glow  of  enthusiasm,  repeated  some  beautiful  lines  from  Thompson's  Ode  to 
Liberty,  commencing  "  Oh  liberty,  thou  goddess  ever  bright,"  &c. 


64  LIFE    OF 

States  engage  for  the  payment  of  the  arms,  artillery  and 
ammunition,  and  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  convoy. 
This  application  has  now  become  the  more  necessary,  as 
the  private  purchase  made  by  Mr.  Deane  of  those  ar 
ticles  is  rendered  ineffectual,  by  an  order  forbidding  their 
exportation. 

We  also  beg  it  may  be  particularly  considered  that 
while  the  English  are  masters  of  the  American  seas,  and 
can  without  fear  of  interruption,  transport  with  such  ease, 
their  army  from  one  part  of  our  extensive  coast  to  an 
other,  and  we  can  only  meet  them  by  land-marches,  we 
may  possibly  unless  some  powerful  aid  is  given  us,  or 
some  strong  diversion  be  made  in  our  favour,  be  so  har- 
rassed  and  be  put  to  such  immense  distress,  as  that  final 
ly  our  people  will  find  themselves  reduced  to  the  ne 
cessity  of  ending  the  war  by  an  accommodation. 

The  courts  of  France  and  Spain  may  rely  writh  the 
fullest  confidence,  that  whatever  stipulations  are  made 
by  us,  in  case  of  granting  such  aid,  will  be  ratified  and 
punctually  fulfilled  by  the  congress,  who  are  determined 
to  found  their  future  character  with  regard  to  justice  and 
fidelity  on  a  full  and  perfect  performance  of  all  their 
present  engagements. 

North  America  now  offers  to  France  and  Spain  her 
amity  and  commerce.  She  is  also  ready  to  guaranty 
in  the  firmest  manner  to  those  nations  all  her  present 
possessions  in  the  West  Indies,  as  well  as  those  they 
shall  acquire  from  the  enemy,  in  a  war  that  maybe  con 
sequential  of  such  assistance  as  she  requests.  The  in 
terests  of  the  three  nations  are  the  same.  The  oppor-\ 
tunity  of  cementing  them  and  of  securing  all  the  advan-y 
tages  of  that  commerce  which  in  time  will  be  immense; 
now  presents  itself.  If  neglected  it  may  never  again 
return.  And  we  cannot  help  suggesting  that  a  consider 
able  delay  may  be  attended  with  fatal  consequences.* 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

SILAS  DEANE, 

ARTHUR  LEE, 
Commissioners  of  the  Congress  qfJY.  America." 

*  On  the  paper  from  which  this  memorial  is  copied,  Mr.  Lee  has  endorsed,  "  pre 
sented  to  Count  Vergennes,  through  Mons.  Girard,  Jan.  5th,  1777." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  65 

V 

In  the  month  of  December  1777,  Congress  resolved 
to  appoint  commissioners  to  the  courts  of  Vienna,  Spain, 
Prussia,  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  In  the 
month  ol^May,  Mr.  Lee  was  appointed  sole  commis- 
sioner  to  the  court  of  Spain,  by  virtue  of  the  following 
resolve.  V 

"  Resolved,  That  a  commission  be  made  out  and  sent 
to  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  empowering  him  in  behalf  of  the 
United  States,  to  transact  such  business  at  the  court  of 
Spain  as  shall  be  intrusted  to  him  by  congress,  agree 
ably  to  the  instructions  that  may  be  given  him,  and  trans 
mitted  by  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs."*  At  the 
same  time  William  Lee,  Esq.  a  brother  of  Arthur  Lee, 
who  had  been  acting  as  an  agent  of  the  colonies  at  the 
Hague,  was  appointed  commissioner  to  the  courts  of  Vi 
enna  and  Berlin,  and  Ralph  Iszard,  Esq.  was  appointed 
in  the  same  capacity  to  the  court  of  the  Grand  Duke  of 
Tuscany.  These  appointments  are  here  mentioned  be 
cause  many  of  the  letters  of  both  these  gentlemen  are 
still  preserved  among  the  MSS.  of  Mr.  Lee,  and  are  too 
interesting  and  too  important  to  the  history  of  the  Unit 
ed  States,  to  be  omitted  in  his  correspondence.  They 
will  be  found  in  No.  7  of  the  Appendix.  The  commis 
sion  to  Mr.  Lee  may  be  found  in  the  second  volume  of 
the  secret  journals  of  the  old  congress,  p.  46. 

The  commissioners  to  the  court  of  France  were  fur 
nished  with  the  plan  of  a  treaty  to  be  presented  to  that 
court  accompanied  with  detailed  instructions,  which  will 
be  seen  in  No.  4  of  the  Append 'ix.(n)  In  pursuance  of 
their  instructions  they  immediately  proposed  to  form  a 
treaty  of  alliance  and  commerce  with  France.  But  France 
had  suffered  so  severely  in  the  late  war  with  Great  Bri 
tain,  that  she  declined  for  the  present  entering  into  any 
sort  of  treaty  with  the  United  States,  lest  it  should  be 
considered  by  England  a  violation  of  neutrality,  and  a 
cause  of  war  against  France.  The  commissioners  how- 

o 

ever  pressed  the  subject  from  time  to  time  on  the  atten 
tion  of  the  French  ministry.  The  utmost  good  will  was 
entertained  by  the  king  and  his  cabinet  towards  the  Unit- 


*  See  Secret  Journals,  &c.  vol.  ii.  p.  44. 
VOL.    I,  9 


66  LIFE    OF 

ed  States.  They  were  furnished  with  a  large  supply  of 
warlike  stores,  and  a  loan  of  money  was  granted.  Every 
thing  was  done  with  alacrity  which  could  be  done  with 
secrecy  to  aid  the  United  States  in  carrying  on  the  war. 
The  cause  of  America  was  exceedingly  popllar  with  the 
French  people.  It  became  a  theme  of  enthusiastic  ap 
plause  with  their  orators  and  poets,  and  a  subject  of  in 
terest  and  reflection  to  their  practical  and  theoretic  states 
men. 

In  reply  to  the  foregoing  memorial  the  commissioners 
received  from  the  king  a  communication  explaining  his 
views  in  regard  to  the  United  States.  They  were  such 
as  have  been  stated.  To  this  communication  the  com 
missioners  replied  as  follows. 

"  We  thank  Mons.  Girard  for  the  polite  and  explicit 
manner  in  which  he  has  communicated  his  majesty's 
message. 

We  beg  to  return  our  most  grateful  sense  of  the  gra 
cious  intentions  which  his  majesty  has  had  the  goodness 
to  signify  to  our  states,  and  to  assure  his  majesty  that 
we  shall  ever  retain  the  warmest  gratitude  for  the  sub 
stantial  proofs  he  has  given  us  of  his  regard,  and  that  we 
will  endeavour  in  due  time  to  impress  our  constituents 
with  the  same  sentiments. 

We  feel  the  strength  of  the  reasons  his  majesty  has 
been  pleased  to  assign  for  the  conduct  he  means  to  hold  ; 
and  the  magnanimity  of  his  motives.  We  beg  leave  to 
assure  his  majesty  that  we  shall  at  all  times  and  in  all 
things  endeavour  to  conform  ourselves  to  the  views  he  has 
opened  for  us,  as  nothing  is  farther  from  our  intentions 
than  to  precipitate  his  majesty  into  any  measures  which 
his  royal  wisdom  and  justice  may  disapprove.  And  if  in 
any  thing  we  should  contravene  those  purposes,  we  shall 
always  be  happy  and  ready  to  amend  it  according  to  the 
advice  and  direction  of  government.* 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
Signed,  SILAS  DEANE, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

Paris,  January  1 4th,  1777." 

*  This  reply  is  taken  from  the  original  MSS.  written  by  Mr.  Lee, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  67 

The  reader  will  recollect  how  dark  and  forboding  were 
the  prospects  of  the  United  States  in  the  winter  of  1777. 
The  successes  of  the  British  armies  already  in  America, 
and  the  increasing  vigour  of  the  ministry  in  taking  mea 
sures  to  prosecute  the  war  by  means  of  additional  troops 
from  England  and  Germany,  had  caused  the  deepest  de 
jection  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  had  disappointed 
the  courts  of  Europe  most  friendly  to  us.  The  court  of 
France  was  operated  upon  by  this  state  of  things,  and  act 
ed  with  more  and  more  caution  towards  the  United  States. 
The  commissioners  however  did  not  despond ;  but  re 
doubled  their  efforts  to  enlist  France  actively  and  openly 
in  our  behalf.  They  urged  upon  the  French  ministry  \ 
that  the  distressed  and  threatened  condition  of  their  coun-  • 
try  made  it  more  and  more  the  policy  of  France  to  take 
part  with  North  America  at  once,  in  order  to  save  the 
states  and  rescue  them  forever  from  the  dominion  of 
Great  Britain  ;  and  thus  secure  an  opportunity  which 
might  now  be  lost  of  increasing  the  strength,  safety  and 
commerce  of  France.  The  following  interesting  memo 
rial  presenting  and  enforcing  these  views  and  arguments 
of  the  commissioners,  was  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Lee,  approv 
ed  by  his  colleagues,  and  presented  by  him  to  Count 
de  Vergennes.  The  perilous  condition  of  the  states  of 
Maryland  and  Virginia  is  strongly  represented, 

"  PARIS,  February  1st,  1777. 

Messrs.  Franklin,  Deane  and  Lee,  ministers  from  the 
congress  of  the  United  States,  beg  leave  to  represent  to 
his  excellency  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  that  besides  the 
general  alarming  accounts  of  the  success  of  the  English 
against  their  country  they  have  just  received  authentic 
intelligence  from  England  that  eijiht  thousand  men,  chief 
ly  Germans,  under  the  command  of  General  Burgoyne, 
are  to  be  sent  early  in  the  spring  to  America,  and  to  be 
employed,  with  some  ships  of  war5Jj^the-4niLasiaa_jj^ 
Virginia  and  Maryland. 

That  if  not  by  some  means  diverted  from  their  design 
it  will  be  in  their  power  to  destroy  a  great  part  of  those 
states,  as  the  houses  and  estates  of  the  principal  inhabi- 


68  LIFE    OF 

tants  are  situated  on  the  navigable  waters,  and  so  sepa 
rated  from  each  other  as  to  be  incapable  of  being  defend 
ed  from  armed  vessels  conveying  troops,  the  place  of 
whose  landing  cannot  be  foreseen,  and  consequently  force 
cannot  be  assembled  in  all  places  sufficient  to  oppose 
them. 

That  great  danger  is  also  to  be  apprehended  from  the 
blacks  of  those  states,  who,  being  excited  and  armed  by 
the  British,  may  greatly  strengthen  the  invaders,  at  the 
the  same  time  that  the  fear  of  their  insurrection  will  pre 
vent  the  white  inhabitants  from  leaving  their  places  of 
residence  and  assembling  in  such  numbers  for  their  own 
defence  against  the  English  as  otherwise  they  might  do. 

That  the  greatest  part  of  the  tobacco  of  those  states 
is  probably  collected  as  usual  in  the  warehouses  of  the 
inspectors,  which  are  also  situated  on  navigable  waters, 
and  will  be  liable  to  be  taken  and  destroyed  by  the  in 
vaders  ;  that  the  destruction  of  these  two  states  probably 
may  make  a  great  impression  on  the  people  in  the  rest, 
who,  seeing  no  prospect  of  assistance  from  any  European 
power,  may  be  more  inclined  to  listen  to  terms  of  ac 
commodation. 

That  the  supplies  of  arms  and  ammunition  of  war 
which  they  Jjave  been  made  to  expect  from  France,  hav 
ing  been  by  various  means  delayed  and  retarded,  are  not 
likely  to  arrive  before  the  commencement  of  the  next 
campaign,  and  may  perhaps  be  despaired  of,  especially  if 
those  supplies  are  to  be  carried  first  to  the  French  islands. 

That  notwithstanding  the  measures  taken  to  convince 
the  court  of  Britain  that  France  does  not  countenance 
the  Americans,  that  court,  according  to  our  information, 
believes  firmly  the  contrary  ;  and  it  is  submitted  to  the 
consideration  of  your  excellency,  whether,  if  the  English 
make  a  conquest  of  the  American  states,  they  will  not 
take  the  first  opportunity  of  showing  their  resentment, 
by  beginning  themselves  the  war  that  would  otherwise 
be  avoided  ;  and  perhaps  beginning  it  as  they  did  the 
last,  without  any  previous  declaration. 

That  upon  the  whole,  we  cannot  on  this  occasion  omit 
expressing  our  apprehensions,  that  if  Britain  is  now  suf- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  69 

fered  to  recover  the  colonies  and  annex  again  their  great 
growing  strength  and  commerce  to  her  own,  she  will  be 
come  in  a  few  years  the  most  formidable  power,  by  sea 
and  land,  that  Europe  has  jet  seen,  and  assuredly,  from 
the  natural  pride  and  insolence  of  that  people,  a  power 
to  all  the  other  states  the  most  pernicious  and  intoler 
able. 

We  would  therefore,  with  all  deference  submit  it  to 
the  wisdom  of  his  majesty  and  his  ministers,  whether,  if 
the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  with 
the  consequent  diminution  of  British  power,  and  the 
freedom  of  commerce  with  them,  be  an  object  of  import 
ance  to  all  Europe,  and  to  France  in  particular,  this  is 
not  the  proper  time  for  effectual  exertions  in  their  fa 
vour  ;  and  for  commencing  that  war,  which  can  scarcely 
be  much  longer  avoided,  and  which  will  be  sanctified  by 
this  best  of  justifications,  that  a  much  injured  and  inno 
cent  people  will  thereby  be  protected  and  deTTver^lrom 
cruel  oppression,  and  secured  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
just  rights  ;  than  which,  nothing  can  contribute  more  to 
the  glory  of  his  majesty  and  of  this  nation. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
Signed,  SILAS  DEANE, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  his  excellency  the  Count  de  Vergennes." 

The  author  has  found  among  the  MSS.  of  Mr.  Lee,  a 
paper  with  a  note  attached  to  'it,  both  signed  by  the 
three  commissioners,  and^containing  private  resolutions 
'for  their  own  conduct.  The  ntote  is  in  the  hand-writing 
of  Mr.  Lee.  It  contains  sentinients  of  devotion  to  their 
country  most  honourable  tb  the  commissioners,  and  touch 
ing  to  the  heart  of  an  American  reader. 

"PARIS,  Feb.  2,  1777. 

We  the  commissioners  plenipotentiary  from  the  con 
gress  of  the  United  States  of  America  are  unanimously 
of  opinion,  that  if  France  or  Spain  should  conclude  a 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  our  states,  and  enter 
into  a  war  with  Great  Britain  in  consequence  of  that,  or 


70  LIFE    OF 

of  open  aid  given  to  our  states,  it  will  be  very  right  and 
proper  for  us,  or  in  the  absence  of  the  others,  for  any  one 
of  us,  to  stipulate  and  agree  that  the  United  States  shall 
not  separately  conclude  a  peace,  nor  aid  Great  Britain 
against  France  or  Spain,  nor  intermit  their  best  exer 
tions  against  Great  Britain  during  the  continuance  of 
such  war.  Provided  always,  that  France  and  Spain  do 
on  their  part  enter  into  a  similar  stipulation  with  our 
states. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE." 

(Note  attached  to  the  foregoing  paper.) 

"PATHS,  Feb.  5,  1777. 

It  is  further  considered  that  in  the  present  perils  of 
the  liberties  of  our  country,  it  is  our  duty  to  hazard 
every  thing  in  their  support  and  defence  ,•  therefore  re 
solved  unanimously,  that  if  it  should  be  necessary  to  the 
attainment  of  any  thing  in  our  best  judgment  essential  to 
the  defence  and  support  of  the  public  cause,  that  we 
should  pledge  our  persons,  or  hazard  the  censure  of  the 
congress,  by  exceeding  our  instructions,  we  will  for  such 
purpose  most  cheerfully  resign  our  personal  liberty  or 
life. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
Signed,  SILAS  DEANE, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

About  this  time  a  vessel  belonging  to  the  United  States 
was  captured  by  a  British  armed  ship,  so  near  to  the 
French  coast  as  in  the  opinion  of  the  commissioners  to 
violate  the  neutrality  and  insult  the  dignity  of  France. 
They  received  at  the  same  time  information  from  Eng-j 
land,  that  a  fleet  had  been  ordered  to  cruise  near  the  j^ 
French  coast,  in  order  to  intercept  some  merchantmen 
laden  with  tobacco  for  the  use  of  congress,  which  had 
sailed  from  the  United  States.     To  prevail  on  this  pur 
pose,  as  well  as  to  urge  France  to  interfere,  and  if  pos- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  71 

sible  to  bring  her  into  collision  with  Great  Britain, 
(which  was,  it  is  manifest,  the  secret  object  and  wish  of 
the  commissioners)  Mr.  Lee  drew  up  a  communication 
to  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  on  the  subject  of  the  cap 
ture  of  the  American  vessel,  and  the  threatened  danger 
to  the  tobacco  ships.  The  author  finds  the  MS.  in  the 
hand-writing  of  Mr.  Lee,  endorsed  "  drawn  up  by  A. 
Lee."  It  is  too  interesting  to  be  omitted. 

"  The  commissioners  from  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica  desire  to  represent  to  his  excellency  Count  Ver 
gennes,  that  they  have  received  authentic  information  of 
a  vessel  belonging  to  the  states  having  been  taken  by  the 
Culloden  ship  of  war,  belonging  to  his  Britannic  majesty, 
close  to  the  coast  of  France  ;  and  that  the  same  ship  of 
war  chased  another  vessel  belonging  to  the  states  so  near 
to  the  French  shore,  as  to  be  put  in  imminent  danger  of 
running  aground. 

They  have  been  farther  informed,  that  in  consequence 
of  intelligence  given  by  the  mate  who  lately  betrayed  an 
American  ship  into  the  enemy's  hands,  that  a  large  fleet 
from  Maryland  and  Virginia,  laden  with  tobacco,  might 
soon  be  expected  upon  the  French  coast,  the  government 
of  Great  Britain  have  ordered  an  additional  number  of 
ships  of  war  to  cruise  there  in  order  to  intercept  them  ; 
and  have  given  encouragement  to  individuals  to  fit  out 
small  privateers,  which  may  run  in  nearer  shore  than  is 
safe  for  large  ships. 

The  commissioners  therefore  pray  that  his  majesty 
will  signify  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain  his  sense  of  the 
impropriety  of  such  proceedings,  and  his  resolution  to 
maintain  the  neutrality  of  his  coast ;  and  that  ships  of 
war  be  immediately  ordered  to  cruise  for  that  purpose.  \ 

The  loss  of  those  tobacco  ships  would  be  not  only  a    ; 
great  loss  to  the  states  and  detrimental  to  the  commerce  ,' 
of  France,  but  would  disable  them  to  fulfil  their  contracts  i 
with  the  Farmers  General,  so  punctually  as  is  necessary,  ! 
and  as  they  desire.     They  are  therefore  more  earnest  in 
wishing  that  no  moment  may  be  lost  in  rendering  the 
coast  of  France  secure,  in  the  navigation  of  it,  from  the 
intended  depredation  of  Great  Britain. 


73  LIFE    OF 

The  commissioners  submit  it  to  the  consideration  of 
his  majesty,  whether,  agreeable  to  the  laws  of  neutrality, 
the  American  vessel  taken  by  the  Culloden  British  ship, 
Capt.  Balfour,  upon  the  coast  of  France,  ought  not  to  be 
demanded  of  the  British  court,  to  be  restored  to  those 
who  claim  her. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE. 
To  his  excellency  Count  Vergennes." 

In  pursuance  of  the  resolution  of  congress  to  appoint 
commissioners  to  the  several  courts  before  mentioned, 
Dr.  Franklin  had  been  commissioned  to  negotiate  with 

/-N 

Spain  previously  to  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Lee  to  that 
court.  It  has  been  stated  that  while  he  was  acting  as 
the  secret  agent  of  congress  at  Paris,  he  had  held  sev 
eral  conferences  with  the  Spanish_jiual)as^ador  ;  and  had 
succeeded  so  far  in  exciting  an  interest  in  his  mind  for  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  as  to  prevail  on  him  to  re 
present  to  his  court  their  situation,  and  the  desire  of  con 
gress  to  establish  a  friendly  understanding  with  Spain. 
He  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  promise  from  the  Span 
ish  court  of  secret  assistance  in  money.  Having  inform 
ed  congress  of  the  friendly  disposition  of  Spain,  the 
commissioners  had  been  instructed  to  cultivate  it.  In 
order  more  effectually  to  do  this  they  considered  it  of 
importance  to  depute  one  of  their  body  to  Madrid.  JV1& 
J^^^^^^ected^foLthjsjniission  ;  and  had  left  Paris, 
and  was  on  his  way  To  Spain  before  the  arrival  of  the  de 
spatches  from  congress  acquainting  them  of  the  appoint 
ment  of  Dr.  Franklin,  a  commissioner  to  the  court  of 
Spain. 

Mr.  Lee  left  Paris  in  February  1777,  and  proceeded 
to  Victoria  and  thence  to  Burgoss.  Dr.  Franklin  de 
clined  the  appointment  to  Spain,  and  acquainted  con 
gress  with  his  reasons.  Mr.  Lee  was  afterwards,  on  the 
1st  May  of  that  year,  appointed  sole  commissioner  to 
Spain,  ancl  by  a  resolution  of  congress  this  appointment 
was  declared  not  to  interrupt  or  discontinue  his  powers 
and  duties  as  a  joint  commissioner  to  the  court  of  France.^ 


ARTHUR    LEE.  73 

As  the  condition  and  the  future  interests  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  rendered  the  countenance  and  aid  of  the  great 
powers  of  Europe  of  vital  importance  to  them  ;  and  as 
their  relations  with  the  court  of  Spain  became  important 
and  difficult  towards  the  close  of  the  war  and  for  some 
years  after  it,  a  selection  from  Mr.  Lee's  numerous 
papers  on  Spanish  affairs  in  this  place  and  in  the  Appen 
dix  of  this  work,  cannot  fail  to  interest  the  reader  and 
furnish  valuable  matter  for  future  history.*  On  Mr. 
Lee's  way  to  Spain  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  the 
corresponding  committee  of  congress. 

"  BOURDEAUX,  February  18th,  1777. 

Gentlemen, — On  my  arrival  here  on  my  way  to 
Madrid,  I  found  a  letter  dated  Feb.  2d,  from  a  confiden 
tial  correspondent,  which  contains  the  following  pas 
sages.  '  Ten  thousand  Germans  are  already  engaged, 
and  ships  sent  to  convey  them  ;  the  number  of  British 
cannot  exceed  three  thousand,  and  those  very  indifferent; 
but  much  is  expected  from  their  being  sent  early.  Boston 
is  certainly  to  be  attacked  in  the  spring.  Burgoyne  will 
command.  Howe  will  probably  attack  Philadelphia. 
The  government  expect  great  advantage  from  dissensions 
in  Pennsylvania.' 

Finding  that  our  commerce  here  labours  under  great 
difficulties  from  the  heavy  duties  laid  on  fish,  oil,  wax, 
&c.,  I  have  directed  an  account  of  it  to  be  transmitted 
to  your  commissioners  at  Paris,  together  with  an  esti 
mate  of  the  imports  and  exports  during  the  last  year 
from  the  United  States,  that  they  may  be  the  better  en 
abled  to  negotiate  an  alleviation  or  removal  of  the  duties, 
which  were  originally  intended  to  discourage  the  British 
commerce. 

I  had  the  honour  of  stating  to  you  a  year  ago  that 
tobacco  was  the  most  weighty  political  engine  we 
could' employ  with  the  French  court.  It^is  absolutely 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  7.  Mr.  Lee  received  during  the  whole  war  constant  infor 
mation  of  what  was  going  on  in  England,  from  two  gentlemen  who  were  native 
Americans,  but  who  could  not  leave  England.  They  were  Messrs.  Edmund  Jen 
nings  and Brigdens.  They  wrote  under  feigned  names.  Their  letters  will  be 

found  in  Appendix,  No.  7. 

VOL.    I.  10 


LIFE    OF 

necessary  to  the  Farmers  General,  and  the  Farmers  as 
absolutely  necessaiy^fo*^bTeTmnent. 

Mr.  Delap  informs  me  that  there  are  several  more 
cargoes  belonging  to  the  congress,  in  the  hands  of  mer 
chants  in  Spain,  the  proceeds  of  which  cannot  be  obtain 
ed.  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Morris,  at  Nantz,  begging 
the  favour  of  him  to  send  me  a  proper  account  of  them, 
that  I  may  complain  of  those  merchants  at  the  court  of 
Spain.  There  is  a  ship  at  Nantz  totally  deserted  by 
her  crew,  which  has  been  lying  there  many  months  un 
regarded,  at  an  expense  to  the  congress  of  100  dolls, 
per  month.  I  have  advised  Mr.  Sweihauser,  to  consult 
with  Mr.  Morris  about  selling  her,  which  ought  to  have 
been  done  as  soon  as  her  crew  quitted  her. 

The  ship  too,  which  was  intrusted  to  Mr.  Myrkle,  is 
lying  here  at  a  considerable  charge,  and  no  appearance 
of  her  return. 

I  enclose  you  Capt.  Cleveland's  account  of  Mr.  Myr- 
kle's  conduct,  which  he  wishes  may  be  offered  in  his 
justification.  I  have  referred  him  to  Dr.  Franklin  for  ad 
vice. 

I  have  the  honor  of  being  your  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 
To  the  Honorable  Committee  of  Correspondence ,  Philadelphia" 

A  few  days  after,  on  his  arrival  at  Victoria,  in  Spain, 
Mr.  Lee  wrote  to  the  commissioners  at  Paris,  as  follows. 

"VICTORIA,  February  26th,  1777. 

To  the  Honourable  Commissioners,  Franklin  and  Deane, 

at  Paris. 

Dear  Sirs, — I  am  thus  far  safe  on  my  journey,  which 
by  the  spur  of  six  pistoles  more,  I  am  to  finish  two  days 
sooner  than  \vas  at  first  agreed.  Therefore,  if  no  acci 
dent  happens,  I  shall  reach  my  destination  the  (ith  of 
next  month.  \In  the  committee's  letter  of  the  23d  Oc 
tober  to  me,  it  is  said,  4  we  are  to  negotiate  with  other 
nations  agreeable  to  certain  plans  and  instructions  trans 
mitted  to  Mr.  Deane.'  I  have  none  with  me,  nor  do  I 
remember  to  have  seen  any  but  those  which  relate  ex- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  75 

pressly  to  France,  and  that  plan  has  already  been  transmit 
ted  where  I  am  going.*  Nothing  is  more  likely  than  my 
being  asked  what  I  have  to  propose  particularly  relative 
to  this  meridian.  This  question  was  put  to  us  on  our 

first  visit  to  -         — t-     But   the  same  answer 

will  not  serve  here.  VI  must  entreat  you  therefore  to  fa 
vour  me  with  your  ideas  upon  this  particular.  What 
alteration  would  you  think  proper  in  that  plan,  when 
applied  to  this  country  ?y  It  is  best  to  be  prepared  for 
every  favourable  moment  that  may  offeiy  This  must 
plead  my  pardon  for  urging  as  speedy  an  answer  as  pos 
sible.  It  would  grieve  me  to  be  put  to  the  alternative 
of  letting  a  favourable  opportunity  pass  unembraced,  or 
of  hazarding  a  measure  of  so  much  moment  to  the  pub 
lic,  upon  my  weak  judgment,  and  very  limited  inform 
ation. 

With  my  best  wishes  for  your  health  and  success,  and 
begging  to  be  remembered  kindly  to  our  friends,  I  have 
the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  esteem,  dear  sirs,  your 
obedient  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

To  this  letter  Mr.  Lee  received  the  following  very  in 
teresting  reply  from  Dr.  Franklin.if 

"  PASST,  March  21st,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — We  have  received  your  favours  from  Vic 
toria  and  Burgoss. 

V'  The  congress  sitting  at  Baltimore  despatched  a  packet 
to  us  the  9th  January,  containing  an  account  of  the  suc 
cess  at  Trenton  and  subsequent  events  to  that  date,  as 
far  as  they  had  come  to  knowledges  The  vessel  was 
obliged  to  run  up  a  little  river  in  Virginia  to  avoid  some 
men  of  war,  and  was  detained  there  17  days,  or  we 
should  have  had  these  advices  sooner.  We  learn  how 
ever  through  England,  where  they  have  news  from  New- 
York  to  the  4th  February,  that  in  Lord  Cornwallis'  re- 

*  Madrid. 

t   The    Count  d'  Aranda,  the  Spanish  ambassador.     Names  are  avoided  for 
fear  of  some  one's  peeping  into  the  letter. 

i  This  letter  ia  in  the  MS.  hand-writing  of  Dr.  Franklin. 


76  LIFE    OF 

treat  to  New  Brunswick  two  regiments  of  his  rear  guard 
were  cut  to  pieces  ;  that  General  Washington  having  got 
round  him  to  Newark  and  Elizabethtown,  he  had  retired 
to  Amboy  in  his  way  to  New- York  ;  that  General  Howe 
had  called  in  the  garrisons  of  Fort  Lee  and  Fort  Consti 
tution,  which  were  now  possessed  by  our  people  ;  that 
on  the  New-York  side,  Forts  Washington  and  Independ 
ence  were  retaken  by  our  troops,  and  that  the  British 
forces  at  Rhode  Island  were  r^alled  for  the  defence  of 
New- York.  . 

The  committee  in  their  letters  mention  the  intention  of 
congress  to  send  ministers  to  the  courts  of  Vienna,  Tusca 
ny,  Holland,  and  Prussia.  They  also  send  us  a  fresh 
commission,  containing  your  name  instead  of  Mr.  Jeffer 
son's,  with  this  additional  clause,  "and  also  to  enter  in 
to  and  agree  upon  a  treaty  with  his  most  Christian  ma 
jesty,  or  such  person  or  persons  as  shall  be  by  him  au 
thorized  for  that  purpose,  for  assistance  in  carrying  on 
the  present. war  between  Great  Britain  and  these  United 
States."  VThe  same  clause  is  in  a  particular  commission 
they  hav<rsent  me  to  treat  with  the  court  of  Spain,  similar 
to  our  common  commission  to  the  court  of  France ;  and  I  am 
accordingly  directed  to  go  to  Spain ;  but  as  I  know  that 
choice  was  made  merely  on  the  supposition  of  my  being 
a  little  known  there  to  the  great  personage  for  whom  you 
have  my  letter,  (a  circumstance  of  little  importance)  and 
I  am  really  unable  through  age  to  bear  the  fatigue  and 
inconveniences  of  such  a  journey,  I  must  excuse  myself 
to  congress,  arid  join  with  Mr.  Deane  in  requesting  you 
to  proceed  in  the  business  on  the  former  footing  till  you 
can  receive  a  particular  commission  from  congress,  which 
will  no  doubf  be  sent  as  soon  as  the  circumstances  are 
known.  ^ 

AVe  know  of  no  plans  or  instructions  to  Mr.  Deane  v 
but  those  you  have  with  you.  By  the  packet  indeed  we 
have  some  fresh  instructions  which  relate  to  your  mission, 
viz : — that  in  case  France  and  Spain  will  enter  into  the 
war,  the  United  States  will  assist  the  former  in  the  con 
quest  of  the  British  sugar  islands,  and  the  latter  in  the 
conquest  of  Portugal,  promising  the  assistance  of  six 


ARTHUR   LEE.  77 

frigates  manned,  of  not  less  than  24  guns  each,  and  pro 
visions  equal  to  2,000,000  dollars  ;  America  desiring  on 
ly  for  her  share,  what  Britain  holds  on  the  continent  ; 
but  you  shall  by  the  first  safe  opportunity  have  the  in 
structions  at  length.  1  believe  we  must  send  a  courier. 

If  we  can  we  are  ordered  to  borrow  £2,000,000  on 
interest.  Judge  then  what  a  piece  of  service  you  will 
do  if  you  can  obtain  a  considerable  subsidy,  or  even  a 
loan  without  interest. 

We  are  also  ordered  to  build  six  ships  of  war.  It  is  a 
pleasure  to  find  the  things  ordered  which  we  were  doing 
without  orders. 

We  are  also  to  acquaint  the  several  courts  with  the 
determination  of  America  Uvrnaintain  at  all  events  our 
independence.  You  will  see  by  the  date  of  the  resolu 
tion  relating  to  Portugal  as  well  as  by  the  above  that  the 
congress  were  stout  in  the  midst  of  their  difficulties.  It 
would  be  well  to  sound  the  court  of  Spain  on  the  sub 
ject  of  permitting  our  armed  ships  to  bring  prizes  into 
her  ports,  and  there  dispose  of  them.  If  it  can  be  done 
openly,  in  what  manner  we  can  be  accommodated  with  the 
use  of  their  ports,  or  under  what  restrictions  ?  This  govern 
ment  has  of  late  been  a  Httle  nice  on  that  head  ;  and  the 
orders  to  L'Orient  have  occasioned  Captain  Weeks  some 
trouble.  < 

We  have  good  advice  of  our  friend  at  Amsterdam,  that 
in  the  height  of  British  pride  on  their  summer  success, 
and  just  before  they  heard  of  any  check,  the  ambassador, 
Sir  Joseph  York,  had  been  ordered  to  send  a  haughty  me 
morial  to  the  states,  importing  that  notwithstanding  their 
promises  to  restrain  their  subjects  from  supplying  the  rebels, 
it  was  notorious  that  those  supplies  were  openly  furnished 
by  Hollanders  at  St.  Eustatia;  and  that  the  governor  of  that 
island  had  returnedyro?7i  his  fort  the  salute  of  a  rebel  ship 
of  war  with  an  equal  number  of  guns ;  that  his  majesty  » 
justly  and  highly  resented  these  proceedings,and  demanded 
that  the  states  should  by  more  severe  provisionsrestrain  that 
commerce;  tha^hey  should  declare  their  disapprobation  of 
the  insolent  behaviour  of  their  governor,  and  punish  him 
by  an  immediate  recall ;  otherwise  his  majesty,  who  knows 


78  LIFE    OF 

what  appertains  to  the  dignity  of  his  crown,  would  take 
proper  measures  to  vindicate  it ;  and  he  required  an  imme 
diate  answer.  The  states  coolly  returned  the  memorial 
with  only  this  answer,  that  when  the  respect  due  to  sove 
reigns  was  not  preserved  in  a  memorial,  it  ought  not  to  be 
expected  in  an  answer.  But  the  city  of  Amsterdam  took 
fire  at  the  insolence  of  it,  and  instructed  their  deputies 
in  the  states  to  demand  satisfaction  by  the  British  court's 
disavowal  of  the  memorial,  and  the  reprimand  of  the  am 
bassador.  The  states  immediately  demanded  a  number 
of  men-of-war  ships  to  be  in  readiness.  Perhaps  since 
the  bad  news  has  come,  England  may  be  civil  enough  to 
make  up  this  little  difference/ 

Mr.  Deane  is  still  here.  VYou  desire  our  advice  about 
your  stopping  at  Burgoss.  We  are  of  opinion  that  you 
should  comply  with  the  request.  While  we  are  asking 
aid,  it  is  necessary  to  gratify  the  desires  and  in  some 
sort  coipply  with  the  humours  of  those  we  apply  to.  Our 
business  now  is  to  carry  our  point.  But  I  have  never 
yet  changed  the  opinion  I  gave  in  congress,  that  a  vir 
gin  state  should  preserve/file  virgin  character,  and  not  go 
about  suitering  for  alliances,  but  wait  with  decent  digni 
ty  for  the  applications  of  others."  I  was  overruled  ;  per 
haps  for  the  best.  V 

With  the  greatest:  esteem  I  am  ever  dear  sir  your  most 
obedient  humble  servant, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 

The  court  of  London  having  heard  of  the  appointment 
of  a  deputy  to  the  court  of  Spain,  lost  no  time  in  endea 
vouring  to  deter  that  court  from  receiving  him,  or  in  any 
manner  countenancing  the  United  States.  Spain,  as 
well  as  France,  had  suffered  severely  in  the  last  war  with 
England,  while  her  power  was  wielded  and  her  councils 
guided  by  the  splendid  and  energetic  genius/of  the  elder 
Pitt.  She  was  therefore  not  only  cautious  Lut  even  timid 
in  her  course  towards  the  United  States^u  The  English 
ambassador  had  remonstrated  against  the  reception  of 
Mr.  Lee  at  Madrid  as  commissioner  from  the  United 


ARTHUR    LEE.  /  79 

States  while  he  remained  at  Burgoss.  The  Spanish 
court,  somewhat  awed  by  this  remonstrance,  desired  Mr. 
Lee  not  to  proceed  farther,  and  signified  that  it  would 
be  preferred  he  should  return  to  Paris.  It  did  not  how 
ever  suspend  communications  with  him  ;  but  the  Spanish 
minister  at  Paris  was  instructed  to  continue  on  the  most 
friendly  footing  with  the  American  commissioners.  The 
following  note  was  addressed  to  the  Spanish  minister  at 
Madrid,  in  reply  to  the  communications  making  known 
to  Mr.  Lee  the  remonstrance  of  the  British  court,  and 
the  desire  of  his  catholic  majesty  that  he  should  not 
proceed  to  Madrid. 

"  BURGOSS,  March  5th,  1777. 

Upon  maturely  weighing  what  his  excellency  the 
Duke  de  Grimaldi  had  the  goodness  to  communicate 
from  his  majesty,  Mr.  Lee  feels  himself  obliged  (notwith 
standing  his  earnest  wish  to  coincide  with  his  majesty's 
views,  and  conciliate  his  amity  towards  the  United 
States)  to  beg  his  attention  to  the  following  consider- 
ations. 

1st.  Were  it  the  question  now,  whether  Mr.  Lee 
being  at  Paris  should  come  to  Madrid,  he  might  do  it 
or  not  without  any  material  consequence  ;  but  it  being 
known  that  he  was  deputed  upon  that  business  and  on 
his  way,  his  return  without  going  to  Madrid  will  beget 
an  opinion  that  Spain  has  renounced  the  states  of  Ame 
rica,  in  refusing  to  receive  their  deputy.  For  the  fact  of 
his  return  being  notorious,  and  the  reasons  for  it  necessa 
rily  secret,  it  will  make  the  same  impression  as  if  no 
such  reasons  existed. 

This  opinion  would  very  materially  injure  the  credit  of 
the  United  States  in  France  and  Holland ;  and  it  might 
have  a  very  unfavourable  effect  in  America,  for  it  must 
be  considered  that -the  fact  will  reach  America  by  a 
thousand  channels,  while  the  reasons  for  it  can  pass 
through  one  only,  and  that  too  from  the  nature  of  things 
in  obscure  hints. 

Mr.  Lee  therefore,  hopes  his  majesty  will  wei'gh  these 
reasons  before  he  finally  determines  upon  a  measure 


80  LIFE    OF 

which  may  be  deemed  ungracious  to  the  congress  and 
Ve  highly  detrimental  to  their  interests. 
"^  2d.  Mr.  Lee  cannot  conceive  upon  what  pretence  of 
reason,  right,  or  law,  the  English  ambassador,  or  his 
court  can  take  exception  to  his  majesty's  receiving  a  de 
puty  from  the  United  States,  since  the  right  of  a  neutral 
court  to  do  so  is  clearly  established  by  the  unquestioned 
practice  of  all  times,  and  recognized  by  fhe  best  writers 
on  the  laws  of  nations.  Neither  the  English  ambassador 
at  Paris  rior  his  court,  have  taken  any  exception  to  it 
there.  V/ 

3d.  That  it  will  be  so  far  from  preventing  the  execu 
tion  of  any  gracious  intentions  his  majesty  may  have  of 
assisting  the  states,  that  the  best  and  safest  channel  of 
conveying  that  aid  is  one  from  which  Mr.  Lee's  being  at 
Madrid  will  rather  divert,  than  direct  the  attention  of 
England.  Next  to  an  immediate  declaration,  a  supply 
of  money,  to  support  the  credit  of  the  states  and  pay 
/i  for  what  is  necessary,  is  the  most  effectual  aid.  The 
I  /  support  of  this  contest  calls  upon  congress  for  very  con- 
/  siderable  funds.  The  means  of  supporting  them  by  the 
export  of  their  produce  are  slow  and  uncertain.  This 
obliges  them  to  have  recourse  for  assistance  to  the  pow 
ers  that  are  friendly  to  their  cause,  among  whom  they 
have  the  greatest  reliance  upon  his  majesty  of  Spain. 
This  purpose  will  be  answered  by  his  majesty's  ordering 
his  ambassador  at  the  Hague  to  authorize  Sir  George 
Grand  of  Amsterdam  to  pay  the  sum  destined  to  this 
use,  to  the  order  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and 
Arthur  Lee.  Sir  G.  Grand  is  fixed  upon  as  one  who  has 
/been  already  trusted  by  the  court  of  France  in  this  busi 
ness,  and  on  whose  attachment  we  can  depend. 
\  Mr.  Lee  must  beg  leave  to  await  his  majesty's  pleasure 
at  Burgoss  or  Victoria,  not  at  Bayonne,  because  he  is 
persuaded  upon  reflection  that  he  sb^tild  incur  the  high 
est  displeasure  of  his  constituents.*  if  he  were  to  leave 
Spain  without  a  definite  answer4  to  the  objects  of  his 
mission.^/  ARTHUR  LEE, 

Commissioner  Plenipotentiary  from  the 

Congress  of  the  U.  S.  of  America. 

To  his  excellency  the  Duke  de  Grimaldi," 


ARTHUR    LEE.  81 

Mr.  Lee  was  finally  permitted  to  proceed  to  Madrid. 
The  author  has  the  original  passports  from  the  king  of 
France  and  from  the  Spanish  minister,  Count  d'Ararida, 
with  the  autographic  signatures  of  Louis  the  16th,  and 
his  minister  Vergennes,  and  of  the  Count  d'Aranda. 
They  will  be  found  among  the  MSS.  of  Mr.  Lee,  which 
are  deposited,  as  the  reader  has  been  informed,  in  the 
library  of  the  university  of  Cambridge. 

While  Mr.  Lee  remained  at  Burgoss  corresponding 
with  the  Spanish  minister  on  the  subject  of  his  proceed 
ing  to  Madrid,  he  addressed  to  his  court  a  memoir,  repre 
senting  "  the  present  state  of  the  dispute  between  Ame 
rica  and  Great  Britain."  It  was  written  to  give  force 
to  his  arguments  for  the  propriety  and  policy  on  the  part 
of  Spain,  of  receiving  a  commissioner  from  the  United 
States,  and  entering  into  a  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
them.  It  is  a  striking  specimen  of  the  diplomatic  skill 
and  ability  of  Mr.  Lee.  It  was  composed  by  him  in  the 
Spanish  language.  The  author  has  the  original  MS.  in 
that  language,  with  the  translation  by  Mr.  Lee  which  is 
here  used. 

"  To  his  Excellency  the  Duke  de  Grimaldi. 

The  present  state  of  the  dispute  between  America  and 
Great  Britain  does  not  seem  to  be  so  fully  understood  as 
to  render  a  clear  representation  of  it  unnecessary. 

America  has  declared  herself  independent :  and  has 
defeated  all  the  efforts  of  Great  Britain  to  reduce  her 
during  two  campaigns.  .In  this  resistance  she  has  stood 
hitherto  alone  and  unassisted.  Her  infant  and  unprepar 
ed  situation  has  been  compensated  by  her  ardour,  her  in 
dignation,  and  her  enthusiasm. 

Great  Britain  however  is  determined  to  redouble  her 
efforts  to  make  this  campaign  decisive  of  the  fate  of 
America.  In  this  situation  America  offers  that  com 
merce  and  friendship,  which  she  has  withdrawn  from 
Great  Britain,  to  France  and  Spain.  This  offer  ought 
to  be  deemed  of  double  value,  because  it  will  take  from 
their  hated  rival  and  insolent  foe,  what  it  gives  to  them. 
It  is  therefore  taken  for  granted  that  this  is  an  object  of 

VOL.  i.  1] 


82  LIFE    OF 

the  first  magnitude,  and  worthy  of  the  highest  attention 
of  both  these  courts. 

It  is  also  taken  for  granted,  that  Spain  and  France 
do  not  wish  Great  Britain  should  prevail  in  this  contest; 
or  regain  America  by  conquest  or  conciliation.  There 
remains  therefore  but  this  single  question,  whether  it  be 
more  politic  for  the  two  powers  to  accept  the  proffered  al 
liance  and  declare  immediately  ;  or  await  the  event  of 
the  next  campaign. 

To  judge  of  this  it  will  be  necessary  to  consider  what 
may  be  the  probable  event  of  the  next  campaign.  As 
Great  Britain  has  resolved  to  put  forth  her  utmost 
strength,  it  is  probable  that  the  event  will  be  either  the 
total  destruction  of  America,  or  an  accommodation  found 
ed  upon  a  mutual  conviction  of  each  other's  strength. 
And  this  accommodation  must  be  hastened  by  America 
being  left  destitute  of  any  material  assistance  from 
Europe. 

It  is  manifest  that  the  neutrality  of  France  and  Spain 
leaves  the  field  open  to  the  operation  of  the  British  force, 
and  to  the  production  of  one  of  those  events,  either  of 
which  must  be  highly  prejudicial  to  both  nations,  and 
advantageous  to  their  enemy. 

If  Great  Britain  should  be  victorious,  America  will  be 
come  a  powerful  instrument  in  her  hands  to  be  wielded 
at  her  will  against  these  countries ;  and  that  it  will  not 
remain  long  unemployed  no  one  will  doubt  who  knows 
that  the  court  of  Great  Britain  is  well  informed  of  the 
countenance  at  least  given  to  what  they  call  a  most  dan 
gerous  rebellion,  and  that  the  head  of  that  court  is  of  a 
temper  that  never  forgives  nor  forgets. 

If  an  accommodation  should  produce  a  reunion  the 
same  advantages  will  be  lost;  and  almost  the  same  con 
sequences  are  to  be  feared.  The  end  of  the  campaign 
cannot,  therefore,  promise  so  favourable  a  moment  for 
the  interposition  of  France  and  Spain  as  the  present ;  and 
in  all  human  conjecture  it  will  then  be  fruitless. 

In  truth  what  moment  can  be  wished  more  favourable 
than  the  present,  when  Great  Britain  is  so  equally  match 
ed  by  what  were  her  colonies,  that  the  scales  hang  doubt- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  83 

ful ;  nor  can  it  be  questioned  that  the  interposition  of 
France  or  Spain,  and  much  more  of  both,  would  make 
that  of  America  decidedly  preponderate  and  separate  her 
from  Great  Britain  forever.  And  what  object  can  be  of 
more  importance  than  to  deprive  her  of  this  great  and 
growing  source  of  her  commerce,  herwrealth,  her  marine, 
and  her  dominion. 

There  is  nothing  the  court  of  Great  Britain  is  more 
persuaded  of,  than  that  the  loss  of  America  would  be 
the  inevitable  consequence  of  the  war  in  Europe  ;  nor 
is  there  a  man  in  the  nation,  who  is  ignorant  of  it. 
Hence  it  is  that  the  king  finds  himself  obliged  in  all  his 
speeches  to  assure  his  parliament  of  the  tranquillity  of 
Europe,  that  they  may  be  emboldened  to  support  his  war 
against  America.  Hence  too  it  is  that  they  have  labour 
ed  so  much  to  prevent  a  rupture  between  Spain  and  Portu 
gal,  and  have  at  length  renounced  the  latter.  It  is  there 
fore  most  certain  that  Great  Britain  would  endure  any 
insult  short  of  an  open  and  outrageous  act  of  hostility, 
rather  than  engage  in  an  European  war  during  her  con 
test  with  America. 

During  the  last  war  America  contributed  12,000  sea 
men  and  20,000  troops  to  the  assistance  of  Great  Britain. 
These  are  now  tripled  against  her.  The  commerce  of 
America,  according  to  the  declaration  of  Mr.  Pitt  who 
conducted  the  last  war,  carried  Great  Britain  triumph 
antly  through  it.  The  full  tide  of  that  commerce  is 
now  turned  against  her.  From  America  all  the  expedi 
tions  against  the  islands  of  Spain  and  France  were  then 
supplied.  Now  those  supplies  are  all  ready  to  assist  in 
seizing  her  islands.  Deprived  of  all  those  aids  which 
ministered  to  her  success  and  her  triumphs  during  the 
last  war,  what  could  prevent  her  now  from  experiencing 
the  bitter  reverse  of  her  former  fortune.  What  policy 
can  withhold  two  sovereigns  whose  prosperity  is  incom 
patible  with  her  power,  to  forego  such  an  opportunity  of 
humbling  her  as  may  never  return. 

If  Great  Britain  should  be  again  united  to  America  by 
conquest  or  conciliation,  it  would  be  in  vain  to  menace 
her  with  war.  America  has  been  felt  like  Hercules  in 


84  LIFE     OF 

his  cradle.  Great  Britain  knit  again  to  such  growing 
strength  would  reign  the  irresistible  though  hated  arbiter 
of  Europe.  This  then  is  the  moment  in  which  France 
and  Spain  may  clip  her  wings,  and  pinion  her  forever. 
One  of  the  most  respectable  bodies  in  England  told  their 
sovereign  some  two  years  since  with  a  kind  of  prophetic 
spirit,  "  that  his  ministers  were  precipitating  his  dominions 
into  a  situation  in  which  their  existence  would  depend 
upon  the  forbearance  of  their  enemies."  This  situation  is 
now  certainly  ensured;  the  rest  as  certainly  remains  in 
the  arbitration  of  France  and  Spain. 

ARTHUR  LEE, 

Commissioner  Plenipotentiary  from  the 

Congress  of  the  U.  S.  of  America. 
Burgoss,  March  G//J,  1777." 

V  The  only  instructions  given  by  congress  to  Mr.  Lee 
were  those  contained  in  general  terms  in  his  commission. 
He  drew  up  the  plan  of  'a  treaty  to  be  presented  to  the 
Spanish  court.  ^The  original  draught  of  this  plan  is  in 
the  possession  of  the  author.  They  forcibly  illustrate 
the  accomplishments  of  Mr.  Lee  as  a  statesman  and  di 
plomatist.  In  No.  3  of  the  Appendix  many  of  his  pa 
pers  on  Spanish  affairs  will  be  found.  The  reader  will 
read  among  them  with  interest  a  letter  of  Mr.  Lee  to 

^ 

Count  Florida  Blanca,  then  the  prime  minister  of  the  Spa 
nish  court,  giving  him  an  account  of  the  "late  proceed 
ings  of  the  British  in  the  southern  parts  of  the  United 
States,  with  suggestions  of  the  interest  which  Spain  had 
in  them."  There  will  be  found  a  friendly  reply  from  the 
Spanish  minister* 

Mr.  Lee  was  at  length  permitted  to  proceed,  as  it  has 
been  mentioned,  to  Madrid.  He  there  exerted  all  the  ef 
forts  which  skill  and  ingenuity  could  suggest  to  induce  the 
Spanish  court  to  engage  in  our  cause.  The_yiews  of  its 
pnjjry  however  Ifd  that  ™"rt  tn  pursue  a  course^ofgreat 
caution  and  secrecy.  The  commissioner  was  assured  of 
the  good  will  of  the  king  and  nation,  and  partial  and  am 
biguous  promises  were  made  of  joining  France  in  giving 
States  aids  of  money  and  arms.  He  was  per- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  85 

mitted  to  make  contracts  for  warlike  stores  with  Spanish 
merchants.  The  reader  will  find  in  No.  4  (6)  of  the  Ap 
pendix,  throughout  the  "selections"  which  have  been 
made  from  a  journal  of  Mr.  Lee  kept  by  him  while  he 
remained  in  France,  a  frequent  recurrence  to  the  relations 
and  transactions  between  the  United  States  and  Spain.* 
Many  of  his  letters  to  his  friends  and  to  the  correspond 
ing  committee  of  congress,  the  last  of  which  will  be 
found  in  the  Appendix,  relate  to  our  affairs  with 
Spain  from  the  year  1777  until  Mr.  Lee's  return  to 
America. 

/  The  residence  of  Mr.  Lee  at  Madrid,  though  it  result- 
ed  in  no  open  or  definite  assistance,  was  not  however  un 
attended  with  essential  service  to  the  United  States.  He 
gave  the  ministry  and  public  men  of  Spain  accurate  in 
formation  of  the  character,  condition  and  prospects  of  the 
American  people,  which  produced  respect  and  cordiality 
for  diem.  He  brought  back  to  Paris  evidences  of  this  re 
sult,  and  procured  such  instructions  from  the  court  of 
Spain  to  its  minister  at  Paris,  as  kept  up  a  close  and  inti 
mate  intercourse  between  him  and  Mr.  Lee,  and  finally 
enabled  him  to  succeed  in  obtaining  a  large  loanJjLQirLlh£.. 
Spanish  governmentVJn  the  sprmo^of_J[777  Mr.  Lee 
returned  to  Paris  and  resumed  his  labours  as~bne  of  the 
commission  to  France,  his  powers  in  which  had  not  been 
superseded  by  his  commission  to  Spain. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  year  1777  the  French  court 
resisted  all  the  efforts  of  the  American  commissioners  to 
obtain  from  it  any  open. or  avowed  assistance;  or  to  do 
any  public  act  which  could  be  construed  by  Great  Britain 
into  an  act  of  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  a  national  alliance  with  them.  Hence 
it  was  that  the  commissioners  had  thought  it  well  to  divide 
their  labours,  and  make  similar  efforts  to  enlist  other  pow 
ers  in  our  behalf.  On  Mr.  Lee's  return  from  Spain  they 
turned  their  attention  to  Prussia,  with  whose  minister 
they  had  already  corresponded.  In  the  spring  of  1777  Mr. 
William  Lee,  who  was  then  acting  as  agent  of  congress 

*  Various  curious  and  interesting  papers  will  be  found  in  No.  4  (e)  App.  in  rela 
tion  to  French  affairs,  which  could  not  be  systematically  embodied  in  this  memoir. 


86  LIFE    OF 

in  Holland,  was  appointed  commissioner  to  the  court  of 
Berlin.  As  our  commercial  and  financial  concerns  with 
Holland  were  of  great  importance  and  magnitude,  Mr. 
Lee  consulted  the  commissioners  at  Paris  on  the  propri 
ety  of  his  remaining  in  Holland,  and  proposed  that  one 
of  them  should  repair  to  Berlin  in  his  stead.  Upon  con 
sideration  it  was  determined  that  the  interests  of  the 
United  States  required  Mr.  William  Lee  to  remain  in 
Holland,  while  it  was  equally  apparent  that  they  required 
some  immediate  correspondence  with  Prussia.  Without 
waiting  to  consult  congress  (for  at  this  time  many  months 
elapsed  before  they  could  receive  answers  to  their  com 
munications  from  America)  and  relying  on  its  acquies-* 
cence,  it  was  resolved  that  Arthur  Lee  should  repair  to 
Berlin  in  the  room  of  his  brother,  and  carry  with  him  the 
commission  and  instructions  intended  for  him.* 

There  were  three  leading  objects  to  be  gained  at  pre 
sent,  by  the  mission  of  Mr.  Lee  to  Berlin ;  the  estab 
lishment  of  commercial  intercourse  between  Prussia  and 
the  American  states  ;  the  prevention  of  any  assistance 
from  Prussia  to  Great  Britain,  in  procuring  German  aux 
iliaries,  and  the  passage  of  such  as  she  might  obtain  from 
the  petty  princes  of  Germany,  thrt*ugh  the  dominions  of 
Prussia  ;  and  permission  to  purchase  warlike  stores  from 
Prussian  subjects. 

According  to  the  wishes  and  instructions  of  Messrs. 
Franklin  arid  Deane,  Mr.  Lee  left  Paris  about  the  1st 
June  1777,  for  Berlin.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  at  this 
capital,  he  wrote  the  following  interesting  letter  to  Ge 
neral  Washington. 

"BERLm,  June  15,  1777. 
To  his  excellency  General  Washington. 

Dear  Sir, — It  has  been  with  uncommon  satisfaction 
that  I  have  seen  you  in  a  situation  in  which  I  long  hoped 
you  would  be,  if  we  were  forced  to  dispute  the  great 
question,  which  in  my  own  opinion  I  was  satisfied  would 
happen.  I  never  forgot  your  declaration  when  I  had  the 

*  See  Secret  Journals,  p.  45. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  87 

pleasure  of  being  at  your  house  in  1768,  "  that  you  were 
ready  to  take  your  musket  on  your  shoulder  whenever  your 
country  called  upon  you."  I  heard  that  declaration  with 
great  satisfaction  ;  I  remember  it  with  the  same,  and 
have  seen  it  verified  to  your  immortal  honour  and  the 
eminent  advantage  of  the  illustrious  cause  in  which  you 
are  contending. 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  assuring  you  that  your  conduct 
against  general  Howe  has  been  highly  approved  by  mili 
tary  men  here  and  in  France.  That  approbation  has 
been  increased  in  those  to  whom  I  have  had  an  opportu 
nity  of  stating  the  great  inferiority  of  the  troops  you 
commanded  to  those  of  the  enemy,  in  number  and  in 
every  provision  for  war. 

The  Prussian  army,  which  amounts  to  228,000,  are 
disciplined  by  force  of  hourly  exercise,  and  move  with  a 
rapidity  and  order  which  are  certain  to  succeed  against 
any  troops  in  Europe.  When  the  king  reviews  an  army 
of  40,000  men,  not  a  man  or  horse,  the  former  in  full 
march,  the  latter  in  full  gallop,  is  discernibly  out  of  line. 
The  regiments  are  in  the  field  every  day,  where,  besides 
the  general  exercise,  every  man  is  filed  off  singly  and 
passes  in  review  before  different  officers,  who  beat  his 
limbs  into  the  position  they  think  proper,  so  that  the  man 
appears  to  be  purely  a  machine  in  the  hands  of  a  work 
man.  The  improvements  of  utility  which  I  have  been 
able  to  note,  are  these,  viz. ;  the  ramrods  are  of  double 
thickness  all  the  way,  and  enlarged  as  ours  are  at  one 
end.  The  advantage  is  to  ram  down  the  charge  so  that 
they  do  not  turn  the  rod,  but  raising  it  to  the  muzzle 
they  plunge  the  lower  end  into  the  barrel,  and  then  rais 
ing  it  up  return  it  straight,  without  the  necessity  of  turn 
ing  it  as  formerly.  This  saves  a  great  deal  of  awkward 
motion  and  of  time.  The  mouths  of  the  loops  are  very 
large,  so  that  there  is  much  more  readiness  in  hitting 
them  than  formerly  ;  which  also  expedites  the  important 
business  of  charging.  The  musket  to  compensate  for 
this  piece  of  weight  is  two  inches  shorter  in  the  bar 
rel.  When  the  men  present,  instead  of  levelling  their 
firelocks,they  are  taught  to  slant  them  down,  so  that  a 


88  LIFE    OF 

point  blank  shot  would  apparently  strike  the  ground  at 
about  ten  yards  distance.  This  depression  is  found  ne 
cessary  to  counteract  the  elevation  which  the  act  of  fir 
ing  inevitably  gives  the  musket ;  and  even  when  a  ball 
strikes  the  ground  it  generally  rises  and  may  do  execu 
tion,  but  if  directed  too  high  it  is  lost  entirely.  These 
are  alterations  which  seem  to  me  of  great  utility,  and  I 
wish  they  may  appear  so  to  you. 

It  is  rny  intention  to  write  a  history  of  this  civil  con 
tention.  The  share  you  have  had  in  it  will  form  an  in 
teresting  and  important  part.  It  will  be  in  your  power 
to  preserve  a  variety  of  material  papers  and  anecdotes 
for  such  a  work.  May  I  venture  to  hope  that  you  will 
think  me  so  far  worthy  of  your  confidence  as  to  preserve 
them  for  me  ?  Dubious  parts  of  history  can  be  cleared 
only  by  such  documents  ;  and  we  shall  want  every  au 
thentic  record  to  vouch  against  the  forgeries  which  will 
be  offered  to  the  world. 

The  resources  of  our  enemy  are  almost  annihilated  in 
Germany,  and  their  last  resort  is  to  the  Roman  Catholics 
of  Ireland.  They  have  already  experienced  their  readi 
ness  to  go,  every  man  of  a  regiment  raised  there  last 
year  having  obliged  them  to  ship  him  off  tied  ;  and  cer 
tainly  they  will  desert  more  than  any  other  troops  what 
ever.  They  themselves  rely  on  the  present  campaign. 
They  have  no  probability  of  reinstating  their  army,  ex 
cept  with  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland ;  should  this  cam 
paign  materially  diminish  it,  I  have  a  plan  for  rendering 
that  of  little  effect,  which  I  hope  will  succeed.  Should 
you  keep  your  ground,  the  question  of  acknowledging 
your  independence  will  become  very  serious  next  winter 
with  the  European  powers.  But  until  the  events  of  this 
summer  are  decided  their  conduct  will  remain  the  same, 
and  no  open  acts  of  interference  will  take  place. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your's,  with  great  respect,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  89 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Difficulties  in  the  way  of  negotiations  with  the  Prussian  Court — Note  to  th« 
Prime  Minister  the  celebrated  Schulenburg — Memoire  of  Mr.  Lee  to  the  king  of 
Prussia — Robbery  of  his  papers  at  Berlin — Autographic  note  of  Frederick  the  Great 
to  Mr.  Lee — He  permits  him  to  hold  free  though  secret  conferences  with  his  Mi 
nister — Negotiations  with  the  Prussian  Court — Correspondence  of  Schulenburg — 
The  results  of  Mr.  Lee's  mission  to  Prussia — His  return  to  Paris — His  correspond 
ence  with  Vergennes  respecting  supplies  of  arms,  &c.  for  Virginia — His  letter  by 
order  of  his  colleagues  J0  Lord  North  respecting- the  treatment  of  American  prison 
ers — His  letter  to  tjje  Earl  of  Shelburne  on  this  subject — His  spirited  Memorial  to 
the  Prime  Minister  of  Spain  on  the  subject  of  the  Proclamation  of  the  British 
Commissioners  in  the  United  States,  threatening  a  war  of  extermination — Me 
morial  of  the  American  commissioners  to  the  French  Court  is  sent  by  Mr.  Lee 
with  a  diplomatic  note  to  the  Spanish  Minister  at  Paris — The  object  of  Mr.  Lee 
in  this — Letters  of  Mr.  Lee  on  the  subject  of  the  capture  of  Burgoyne — Letter  to 
the  Marquis  of  Rosignan — Anecdote  of  Dr.  Young  and  Voltaire — Letter  to  Sir 
William  Jones. 

THE  part  which  Mr.  Lee  had  to  act  at  this  period  was 
delicate  and  difficult.  To  engage  even  the  attention  of 
the  court  of  Berlin  would  require  no  ordinary  weight  of 
character,  dignity  of  manners,  skill  and  propriety  of  con 
duct.  If  the  difficulty  of  access  in  any  official  or  public 
character  was  great,  the  reader  will  readily  apprehend 
the  greater  difficulty  of  removing  the  obstacles,  which 
the  times,  the  relations  then  existing  between  Great  Britain 
and  Prussia,  the  remoteness  of  the  United  States  and  the 
yet  doubtful  issue  of  their  contest  with  the  former,  pre 
sented  to  every  proposition  of  national  association  on  the 
part  of  the  latter  power  with  the  United  States. 

Prussia  was  at  this  time  not  only  a  neutral  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  but  was  bound  by 
the  superadded  obligations  of  treaties  with  England.  Al 
though  Frederick  the  great  was  an  able  and  provident 
statesman,  he  might  not  readily  perceive  how  the  inte 
rests  of  his  kingdom  would  be  promoted  by  commercial 
intercourse  with  a  country  so  remote  from  it,  and  whose 
resources  and  prospects  were  so  little  known  and  appre- 

VOL.  i.  12 


90  LIFE    OF 

ciated  in  Europe.  His  sympathies  it  could  not  rationally 
be  expected  would  be  easily  excited  towards  the  repub 
licans  of  America,  for  he  had  never  shown  any  partiality 
for  free  arid  republican  institutions.  Mr.  Lee's  task  here 
then  was  indeed  a  difficult  and  a  delicate  one.  No  ordi 
nary  prudence,  ability  and  skill  were  requisite,  to  gain 
the  attention,  enlist  the  feelings,  and  attract  the  interests 
of  his  Prussian  majesty. 

As  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Berlin  he  asked  the  honour  of 
a  conference  with  the  prime  minister,  the  celebrated  Baron 
Schulenburg.  He  was  permitted  to  reside  at  Berlin  in 
a  private  character,  and  to  hold  a  secret  correspondence 
with  the  Prussian  court.  He  received  the  following  as 
surance  of  the  good  will  of  the  king,  and  of  an  early  at 
tention  to  the  propositions  Mr.  Lee  had  laid  before  the 
minister. 

"  BERLIN,  June  9th,  3777. 

I  have  received  sir,  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the 
honour  to  write  to  me  yesterday,  and  I  think  I  perceive 
from  its  conclusion  that  on  account  of  the  difference  of 
languages  you  have  mistaken  the  sense  of  one  or  other  of 
the  expressions  I  made  use  of  in  our  last  conversation. 
I  do  not  hesitate  therefore  to  assure  you  sir,  as  I  did  in 
my  letter  addressed  to  you  in  Paris,  that  your  stay  at 
Berlin  will  not  be  at  all  disagreeable  to  the  king,  provided 
you  live  as  a  private  person,  and  do  not  assume  a  public 
character. 

As  to  the  directions  which  you  have  given  me  concern 
ing  commerce,  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  add  a  note,  where 
ensurance  can  be  made  for  vessels  destined  for  America, 
and  the  premiums  given.  I  will  then  examine  your  pro 
positions,  and  shall  inform  you  shortly  whether  or  not 
we  think  ourselves  in  a  condition  to  make  a  trial  of  this 
sort. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  very  distinguished  con 
sideration,  your  very  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

LE  BARON  SCHULENBURG.* 

To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  at  Berlin." 

*  All  the  notes  and  correspondence  of  Schulenburg  are  written  in  French,  with  the 
autographic  signatures  of  the  Baron.     Mr.  Lee  has  left  translations  of  all  of  them. 


ARTHUR  LEE.  91 

Under  the  discouraging  circumstances,  and  the  many  ob- 
staclesattendingthe  mission  of  Mr.  Lee  to  the  court  of  Ber 
lin,  which  have  been  briefly  sketched,  and  which  were  all 
more  fully  known  and  more  deeply  felt  by  him  than  they  can 
be  now  known  or  felt  by  the  reader,  the  friendless  and 
lonely  citizen  and  unacknowledged  commissioner  of  his 
bleeding  and  struggling  country,  commenced  his  negotia 
tions  with  a  great  and  renowned  monarch,  and  a  recent 
and  favourite  ally  of  its  powerful  enemy.  Mr.  Lee  open 
ed  his  mission  by  presenting  the  following  "  memoire," 
in  which  he  fashions  with  admirable  ability  and  adroitness, 
its  facts,  arguments  and  conclusions,  to  the  ends  he  was 
seeking  to  obtain.  Baron  Schulenburg  had  stated  the 
obstacles  to  any  measure  on  the  part  of  Prussia  in  behalf 
of  the  United  States.  These  Mr.  Lee  endeavours  to  re 
move.  The  intelligent  reader  cannot  peruse  without  a 
deep  interest  this  memoire,  which  sheds  a  lustre  on  the 
character  of  Mr.  Lee. 

MEMOIRE  OF    ARTHUR  LEE    TO    FREDERICK    THE    GREAT    OF 

PRUSSIA. 

"BERLIN,  July  29,  1777. 

Sire, — The  singular  wisdom  with  which  your  majesty 
has  made  your  kingdom  so  flourishing,  the  wise  steps 
which  have  carried  the  prosperity  of  your  dominions  to  a 
degree  truly  astonishing,  will  nevertheless  not  prevent  me 
from  saying  to  your  majesty,  that  means  may  yet  be 
found  for  augmenting  the  number  and  affluence  of  your 
subjects. 

No  maxim  is  more  true,  than  that  the  number  of  their 
subjects  forms  the  riches  of  kings.  Both  ancient  and 
modern  history  proves  without  exception,  that  commerce 
is  the  mother  of  population.  There  is  no  necessity  for 
bringing  proofs  of  this  to  the  view  of  one  of  the  wisest 
kings  that  has  ever  existed.  Such  is  the  fact,  and  the 
reason  is  evident.  There  is  therefore  every  reason  to  con 
clude  that  the  king  who  wishes  to  increase  the  number  of 
his  subjects  to  the  greatest  possible  extent,  ought  to  es 
tablish  and  encourage  the  commerce  of  his  kingdom. 


93  LIFE   OF 

The  dominions  of  your  majesty  are  admirably  situated 
for  commerce.  The  three  great  rivers  that  intersect  them 
ought  to  furnish  the  greatest  facilities  for  it.  What  then 
is  wanting?  Only  an  object  sufficiently  distant  to  make 
seamen ;  and  sufficiently  extensive  to  commence  and 
keep  up  commercial  intercourse.  Such  is  America  ;  and 
the  unexpected  events  which  have  rendered  the  com 
merce  of  that  country  free,  invite  to  the  use  of  it.  The 
monopoly  of  this  commerce,  which  according  to  the 
opinion  of  that  great  and  wise  man  Mr.  Pitt,  has  sustain 
ed  the  power  of  England,  no  longer  exists,  and  without 
a  miracle  will  never  again  exist.  Those  nations  who 
will  exert  themselves  to  attach  to  them  a  young  and  grate 
ful  people  by  aiding  them  to  resist  their  oppressors,  must 
PIS&Lhy  it.  But  those  who  look  tranquilly  on,  waiting 
to  see  the  issue  of  this  war,  must  not  hope  to  change  the 
course  which  commerce  shall  before  have  taken  from 
habit  and  gratitude.  So  that  this  is  the  moment  to  be 
seized  on  by  those  who  may  wish  to  participate  in  the 
commerce  of  America  hereafter. 

But  obstacles  present  themselves  ;  for  in  the  first  place 
you  have  not  ships  of  war  sufficient  to  sustain  the  honour 
of  your  flag.  But,  sire,  you  have  the  finest  regiments  in 
the  world  ;  and  Great  Britain,  deprived  as  she  at  pre 
sent  is  of  wise  counsellors,  is  not  yet  so  mad  as  to 
run  the  risk  of  obliging  your  majesty  to  join  those  formi 
dable  regiments  to  the  force  of  her  rivals.  Besides, 
such  is  the  present  weakness  of  England,  so  much  is  she 
exhausted  and  pressed  by  the  war  with  America,  that 
she  is  obliged  to  shut  her  eyes  to  transactions  much 
stronger,  and  which  pass  immediately  before  them. 

2dly.  It  is  impracticable  to  have  at  the  same  time 
as  numerous  an  army  as  that  of  your  majesty,  and  a 
respectable  fleet ;  because  too  many  men  would  be  re 
quired  for  them  both,  and  the  country  would  be  ruined. 

This  objection  would  be  a  solid  one  if  population  was 
blessed  by  commerce.  But  the  fact  is  otherwise.  In 
stead  of  diminishing  it  augments  it.  Thus  it  is  found 
that  the  most  commercial  countries  are  most  populous. 
Population  is  always  in  proportion  to  the  means  of  liv 
ing.  Commerce,  by  increasing  these  means,  of  course 


ARTHUR    LEE.  93 

increases  population.  Instead  then  of  lessening  the 
means  of  keeping  up  a  large  army,  commerce  affords  the 
surest  means  of  doing  it. 

3d.  But  sailors  are  wanting  for  such  an  enterprise. 

It  is  the  enterprise  itself  that  will  make  sailors.  A 
handful  of  experienced  seamen  are  enough  to  encour 
age  others ;  and  the  thing  once  put  in  motion  will  pro 
gress  by  itself.  If  the  ports  of  your  majesty  were  opened 
10  our  armed  vessels,  so  that  they  might  freely  enter 
them,  deliver  their  cargoes,  refit,  and  secretly  sell  their 
prizes,  then  instruction  and  encouragement  would  be  giv 
en  to  your  seamen;  and  if  above  all  some  of  them  were 
permitted  to  make  a  voyage  in  our  vessels,  in  a  very  little 
time  seamen  would  be  furnished  from  your  own  subjects, 
and  would  draw  to  your  ports  many  of  other  countries, 
with  a  view  of  cruising  in  the  American  seas. 

But  it  may  be  said  this  would  be  giving  too  much 
into  the  business  at  once,  and  tantamount  to  deciding 
upon  the  question  of  American  Independence. 

Not  more  so  than  is  now  warranted  by  the  fact.  Not 
more  so  than  the  laws  of  nations  grounded  upon  the 
fairest  principles  of  state  necessity  require.  The  fact  is, 
we  have  the  sword  in  our  hands,  and  that  we  carry  on 
the  war  openly.  Can  there  be  a  more  convincing  proof 
of  independency  ?  We  are  in  possession  of  the  country, 
the  articles  of  our  commerce  are  the  produce  of  our 
labours,  and  are  our  own.  In  law  and  in  fact,  we  have 
the  sole  right  of  disposing  of  them.  Is  it  right  then 
that  other  nations  should  wait  and  suffer  the  greatest 
privations,  whilst  England  is  doing  all  in  her  power  to 
cut  our  throats,  and  take  possession  of  our  property  to 
sell  it  to  them  ?  Or  can  they  not  at  once  go  and  buy 
those  things  they  want,  and  which  the  English  cannot 
supply  them  with,  without  violating  their  neutral  char 
acter.  It  is  not  difficult  to  say  which  is  most  reasonable 
and  of  course  most  conformable  to  the  law  of  nations. 
Neutral  nations  in  carrying  on  this  commerce  decide 
upon  the  fact  and  not  the  law.  This  very  distinction  is 
made  by  the  law  of  England  ;  as  it  is  permitted  to  an 
Englishman  to  obey  the  powers  that  be,  although  they 


94  LIFE    OF 

are  not  of  right.  Besides  the  English  recognised  the 
Duke  of  Braganza  as  king  of  Portugal,  and  received  his 
ambassadors  in  1641,  upon  the  ground  that  he  had  been 
called  to  the  crown  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  peo 
ple.  The  congress  have  the  same  foundation.  The  as 
semblies  of  the  states  choose  them  annually,  and  these 
assemblies  are  chosen  by  the  whole  people.  How  is  it 
possible  to  have  a  consent  more  unanimous  or  more  mu 
tually  given.  Your  majesty  will  permit  me  here  to  offer 
some  authorities  upon  this  subject. 

Charles  Duke  of  Sudermania,  having  procured  himself 
to  be  crowned  king  of  Sweden  in  the  commencement  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  sent  James  Vandyck  into  France 
to  renew  the  treaties  and  alliances  formerly  made  between 
the  two  crowns.  Vandyck  made  it  appear  that  the  ad 
vantages  which  France  would  derive  from  the  commerce 
of  Sweden  would  be  so  considerable,  that  the  king  listen 
ed  favourably  to  the  propositions  of  this  minister,  and  had 
a  desire  of  treating  with  him.  There  was  nothing  in  the 
way  except  the  conduct  of  Charles,  who  had  usurped  the 
crown  of  Sigismond  his  nephew,  after  his  nephew  had 
been  elected  king  of  Poland  ;  and  had  become  odious  on 
account  of  his  making  religion  the  pretended  cause  of  the 
revolution.  It  was  also  considered  in  France  that  the 
king  of  Denmark,  who  was  not  a  friend  of  Charles, 
might  form  a  party  against  him,  with  the  king  of  Eng 
land,  his  brother  in  law.  But  notwithstanding  all  this, 
M.  de  Villeroy  in  writing  to  Jeannin,  (ttth  April  1608) 
cut  the  matter  short  and  said,  u  all  these  reasonings  and 
considerations  will  not  prevent  the  king  from  treating 
with  Charles,  if  he  finds  his  own  interest  and  that  of  his 
kingdom  benefited  by  it.  (Wechfort,  126.)  The  ex 
ample  of  Henry  the  great  is  worthy  of  a  prince  who  no 
less  merits  the  title. 

Vattel  in  examining  the  same  question  says,  "  Foreign 
powers  in  this  case  follow  the  possession,  if  their  own  in 
terests  correspond  with  it.  There  is  no  rule  more  cer 
tain,  more  conformable  to  the  laws  of  nations,  and  the  in 
dependence  of  nations.  Because  foreigners  have  no  right 
to  concern  themselves  with  the  domestic  concerns  of  a 


ARTHUR    LEE.  95 

people  ;  they  are  not  obliged  to  examine  arid  to  go  to  the 
bottom  of  their  conduct,  about  their  own  affairs,  in  order 
•to  weigh  their  justice  or  injustice;  they  may  if  they 
please  suppose  that  the  right  is  joined  to  the  possession." 
The  advantages  which  your  majesty's  dominions  will 
derive  from  the  commerce  of  America,  must  be  very 
great.  It  will  give  a  new  vent,  always  increasing  with 
the  rapidly  increasing  population  of  America  ;  for  your 
cloths,  your  linens,  your  porcelains,  and  all  sorts  of  manu 
factures  in  iron  ;  the  returns  for  which  will  be  in  tobacco, 
indigo,  flax  seed,  cotton  and  furs. 

It  is  true  that  these  advantages  will  be  greatly  dimin 
ished  by  the  ravages  of  the  British  and  their  mercenaries. 
If  we  are  compelled  to  carry  on  the  war  singly,  against 
all  their  force,  and  with  the  greatest  difficulty  of  obtain 
ing  arms  and  munitions  of  war  from  Europe.  It  is  for 
your  majesty,  with  some  other  powers  of  Europe,  to 
arrest  those  ravages  by  a  commercial  alliance  with  our 
United  States. 

There  is  no  name  so  much  respected  amongst  us  as 
that  of  your  majesty.  Of  course  there  is  not  a  king 
whose  declared  friendship  would  give  so  much  courage 
to  our  people  and  strength  to  our  cause. 

I  have  trusted  to  the  goodness  of  your  majesty  to  par 
don  me  this  long  detail,  and  of  thoughts  so  little  worthy 
your  attention,  and  so  weakly  perhaps  expressed,  in  a 
language  which  I  have  but  lately  attended  to.  But  I 
would  rather  express  myself  thus  than  to  communicate 
to  any  other  person  that  which  I  have  had  the  honour  of 
presenting  to  your  majesty. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sire,  with  the  greatest  respect, 
your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE.* 

His  Majesty  the  King  of  Prussia." 

A  few  days  after  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Lee  at  Berlin,  the 
door  of  his  room  was  opened  by  means  of  a  false  key, 
and  all  his  public  papers  were  taken  from  it.  He  had 

*  The  foregoing  Memoire  was  written  in  French,  from  which  it  has  been  here 
translated. 


96 


LIFE  OF 


reason  to  believe  that  they  had  been  taken  by  the  ser 
vant  of  the  English  envoy  at  the  court  of  Berlin,  who 
resided  at  the  same  hotel  with  Mr.  Lee.  He  complain 
ed  of  the  robbery  to  the  minister  of  state,  and  addressed 
a  note  to  the  king  on  the  subject.  The  king  ordered  an 
examination  into  the  affair  to  be  made  by  the  officers  of 
the  police.*  The  enquiry  had  the  desired  effect  ;  and 
his  papers  were  returned  in  the  same  secret  manner  in 
which  they  had  been  taken.  This  dishonourable  act  was 
traced  with  considerable  certainty  to  the  agency  of  the 
English  envoy,  who,  at  the  request  of  Frederick,  was 
recalled  by  his  court.  To  Mr.  Lee's  note  to  the  king, 
he  wrote  the  subjoined  note  in  reply.  The  author  has 
the  original  note  of  Frederick,  written  in  the  French 
language,  in  his  own  hand-writing  and  with  his  autogra 
phic  signature.  He  assures  Mr.  Lee  that  profound  si 
lence  and  secrecy  should  be  observed  respecting  his  con 
ferences  with  the  Prussian  court. 

"  Le  Roi  ayant  re§u  la  lettre  du  Sr.  Lee,  de  Berlin, 
le  1  de  Juillet.  et  sa  plainte  du  vol,  qui  lui  a  ete  fait, 
veut  bien  lui  faire  savoir  en  response,  que  Sa  Majeste 
vient  d'ordonner  a  son  ministre  d'etat,  Baron  Schulen- 
bourg,  d'entendre  ce  qu'il  auroit  a  lui  dire  ulterieurement 
la  dessus  ;  que  pour  cet  effet  le  Sr.  Lee  pourra  s'ouvrir 
sans  reserve  envers  le  susdit  ministre,  surtout  ce  qu'il 
trouvera  a  propos  de  faire  savoir  a  sa  Majeste,  qui  Pas- 
sure  par  la  presente  d'un  secret  inviolable,  et  du  profond 
silence,  qui  sera  observe  sur  les  ouvertures,  qu'il  jugera 
conve liable  de  lui  faire  par  cette  voye. 

A'  POTSDAM  ce  2.  de  Juillet  1777. 

FREDERICK^ 
Au  Sr.  Lie,  a  Berlin." 

+  The  report  of  the  whole  proceeding  before  the  court  of  police,  in  French  and 
German,  is  among  Mr.  Lee's  MSS. 

t  Translation.  "  The  king  having  received  the  letter  of  Mr.  Lee  from  Berlin, 
the  1st  July,  and  his  complaint  of  the  robbery  that  had  been  committed  upon  him, 
pleases  to  Jet  him  know  in  answer,  that  his  majesty  has  ordered  his  minister  of  state, 
Baron  Schulenburg,  to  hear  what  he  has  finally  to  say  upon  that  subject  ;  and  for 
that  purpose  Mr.  Lee  may,  without  reserve,  open  himself  to  that  minister  upon 
those  points  especially  that  he  would  wish  to  make  known  to  his  majesty,  who  as- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  97 

Mr.  Lee  did  not  succeed  during  his  visit  to  Berlin,  in 
obtaining  from  the  Prussian  court  a  recognition  of  his 
official  character  from  the  United  States.  The  relations 
existing  between  Prussia  and  Great  Britain  induced  the 
king  to  defer  the  acknowledgment  of  their  independence. 
The  difficulties  which  weighed  with  that  court  in  regard 

O  O 

to  any  direct  aid  or  countenance  on  its  part  towards 
them,  are  thus  stated  by  Baron  Schulenburg  in  this  let 
ter  to  Mr.  Lee,  addressed  to  him  before  he  left  Berlin. 

"  BERLIN,  June  26, 1777. 

After  having  testified  to  you  sir  in  my  letter  of  the 
18th,  our  desire  of  establishing  an  immediate  commerce 
with  the  colonies  of  North  America,  provided  we  could 
surmount  the  difficulties  that  opposed  themselves,  it  re 
mains  only  that  I  answer  your  letter  concerning  the  free 
access  of  your  privateers  into  our  ports,  which  you  men 
tion  in  your's  of  the  20th.  I  can  assure  you  sir,  that 
the  king  is  very  ready  to  oblige  your  constituents,  but 
on  the  other  hand  you  must  be  sensible  that  his  majesty 
cannot,  in  the  present  circumstances  of  things,  affront 
the  court  of  London. 

Besides,  our  ports  as  yet  have  only  received  merchant 
vessels,  and  no  vessels  of  war  or  privateers  have  entered 
them,  so  that  the  officers  established  in  our  seaports 
would  be  embarrassed  how  to  conduct  themselves  on 
such  an  occasion  ;  the  customs  observed  on  such  occa 
sions  being  unknown  to  them.  You  must  therefore  in 
form  us  how  France  and  Spain  act,  the  formalities  they 
observe  toward  your  cruisers,  and  how  they  reconcile  the 
free  entry  of  these  into  their  ports  with  their  friendship 
with  Great  Britain. 

The  result  of  the  information  you  give  on  these  sub 
jects  will  determine  if,  and  upon  what  conditions,  we  can 
grant  the  permission  desired,  and  I  shall  take  pleasure 
sir,  in  communicating  to  you  the  decisions  of  his  majes 
ty  in  due  time. 

sures  him  by  the  present  of  an  inviolable  secrecy,  and  that  profound  silence  shall  be 
observed  with  regard  to  those  things  that  he  shall  communicate  in  this  manner. 
Potsdam,  July  2d,  1777.  FREDERICK.'* 

VOL.    I.  13 


98  LIFE   OF 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  consideration,  sir, 
your  very  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

BARON  DE  SCHULENBURG.* 
To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  at  Berlin." 

The  impression  made  upon  the  mind  of  Frederick  and 
his  congenial  minister  by  the  abilities  of  Mr.  Lee,  was 
highly  favourable  and  honourable  to  his  country  and  its 
cause.  He  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  Frederick  an 
assurance  that  he  would  afford  no  facilities  to  Great 
Britain,  in  procuring  additional  German  auxiliaries,  and 
that  he  would  prohibit  the  passage  through  any  part  of 
his  dominions  of  any  troops  which  that  court  should 
hereafter  engage  in  Germany.  He  obtained  also  per 
mission  for  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  carry  on 
a  direct  commerce  with  the  subjects  of  Prussia  ;  and  for 
himself  to  purchase  for  the  use  of  the  United  States, 
arms  at  the  armories  from  which  the  king  supplied  his 
armies.t 

Mr.  Lee  left  Berlin  with  an  understanding  that  a  cor 
respondence  should  be  kept  up  between  Schulenburg  and 
himself,  on  the  affairs  of  the  United  States.     He  was  de 
sired  to  keep  the  king  constantly  informed  of  the  events  \ 
of  the  war  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  was  assured  that  jl 
Prussia  "  would  not  be  the  last  power  to  acknowledge  the  J 
independency"  of  his  country.     A  letter  addressed  by  the 
able  and  friendly  Schulenburg  to  Mr.  Lee,  after  the  re 
turn  of  the  latter  to  Paris,  will  be  read  with  interest. 

"BERLIN,  Dec.  18,  1777. 

Sir, — A  few  days  after  the  departure  of  my  last,  of  the 
33th  inst.  in  which  I  requested  you  to  give  me  authentic 
intelligence  concerning  the  progress  of  General  Howe, 
of  which  the  English  ambassador  had  received  an  ac- 

*  The  author  finds  the  following  note  of  Schulenburg  among  the  MSS.  of  I\rr. 
Lee.  "  Baron  Schulenburg,  minister  of  state,  just  setting  oft"  for  the  country,  wishes 
that  Mr.  I.e'e  would  come  to  his  house  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  as  he  has 
something  to  say  to  Mr.  Lee  from  the  king.  Berlin,  July  8,  1777." 

All  the  letters  between  Schulenburg  and  Mr.  Lee  are  in  the  French  language,  of 
which  Mr.  Lee  has  left  translations.  His  translations  are  used. 

t  Frederick  had  his  arms  manufactured  at  private  armories,  for  the  encourage 
ment  of  his  subjects. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  99 

count ;  I  learned  by  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  to 
write  me  of  the  4th  of  this  month,  that  these  advantages 
far  from  being  so  considerable  as  they  were  thought  to 
be,  are  more  than  balanced  by  the  surrender  of  General 
Burgoyne,  and  by  the  liberty  which  the  troops  under 
Arnold  will  have  of  acting  where  they  shall  be  most 
wanting,  which  may  very  much  harass  General  Howe. 

I  am  much  pleased  sir,  with  these  favourable  events, 
and  as  from  the  situation  in  which  affairs  were  when 
your  despatches  were  sent,  other  events  of  consequence 
are  to  be  expected  before  the  end  of  the  campaign,  or 
even  during  the  winter,  1  hope  you  will  continue  to  com 
municate  sir,  without  delay,  all  the  authentic  advices  you 
may  receive. 

The  king,  who  always  graciously  receives  the  news 
you  send  me,  and  expresses  his  satisfaction  when  it  is  in 
your  favour,  has  seen  the  passage  of  your  brother's  letter, 
and  I  can  assure  you  sir,  tiiat  his  majesty  wilt  not  be  the  last 
power  to  acknowledge  your  independency ;  but  you  must 
feel  yourself  that  it  is  not  natural  that  he  should  be  the 
first,  and  that  France  whose  commercial  and  political  in 
terests  are  more  immediately  connected  with  yours,  should 
set  the  example. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  distinguished  consider 
ation  sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

BARON  DE  SCHULENBURG." 

In  the  summer  of  the  year  1778,  Mr.  Lee  renewed  ne 
gotiations  with  tl;e  court  of  Berlin,  on  the  subject  of  a 
recognition  on  its  part  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States.  He  received  assurances  of  the  continued  good 
will  of  the  king  towards  the  United  States,  and  of  his 
readiness  to  second  France  in  acknowledging  their  sove 
reignty  and  independence.  Mr.  Lee  made  full  use  of 
the  invitation  of  the  Prussian  court,  to  furnish  it  with 
intelligence  of  the  events  of  the  war.  The  correspond 
ence  between  Baron  Schulenburg  and  Mr.  Lee,  together 
with  the  letters  of  the  latter  to  the  commissioners  at 
Paris,  and  to  the  committee  of  correspondence  of  con 
gress,  on  the  subject  of  his  negotiations  with  the  court 


100  LIFE    OF 

of  Prussia,  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix,  No  5.  These 
papers  will  richly  repay  a  perusal  of  them.  The  reader 
will  perceive  the  respect  in  which  the  American  states 
were  held  by  the  king  and  his  great  minister,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  caution  with  which  they  approach  them. 
He  will  perceive  too,  the  difficulties  which  attend  the 
struggles  of  any  people  against  the  oppression  of  long  es 
tablished  governments.  These  delays  on  the  part  of  for 
eign  powers  tended  to  dispirit,  but  they  could  not  dismay 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  who  under  the  guidance  of 
the  firm  patriots  of  the  "  old  congress",  arid  of  the  unyield 
ing  fortitude  and  genius  of  Washington,  seemed  the  more 
to  rely  on  themselves  the  more  they  were  left  to  do  so. 

On  Mr.  Lee's  return  to  Paris,  he  found  the  negoti 
ations  with  the  court  of  France  in  the  same  state  in  which 
he  left  them.  The  same  caution  which  marked  the  con 
duct  of  that  court  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1777,  still 
characterized  it.  In  this  state  of  things,  Mr.  Lee  renew 
ed  a  correspondence  with  the  French  court  that  he  had 
commenced  as  early  as  June  in  the  year  1770,  at  the  re 
quest  of  the  assembly  of  Virginia,  with  a  view  to  obtain 
for  that  commonwealth  a  supply  of  cannon  and  other  mili 
tary  stores.  He  succeeded,  in  obtaining  the  desired  num 
ber  of  cannon,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  other  sup 
plies.  At  the  time  of  his  application,  the  state  of  Virginia 
had  no  funds  in  France,  nor  could  it  be  stated  with  any  cer 
tainty  when  they  could  be  put  into  Mr.  Lee's  hands,  to 
pay  for  these  supplies.  Tobacco  was  the  only  article,  upon 
the  pledge  of  which  the  United  States  or  any  of  them  could 
obtain  loans  of  any  sort  in  Europe,  and  the  danger  of 
the  capture  of  their  vessels  by  the  enemy's  cruisers,  ren 
dered  the  voyage  to  Europe  dangerous  and  uncertain. 
But  such  was  the  influence  of  Mr.  Lee  with  the  Count 
Vergennes,  that  he  obtained  the  supplies  in  advance,  on 
his  personal  assurance  that  they  should  be  paid  for.  The 
first  note  of  that  minister  to  Mr.  Lee  on  the  subject  of 
supplies  for  his  native  state,  is  here  given. 

"  VERSAILLES,  June  9th,  1776. 

I  received  sir,  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  to 
write  me  the  3d  of  this  month,  and  in  which  you  state 


ARTHUR    LEE.  101 

the  wants  of  the  state  of  Virginia,  in  cannon,  mortars, 
&c.  Prince  Montbarey,  to  whom  I  communicated  it, 
has  just  sent  me  a  statement  of  what  can  be  furnished  to 
you,  which  accompanies  this.  You  may  therefore  sir, 
converse  with  this  minister,  both  upon  the  manner  of 
sending  and  of  paying  for  these  supplies. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  perfect  esteem  sir,  your 
very  humble  servant,  DE  VERGENNES."* 

In  the  year  1778,  the  French  government  enquired  of 
Mr.  Lee,  when  it  might  expect  the  money  for  the  sup 
plies  furnished  to  the  state  of  Virginia,  which  that  state 
had  not  been  able  to  pay.  Mr.  Lee  made  ar\  earnest  and 
eloquent  apology  for  the  delay  of  payment  for  them,  and 
accompanied  it  with  a  forcible  representation  of  the  con 
dition  of  Virginia,  in  the  war  of  devastation  carried  on 
upon  her  territory  by  the  powerful  and  common  enemy. 
The  French  court  with  great  kindness  assured  him  that 
it  would  wait  with  cheerfulness  the  ability  of  that  state 
to  discharge  the  debt.  This  service  of  Mr.  Lee  to  his 
native  state  was  a  highly  opportune  and  important  one. 
He  continued  to  transact  business  for  it  with  the  French 
court  with  great  assiduity  and  to  its  entire  satisfaction, 
during  his  residence  in  France.  The  correspondence 
between  Mr.  Lee  and  the  French  ministers,  Vergennes, 
Montbarey  and  Neckar,  and  his  letters  to  the  governors 
of  Virginia,  Page  -and  Henry,  on  the  subject  of  '  Vir 
ginia  supplies,'  will  be  found  in  No.,.4  (c)  of  the  Appendix. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Lee  was  inform 
ed  by  a  secret  correspondent,  that  American  prisoners  in 
England  were  treated  with  cruelty  and  neglect.  He  im 
mediately  brought  the  subject  before  his  colleagues  ;  and 
earnestly  corresponded  with  his  frrendsjn  England,  urg 
ing  an:)  authorizing  them  on  his  responsibility  and  credit, 
to  supply  his  suffering  countrymen  with  the  comforts 
they  needed.  Upon  consultation  it  was  resolved  by  the 
commissioners  that  a  letter  should  be  addressed  by  them 
to  Lord,  North,  expostulating  with  the  British  govern 
ment,  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  of  their  country, 

*  All  the  letters  and  notes  of  Vergennes  are  signed  with  his  own  hand. 


102  LIFE    OF 

against  its  treatment  of  the  American  prisoners.  Mr. 
Lee  was  appointed  to  draught  the  letter.  He  at  the 
same  time  addressed  one  to  Lord  Shelburne,  on  the  same 
subject.  They  are  vigorous  and  eloquent  productions. 
They  are  here  presented  to  the  reader. 

«PASSY,  Dec.  12th,  1777. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  Lord  North,  First  Lord  of 
the  Treasury,  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  and  Prime 
Minister  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  fee.,  fee.,  fee. 

My  Lord,— From  motives  of  duty  and  an  earnest  de 
sire  of  mitigating  the  calamities  of  war,  we  proposed 
near  a  year  since,  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain's  ambas 
sador  here,  an  exchange  of  prisoners  in  Europe.  The 
answer  we  received  must  have  been  made  known  to  your 
Lordship,  and  the  world  will  judge  of  its  decency.  It 
would  have  been  honourable  for  that  noble  lord,  and 
happy  for  thousands  who  have  since  suffered  unnecessari 
ly,  if  he  had  considered  that  moderation  is  a  mark  of  wis 
dom,  and  humanity  an  ornament  to  the  highest  station. 
These  are  the  sentiments  at  least,  which  have  governed 
the  congress  and  people  of  the  United  States.  They 
have  wished  that  this  war,  into  which  they  entered  with 
reluctance,  might  be  distinguished  by  the  humanity  with 
which  it  was  conducted  ;  and  that  compassion  might  heal 
the  wounds  that  were  inflicted.  The  records  of  con 
gress,  my  lord,  are  filled  with  proofs  of  tender  care  and 
attention,  not  only  to  the  wants,  but  to  the  comforts 
and  accommodation  of  their  prisoners. 

We  have  wished  in  vain  to  find  such  instances  in  the 
acts  of  the  British  government,  for  unhappily  all  we  have 
seen  on  this  subject,  is  the  public  declaration  of  the  gov 
ernor  and  general  who  was  chosen  to  commence  this 
war,  that  the  American  officer  and  soldier  should  be 
treated  with  equal  indignity,  and  all  devoted  without 
distinction  to  the  most  ignominious  fate,  in  terms  too  low 
for  us  to  repeat.  We  have  never  heard  of  this  proceed 
ing  having  been  censured,  by  the  government  from  which 
he  derived  his  authority.  Neither  has  the  invitation  to 
the  Indian  savages,  at  a  public  treaty,  to  drink  the  blood 


ARTHUR    LEE.  103 

and  feast  upon  the  bodies  of  those  whom  you  called  your 
subjects,  been  ever  disavowed. 

It  is  an  universal  complaint  that  the  practices  of  those 
in   authority   under  you   have  been   conformable  to  the 
principles  of  those  public  acts.     Col.  Parker,  a  gentle 
man  of  rank,  was  thrown  into  a  common  jail  in   Boston 
covered  over  with  wounds,  where  he  perished  mi  pi  tied 
for  want  of  the  common  comforts  which   his  situation 
and  humanity  required.     Col.  Ethan  Allen  was  dragged 
in  chains  from  Canada  to  England,  from  England  to  Ire 
land,  and  from  Ireland  to   Carolina,  and  from  thence  to 
New-York  ;  at  a  time  when  the  officers  taken  from  you 
in  the  same  expedition  were  treated   not  only  with  leni 
ty,  but  with  every  possible  indulgence.       The  barbarous 
treatment  of  Mr.  Lovell  in  Boston  has  no  parallel.     Of 
the  prisoners  made  in  Fort  Washington,  two-thirds  of 
them  perished  by  the  unexampled  cruelty  and  rigours  of 
their  captivity.     Even  in   England  the  severities  which 
the  American  prisoners  suffer,  are,  according  to  the  testi 
mony  of  every  one  we  have  seen,  of  the  most  grievous 
kind.     Stripes  have  been  inflicted  on  some  to  make  them 
commit  the  deepest  of  all  crimes,  that  of  fighting  against 
the   liberties  of  their  country.     And  numbers   are  now 
groaning  in  bondage  in  Africa  and  India,  to  which  they 
are  compelled  by  menaces  of  an  immediate  and  ignomini 
ous  death  ;  as  contrary  to  every  rule  of  war  among  civil 
ized  nations,  as  to  every  dictate  of  humanity. 

It  is  with  the  greatest  regret  we  mention  these  cruel 
ties.  For  the  honour  of  humanity  we  hope  they  will 
not  be  committed  again.  Your  lordship  must  know  that 
it  is  in  the  power  of  those  we  have  the  honour  to  repre 
sent,  to  make  ample  retaliation  upon  the  numerous  pris 
oners  of  all  ranks  in  their  possession  ;  and  we  warn  and 
beseech  you  not  to  render  it  their  indispensable  duty. 
Upwards  of  five  hundred  British  seamen  have  been  gen 
erously  treated,  set  at  liberty  by  our  cruisers  in  those 
seas,  and  sent  at  the  public  expense  to  their  country. 
We  trust  you  will  think  yourselves  bound  to  dismiss  an 
equal  number  of  seamen,  taken  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States. 


104  LIFE    OF 

We  also  desire  that  a  person  appointed  by  us  may 
have  permission  to  furnish  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  who  are  in  your  prisons,  with  the  necessaries 
they  may  want  from  time  to  time ;  and  that  a  general 
cartel  may  be  immediately  settled,  by  which  the  unfor 
tunate  on  both  sides  may  be  relieved  as  soon  as  possible 
from  the  miseries  of  imprisonment. 

We  must  beg  a  speedy  answer,  that  we  may  transmit 
without  delay  the  determination  of  your  court  to  our  con 
stituents. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  highest  respect, 
my  lord,  your  lordship's  obedient  servants, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE,* 

Commissioners  Plenipotentiary  from  the 

Independent  and  United  States  of  America." 

LETTER  TO   LORD   SHELBURNE. 

"  PARIS,  December  14, 1777. 

To  the  Right  Hon'ble  the  Earl  of  Shelburne. 

My  Lord, — I  have  the  honour  of  enclosing  to  you  a 
copy  of  a  letter,  transmitted  at  the  same  time  to  the  first 
lord  of  the  treasury.  The  honour  of  the  nation,  and  the 
rights  of  humanity,  are  too  much  interested  in  the  object 
of  it,  not  to  receive  your  lordship's  advocation. 

The  enclosed  papers  contain  the  principal  transactions 
between  the  northern  armies.  The  burning  of  defence 
less  towTns,  and  of  every  thing  before  him,  as  General 
Clinton  has  done,  will  probably  draw  upon  him  and  his 

*  The  author  feels  it  to  be  just  to  add  here  the  answer  from  the  British  govern 
ment.  It  is  as  follows,  and  is  taken  from  the  letter  book  of  Mr.  Lee,  from  which 
his  letter  to  Lord  North  is  copied. 

"  His  majesty's  servants  do  not  approve  of  the  appointment  of  inspectors.  They 
understand  the  establishment  of  the  prisoners  to  be  what  has  been  usual  and  proper 
in  such  cases.  If  there  has  been  any  neglect  they  have  given  strict  orders  to  have  it 
rectified  ;  and  they  will  be  always  ready  to  redress  any  complaints  that  shall  be 
made.  The  prisoners  shall  be  permitted  to  receive,  under  proper  regulations,  any 
charitable  donations  in  their  favour.  Besides,  this  government  is  disposed  and  have 
it  in  their  intentions  as  opportunities  shall  offer,  to  exchange  them  in  America  against 
British  prisoners  there.  If  any  complaints  are  made  through  the  hands  of  Mr.  Hart 
ley,  or  through  any  other  proper  channel,  they  will  be  taken  into  consideration 
according  to  the  case,  and  redressed." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  105 

government  the  vengeance  which  such  enormities  de 
serve,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  congress  to  prevent 
any  hasty  retaliation.  The  S.  Carolina  Gazette  mentions 
the  arrival  of  an  American  captain  who  had  been  taken 
by  Capt.  Jarvis,  and  who  mentions  with  the  highest  praise 
the  generous  and  humane  treatment  he  received  from  that 
officer.  We  have  had  from  other  prisoners  accounts  equal 
ly  to  his  honour,  which  I  am  sure  will  give  your  lord 
ship  pleasure.  Capt.  Jarvis  may  be  assured  that  such 
conduct  will  command  from  us  the  praise  and  esteem 
which  are  always  due  to  a  generous  enemy. 

The  necessity  which  has  made  us  enemies  for  a  time, 
and  separated  us  forever  from  the  same  government,  has 
not  altered  the  esteem  I  felt  for  the  good  and  wise  in 
England.  Among  those  I  hope  your  lordship  and  your 
friends  will  accept  an  assurance  of  my  respect  and  friend 
ship.  I  condole  most  sincerely  with  the  family  at  Comb- 
wood  for  the  misfortune  at  New- York. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  respect  and 
esteem  your  lordship's  humble  servant  and  friend, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

Subsequently  to  the  dates  of  these  letters,  the  British 
commanders  in  America  published  by  order  of  their  gov 
ernment,  a  proclamation  denouncing  vengeance  and  deso 
lation  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  and  their 
territories.  They  proclaimed  the  determination  to  waste, 
and  ravage,  and  sack  every  thing  before  them.  They 
actually  commenced  this  barbarous  warfare,  contrary  alike 
to  humanity  and  civilized  usage.  The  mild  and  unre- 
vengeful  spirit  of  congress  met  with  no  correspondent 
sentiment  from  their  enemies.  That  illustrious  body  felt 
its  responsibility  to  glory  and  to  honour,  in  the  opinion  of 
mankind  ;  but  it  felt  its  duty  to  its  country.  Congress 
determined,  though  late  and  reluctant,  to  meet  and  punish 
its  desolating  foe  with  a  dreadful  retaliation,  and  take  life 
for  life.  A  manifesto  was  published  threatening  retalia 
tory  measures,  and  justifying  to  the  world  this  solemn  re 
sort.  The  commissioners,  contemporaneously~'with  the 
manifesto  of  congress  and  before  they  received  a  copy 

VOL.  i.  14 


106  LIFE    OF 

of  it,  presented  a  memorial  to  the  French  court  on  the 
subject.  It  was  drawn  by  Mr.  Lee,  and  will  be  found  in 
Appendix  No.  4.  (d) 

As  soon  as  copies  of  the  proclamation  of  the  British 
commanders,  and  of  the  manifesto  of  congress,  reached 
Paris,  Mr.  Lee  laid  them  before  the  Spanish  minister,  and 
accompanied  them  with  a  letter  to  Count  Florida  Blanca 
the  prime  minister  of  the  court  of  Madrid. 

"  To  his  excellency  the  Count  Florida  Blanca. 

I  have  the  honour  of  enclosing  to  your  excellency  a 
true  copy  of  a  proclamation  and  manifesto  lately  issued 
in  America  by  the  British  commissioners.  The  plan  of 
desolation  and  cruelty  announced  in  it  has  been  approved 
in  parliament  by  one  of  his  Britannic  majesty's  principal 
secretaries  of  state,  the  Earl  of  Suffolk;  and  a  majority 
in  both  houses  of  parliament  have  given  their  sanction  to 
the  manifesto  itself  by  refusing  to  disclaim  it.  Upon 
these  grounds  it  may  justly  be  considered  the  act  of  the 
nation. 

The  intentions  of  Great  Britain,  derogatory  at  once  of 
all  the  sacred  rights  of  humanity,  and  of  the  honour  of 
God,  and  of  the  established  laws  of  civilized  nations,  are 
thus  declared  in  the  manifesto.  "The  policy  as  well  as 
the  benevolence  of  Great  Britain  have  thus  far  checked 
the  extremes  of  war,  when  they  tended  to  distress  a  peo 
ple  still  considered  as  our  fellow-subjects,  and  to  desolate 
a  country  shortly  to  become  again  a  source  of  mutual  ad 
vantage.  But  when  that  country  professes  the  unnatu 
ral  design,  not  only  of  estranging  herself  from  us,  but  of 
mortgaging  herself  and  her  resources  to  our  enemy,  {he 
whole  contest  is  changed,  and  the  question  is  how  far 
Great  Britain  may  by  every  means  in  her  power  destroy 
or  render  useless  a  connexion  contrived  for  her  ruin,  and 
for  the  aggrandizement  of  France.  Under  such  circum 
stances  the  laws  of  self-preservation  must  direct  the  con 
duct  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  if  the  British  colonies  are  to 
become  an  accession  to  France,  will  direct  her  to  ren- 

vs 

der  that  acquisition  of  as  little  avail  as  possible  to  her 
enemy." 


ARTHUR   LEE.  107 

The  pretext  here  alleged  for  carrying  war  to  all  ex 
tremities  which  the  laws  of  humanity  and  of  nations 
forbid,  and  of  desolating  merely  for  the  purpose  of  deso 
lation,  is,  that  the  country  is  to  be  monopolized  by  France. 
That  this  is  merely  a  pretext  is  manifest  from  the  treaty 
itself  on  which  they  ground  it,  in  which  it  is  declared  that 
the  United  States  are  at  liberty  to  make  the  same  treaty 
with  all  nations. 

Your  excellency  knows  too,  how  unjust  this  imputation 
is  in  our  most  secret  transactions.  By  one  of  those 
strange  absurdities  into  which  men  blinded  by  bad  pas 
sions  are  often  betrayed,  they  denounce  this  desolation 
against  the  people  at  large,  who  they  in  the  same  breath 
assert  have  not  ratified  the  treaty.  Thus,  if  we  are  to 
credit  their  own  assertions,  the  ground  of  their  rage  is 
pretended,  and  the  objects  of  it  innocent. 

It  is  therefore  most  clear  that  the  threatened  cruelties 
are  not  out  of  policy,  but  out  of  revenge.  And  as  no 
thing  is  more  odious  than  this  spirit,  nothing  more  dan 
gerous  to  all  that  is  deemed  dear  and  sacred  among  men, 
than  an  open  avowal  of  such  a  principle,  and  an  exercise 
of  the  barbarities  which  it  suggests,  such  a  conduct 
ought  to  arm  all  nations  against  a  people  whose  proceed 
ings  thus  proclaim  them  to  be  "hostis  hitmani  generis." 

It  is  not  that  they  can  add  to  the  cruelties  they  have 
already  exercised  ;  desolation  and  massacre  have  mark 
ed  their  steps  wherever  they  could  approach.  The  send 
ing  of  those  captives  whom  they  pretend  now  to  be  their  fel 
low-subjects,  into  perpetual  slavery  into  Africa  and  India; 
the  crowding  of  their  captives  into  dungeons  where  thou 
sands  perish  by  disease  and  famine;  the  compelling  of 
others,  by  chains  and  stripes,  to  fight  against  their  coun 
try  and  their  relations ;  the  burning  of  defenceless  towns ; 
and  the  exciting  of  the  savages  by  presents  and  bribes, 
to  massacre  defenceless  frontier  families  without  distinc 
tion  of  age  or  sex,  are  extremities  of  cruelty  already 
practised,  and  which  they  cannot  exceed.  But  the  re 
covery  of  what  they  called  their  rights,  and  the  reduction 
of  those  who  had  renounced  as  they  alleged  a  just  su 
premacy,  was  then  avowedly  the  object  of  the  war.  These 


108  LIFE    OF 

cruelties  were,  it  was  pretended,  incidental  severities,  and 
necessary  to  the  attainment  of  a  just  object.  But  now 
destruction  alone  is  the  object.  It  is  not  profit  to  them 
selves  but  injuries  to  others  which  they  are  pursuing.  De 
solation  for  the  pleasure  of  destroying  is  their  only  pur 
pose.  They  will  sacrifice  to  disappointed  vengeance 
what  their  injustice  lost,  and  their  power  cannot  regain. 

There  cannot  be  a  greater  violation  of  those  laws  which 
bind  civilized  nations  together,  which  are  the  general 
property,  and  which  distinguish  their  wars  from  those  of 
savages  and  barbarians,  than  this  manifesto.  All  civilized 
nations  are  called  upon,  as  well  by  their  own  interests  as 
those  of  humanity  to  vindicate  its  violated  laws.  Your 
excellency  will  therefore  permit  me  to  hope  that  so  dar 
ing  and  dangerous  a  proceedure  will  call  forth  a  declar 
ation  from  the  king  of  Spain,  whose  preeminent  charac 
ter  among  princes  for  piety,  wisdom  and  honour,  will  ren 
der  him  a  fit  avenger  of  the  common  cause  of  mankind. 
It  is  not  America  only  that  is  wronged  by  this  savage 
proclamation,  but  the  feelings  of  humanity,  the  dictates 
of  religion,  the  laws  of  God,  and  of  nations. 

Your  excellency  will  also  give  me  leave  to  request, 
that  this  representation  may  be  laid  before  his  majesty, 
and  enforced  with  such  arguments  as  your  excellency's 
greater  knowledge  and  the  favour  you  have  had  the 
goodness  to  manifest  for  our  just  cause  may  suggest. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  your  excellency's  very  humble 
servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE, 

Commissioner  Plenipotentiary  from  the  Congress 
of  the  U.  S.  of  N.  America  to  the  court  of  Spain. 

Paris,  Dec.  17,  1778." 

Mr.  Lee  accompanied  this  letter  to  the  Spanish  minis 
ter  with  a  copy  of  the  manifesto  of  congress  in  reply  to 
the  British  proclamation,  and  thus  concisely  but  forcibly 
states  the  justification  of  the  United  States  for  their  re 
sort  to  retaliatory  extremities. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  109 

«  PARIS,  Dec.  27,  1778. 
To  his  excellency  the  Count  Florida  Blanca. 

I  have  the  honour  of  enclosing  to  jour  excellency  a 
manifesto  from  congress,  in  answer  to  that  of  his  Britan 
nic  majesty's  commissioners.  You  have  also  enclosed  a 
copy  of  a  former  resolution  of  congress  on  this  subject, 
from  which  it  will  appear  how  earnestly  they  have  shun 
ned  this  shocking  extremity.  As  long  as  it  was  possible 
to  impute  the  barbarities  committed  to  the  unauthorized 
intemperance  of  individuals,  congress  exhorted  the  suf 
fering  people  to  lenity  and  forbearance.  But  when  they 
became  acts  of  authority,  avowed  and  ordered,  congress 
must  not  only  stand  justified  before  God  and  man,  but 
would  have  been  culpable  in  the  eyes  of  both,  had  they 
longer  withheld  the  order  for  retaliation.  Permit  me  to 
hope  that  your  excellency  will  represent  these  things  to 
his  majesty,  and  that  they  will  produce  an  immediate 
declaration  which  is  most  likely  to  arrest  the  sanguinary 
progress  of  our  enemy,  and  compel  them  to  relinquish 
the  devastation  of  our  country  for  the  defence  of  their 
own. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

These  papers  were  delivered  to  the  Spanish  Ambassador 
at  Paris,  with  this  note. 

"  CHAILLOT  le  18  Dec.  1778. 

Monsieur  Lee  a  Phonneur  de  presenter  ses  respects,  a 
son  excellence  M.  le  Comte  D'Aranda,  et  de  le  prier  de 
vouloir  bien  faire  expedier  a  LI  plutot  le  Pacquet  ci-jointe 
a  son  excellence  le  Comte  Florida  Blanca. 

A'  son  excellence  V ambassadeur  de  VEspagne." 

In  order  to  despatch  at  once,  a  subject  disagreeable 
because  it  records  the  guilt  of  a  nation  which  we  have 
so  many  reasons  to  admire,  but  proper  to  be  introduced 
into  this  memoire  because  the  papers  relating  to  it  re 
flect  honour  upon  Mr.  Lee,  the  strict  chronology  of  the 


110  LIFE    OF 

political  history  of  his  life  has  been  in  some  degree  vio 
lated.  In  the  first  letter  to  Count  Florida  Blanca,  Mr. 
Lee  refers  to  the  treaty  then  existing  between  France 
and  the  United  States.  The  highly  important  and  inte 
resting  part  which  he  acted  in  negotiating  the  treaty  of 
alliance  with  France  will  now  be  related. 

On  the  9th  December  1777,  Mr.  Lee  as  commissioner 
to  the  court  of  Spain,  addressed  the  following  note  to  the 
Spanish  ambassador  at  Paris,  enclosing  him  a  copy  of  a 
memorial  which  the  commissioners  had  just  presented  to 
the  Count  Vergennes  on  the  present  state  of  affairs  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  France.  The  court  of 
Spain  being  alluded  to  in  this  memorial,  it  was  an  ap 
propriate  paper  to  be  presented  to  the  minister  of  that 
court.  The  presenting  of  it  to  him  was  an  ingenious 
mode  of  recalling  the  attention  of  the  Spanish  court  to 
the  representations  heretofore  made  by  Mr.  Lee,  on  the 
policy  of  Spain  joining  France  in  a  treaty  of  alliance  and 
commerce  with  the  United  States.  The  memorial  to  the 
French  court  is  an  interesting  paper.  It  was  drawn  by 
Mr.  Lee. 

(Note  of  Mr.  Lee  to  Count  D'Aranda.) 

"Dec.  9,  1777. 

To  the  Count  D'Aranda. 

I  have  the  honour  of  enclosing  to  your  excellency  a 
copy  of  a  memorial  presented  to  his  excellency  Count 
Vergennes,  by  the  commissioners  of  congress  for  this 
court.  The  knowledge  I  have  of  the  great  veneration 
entertained  by  the  United  States  for  the  king  of  Spain 
and  affection  for  the  people,  enables  me  to  assure  your 
excellency  that  nothing  will  give  them  greater  joy  than 
the  happy  conclusion  of  a  firm  and  lasting  treaty  of  amity 
and  commerce  between  the  two  nations. 

Permit  me  therefore  to  hope  that  your  excellency  will 
co-operate  with  the  favourable  disposition  of  this  court, 
in  bringing  the  treaty  formerly  proposed  to  a  speedy  con 
clusion. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  highest  considera 
tion  and  respect,  &c.  ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  1H 


(Memorial  to  Count  Vergennes.) 

"  To  his  excellency  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 

The  commissioners  from  the  congress  of  the  United 
States  of  North  America,  beg  leave  to  represent  to  your 
excellency  that  it  is  near  a  year  since  they  had  the  ho 
nour  of  putting  into  your  hands  the  propositions  of  con 
gress  for  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  this  king 
dom,  to  which,  with  sundry  other  memorials,  requesting 
the  aid  of  ships  of  war  and  offering  engagements  to  unite 
the  forces  of  the  said  states  with  those  of  France  and 
Spain,  in  acting  against  the  dominions  of  Great  Britain, 
and  to  make  no  peace  but  in  conjunction  with  those 
courts,  if  Great  Britain  should  declare  war  against  them  ; 
to  all  which  they  have  received  no  determinate  answer  ; 
and  apprehending  that  a  continuance  of  this  state  of  un 
certainty  with  regard  to  those  propositions,  together  with 
the  reports  that  must  soon  be  spread  in  America,  of  ri 
gorous  treatment  met  with  in  the  ports  of  these  king 
doms,  may  give  advantage  to  our  enemy  in  making  ill 
impressions  on  the  minds  of  our  people,  who,  from  the 
secrecy  enjoined  us,  cannot  be  informed  of  the  friendly 
and  essential  aids  that  have  been  so  generously,  but  pri 
vately  afforded  us  ;  the  commissioners  conceive  that  the 
present  circumstances  considered,  that  the  completing 
of  such  a  treaty  at  this  time  must  have  the  most  happy 
effect,  in  raising  the  credit  of  the  United  States  abroad, 
and  strengthening  their  resolution  at  home,  as  well  as 
discouraging  and  diminishing  their  internal  enemies,  and 
confirming  their  friends  who  might  otherwise  waver. 
And  the  commissioners  are  further  of  opinion  that  the 
aid  of  ships  desired,  might  at  this  juncture  be  employed 
with  great  advantage  to  America,  which  when  honoured 
with  a  conference  they  can  more  particularly  explain. 
They  therefore  request  your  excellency  most  earnestly 
to  resume  the  consideration  of  those  affairs,  and  appoint 
them  some  speedy  day  of  audience  thereupon. 

They  pray  also  that  their  grateful  acknowledgments 
may  be  presented  to  the  king  for  the  additional  aid  of 


LIFE    OF 

three  millions,  which  he  has  been  graciously  pleased  to 
promise  them  ;  and  that  his  majesty  may  be  assured 
whatever  engagements  they  may  enter  into  in  behalf  of 
the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of  the  full  powers  they 
are  vested  with,  will  be  executed  with  the  most  punctual 
good  faith  by  the  congress,  who,  believing  their  interest 
to  be  the  same,  and  that  a  sure  increase  of  the  com 
merce,  wealth  and  strength  of  France  and  Spain  will  he 
one  consequence  of  their  success  in  this  contest,  wish  for 
nothing  so  much,  after  establishing  their  own  liberty,  as 
a  firm  and  everlasting  union  with  those  nations. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
Signed,  SILAS  DEANE, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 
Passy,  Dec.  8th,  1777. 

The  author  would  treat  with  contempt  that  philosophy 
which  will  not  discern  in  the  course  of  events  the  guid 
ance  of  an  infinitely  wise  God.  No  one  who  is  capable 
of  estimating  the  present  condition  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  elevating  his  mind  to  the  grandeur  of  their  pros 
pects  ;  who  can  comprehend  the  multiplied  and  glorious 
enjoyments  and  advantages  of  civil  and  religious  free 
dom,  and  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  accessible  to  the  mil 
lions  who  now  and  will  hereafter  inhabit  the  vast  regions 
of  their  territory,  will  deny  that  the  success  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  in  their  conflict  with  Great  Britain,  was  an 
event  worthy  the  design  and  regard  of  the  Great  Ruler 
of  all  the  earth.  Let  the  American  reader  then,  grate 
fully  adore  Him,  who  at  this  period  of  the  utmost  need 
of  his  country,  when  nations  the  most  friendly  were  yet 
afraid  to  ally  themselves  with  her,  gave  to  her  arms  a 
signal  and  decisive  victory.  The  surrender  of  Burgoyne 
ensured  the  final  triumph  of  the  United  States.  To  this 
event,  so  unexpected  a  short  time  before  it  happened, 
and  so  easily  to  have  been  avoided  by  the  captured  gen 
eral,  may  be  attributed  the  commencement  of  a  course 
of  Providence  towards  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
which  if  they  duly  regard  Him  who  ordered  it,  may 
render  them  for  ages  the  light,  the  example,  and  glory  of 
the  world. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  113 

This  event  has  been  termed  decisive.  It  was  so.  It 
revived  the  spirits  of  the  people  of  the  states,  gave  them 
confidence  in  themselves  and  in  their  commanders,  and 
as  the  reader  will  see,  decided  the  timid  and  reluctant 
hesitancy  of  France  and  Spain. 

A  few  days  after  the  presenting  of  the  above  memorial 
to  the  Count  Vergennes,  intelligence  of  the  surrender  of 
Burgoyne  reached  the  commissioners.  They  immediate 
ly  laid  it  before  the  French  court,  and  Mr.  Lee  acquaint 
ed  the  Spanish  ambassador  with  the  grateful  information 
of  that  event.  He  wrote  to  Baron  Schulenburg,  and  to 
all  his  correspondents  in  Holland,  and  announced  to  them 
a  victory  gained  by  the  unassisted  troops  of  his  country 
over  British  veterans. 

This  intelligence  had  the  happiest  effect  on  the  minds  of 
the  people  of  Europe,  and  on  the  policy  of  their  govern 
ments.  This  was  soon  evident,  in  the  felicitations  of  the 
ministers  of  France  and  Spain,  presented  in  animated 
language  to  the  commissioners.  The  courts  of  those 
nations  began  to  feel  the  force  of  the  previous  represent 
ations  of  the  American  commissioners,  that  America  had 
spirit  and  determination  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  had 
rational  prospects  of  success.  While  these  courts  felt 
this  they  began,  especially  the  court  of  France,  to  appre 
hend  that  if  America  was  left  to  carry  on  by  herself  a 
protracted  war,  which  she  should  bring  to  a  happy  issue, 
they  would  lose  the  advantage  of  the  good  will  and  grati 
tude  that  aid  immediately  alforded  would  produce  in  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  which 
would  lead,  not  only  to  a  lasting  amity,  but  advantageous 
terms  of  future  commercial  intercourse.  They  began 
too  to  perceive  the  strong  probability  that  the  entire 
separation  of  the  United  States  from  Great  Britain 
might  be  effected,  and  their  independence  secured.  The 
greater  the  certainty  of  these  events  became,  the  stronger 
were  the  inducements  to  France  to  incur  the  expense  and 
hazard  the  contingencies  of  a  war  with  England. 

The  impression  made  on  the  minds  of  the  ministers  of 
France  and  Spain,  may  be  seen  from  a  perusal  of  some 
pages  of  Mr.  Lee's  journal  at  this  period  of  time. 

VOL.  i.  15 


114 


LIFE    OF 


The  following  most  interesting  and  eloquent  letters 
written  by  Mr.  Lee,  on  the  subject  of  this  happy  intelli 
gence,  evince  the  most  ardent  and  devoted  patriotism. 

«  PARIS,  Dec.  17th,  1777. 

Sir, — The  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender,  and  Wash 
ington's  having  given  battle  to  Howe,  \vhich  reached 
Europe  the  beginning  of  this  month,  has  produced  the 
most  decided  opinion  of  the  success  and  stability  of  our 
cause.  You  will  soon  see  the  most  open  effects  of  it ; 
and  I  may,  I  think,  assure  you  that  our  enemies  will  have 
more  than  America,  to  employ  them  another  campaign. 
#  *  *  #  *  # 

Before  this  time  you  should  have  received  very  con 
siderable  supplies  by  the  Flammant ;  and  very  ample  ones 
will  come  by  this  opportunity.  Those  and  the  multitude 
of  private  adventures  will  furnish  you  fully,  and  will  re 
duce  the  present  exorbitant  price  of  the  necessaries  of 
life  with  you. 

With  great  respect  and  esteem,  I  am,  dear  sir,  your 
friend,  ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  James  Lovell,  Esq.  Member  from  Massachusetts." 

"PARIS,  Dec.  18th,  1777. 

Dear  Friend, — The  authentic  accounts  which  reached 
most  parts  of  Europe  about  the  same  time,  the  beginning 
of  this  month,  of  Burgoyne's  surrender,  and  Washing 
ton's  attacking  Howe's  army,  has  given  a  sensation  that 
is  likely  to  produce  the  most  speedy  and  decisive  effects. 
I  think  you  may  be  certain  the  United  States  will  not 
make  another  campaign  without  allies,  nor  our  enemies 
be  unattacked  in  Europe.  But  by  my  advice  this  ought 
not  to  relax  your  preparations ;  because,  though  a  gen 
eral  war  will  put  us  upon  a  more  respectable  footing  and 
give  more  opening  and  certainty  to  our  efforts  ;  yet  it 
will  call  forth  more  earnest  and  united  exertion  from 
Great  Britain,  which  will  arm  the  hands  of  its  govern 
ment  more  strongly,  and  this  augmented  force,  both  from 
policy  and  hatred  will  be  principally  pointed  at  us.  It 
must  be  remembered  how  much  more  energy  and  activity 


ARTHUR    LEE.  115 

there  are  in  the  English  than  in  these  nations,  which 
when  roused  and  united  will  not  fail  to  be  formidable, 
and  therefore  calls  upon  us  not  to  think  the  danger  over 
because  we  have  repelled  the  force  which  a  divided  and 
ill-directed  people  have  brought  against  us. 

I  think  it  probable  that  the  lords  Chatham  and  Shel- 
burne  will  soon  he  ministers;  and  if  they  cannot  ally  Great 
Britain  with  us,  they  will  use  every  effort  to  regain  by  force 
what  the  others  have  lost  by  folly.  Perhaps  the  vigour 
of  your  preparations  will  prevent  them  from  attempting  it. 

I  am,  my  dear  friend,  yours  truly, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  Samuel  Adams,  Esq." 

"  To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — Our  joint  despatches  will  inform  you  of 
the  forwardness  in  which  things  are  here  towards  the  de 
sired  conclusion. 

In  three  weeks  we  shall  hear  from  Spain,  and  all  will 
I  hope  be  settled.  The  late  intelligence  from  America 
has  staggered  and  confounded  our  enemies,  as  much  as  it 
has  elated  and  decided  our  friends.  Should  they  at  length 
resolve  to  continue  in  rage  and  despair  what  they  com 
menced  in  wickedness  and  folly,  and  venture  upon  a  gene 
ral  war  by  which  they  must  be  overwhelmed,  their  prin 
cipal  efforts  will  be  pointed  against  us,  unless  your  being 
in  a  respectable  state  of  preparation  should  deter  them. 
In  that  case  they  will  probably  confine  themselves  to  a 
piratical  coasting  war,  and  preying  upon  our  commerce. 
I  have  directed  all  the  naval  stores  that  are  collected  at 
Bilboa  to  be  shipped  forthwith  the  moment  the  court  of 
Spain  agrees  to  furnish  the  money.  To  accelerate  this 
material  supply,  I  proposed  to  my  colleagues  to  remit  the 
money  from  our  funds  here ;  but  they  did  not  think  it  ad 
visable. 


I  have  the  honour  to  be  very  respectfully  gentlemen, 
your  humble  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE. 

Paris,  Dec.  \$th,  1777." 


116  LIFE     OF 

The  day  after  Mr.  Lee's  letter  to  that  able  and  sterling 
patriot  Samuel  Adams,  he  wrote  another  in  the  following 
animated  terms  to  the  same  gentleman,  announcing  to  him 
an  assurance  from  France  which  he  had  just  received, 
that  that  court  would  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  United 
States. 

"PARIS,  Dec.  19th,  1777. 

Dear  Friend, — The  last  ray  of  British  splendour  is 
passing  away,  and  the  American  sun  is  emerging  in 
full  glory  from  the  clouds  which  obscured  it.  His  most 
Christian  majesty  has  assured  us,  in  the  most  explicit  terms, 
that  he  will  enter  into  a  treaty  with  its  as  soon  as  the  cou 
rier  returns  from  Spain  ;  and  will  maintain  our  inde 
pendence  by  arms  if  necessary.  The  only  stipulation 
he  requires,  is  that  we  shall  not  renounce  our  inde 
pendency  when  we  make  peace ;  a  condition  to  which  I 
believe  we  have  no  insuperable  objection  or  reluctance. 
I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  good  faith  of  this  assurance  ; 
and  the  solid  wisdom  of  it  is  manifest.  They  say  their 
object  is  to  attach  us  to  them,  as  long  as  human  ties  can 
endure  ;  and  certainly  the  principles  on  which  they  mean 
to  act  are  wisely  calculated  for  this  purpose.  I  doubt 
you  will  not  drop  a  single  tear  on  the  grave  of  Great 
Britain.  That  perverse  and  fallen  people  seem  now  sen 
sible  of  the  shame  and  ruin  that  await  them;  but  1  ques 
tion  whether  they  have  spirit  to  avenge  themselves  upon 
the  tyrant,  who  is  the  author  of  all  their  calamities. 

Farewell,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  Samuel  Adams,  Esq." 

In  the  same  animated  manner  he  concludes  a  letter  to 
Baron  Schulenburg,  in  which  he  had  given  him  all  the  in 
telligence  he  had  received  from  the  United  States.  "  Our 
enemies  are  exerting  their  utmost  endeavours  to  renew 
their  attempts  against  us.  They  are  a  people  of  energy 
and  spirit,  and  worthy  of  the  opposition  of  those  who 
claim  an  equal  birthright.  Unassisted  by  foreign  powers 
we  cannot  prevent  them  from  desolating  our  country ; 


ARTHUR    LEE.  117 

but  we  will  repel  the  chains  they  mean  to  impose  on  us, 
and  establish  our  independence  forever." 

With  characteristic  energy  and  patriotic  feeling  he  thus 
congratulates  General  Gates,  the  victor  of  Saratoga. 

"  PARIS,  Jan.  5th,  1778. 

Major  General  Gates, 

Dear  Sir, — Give  me  leave  to  renew  our  old  acquaint 
ance,  and  to  congratulate  you  on  the  important  services 
you  have  rendered  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  Your  com 
plete  and  effectual  victory  came  very  happily  to  relieve 
us  here  from  very  painful  embarrassments  with  the  pow 
ers  of  Europe,  into  which  the  boasts  and  preparations  of 
our  enemies,  with  the  doubts  of  our  consistency  and  abili 
ty  to  resist  them,  had  involved  us.  Your  successes,  with 
the  battle  given  at  Germantovvn  have  entirely  removed 
those  doubts,  and  will  soon  place  us  amongst  the  ac 
knowledged  sovereign  powers  of  the  world. 

It  gives  me  very  particular  pleasure  that  you  have  been 
so  instrumental  in  this  great  event,  as  1  have  so  long 
known  you  to  have  the  most  disinterested  attachment  to 
the  cause  of  liberty  and  of  America. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  dear  sir,  with  the  greatest  es 
teem,  &c.  your  friend  and  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

To  diversify  the  grave  topics  on  which  the  reader  has 
been  dwelling  with  the  reliefs  afforded  by  the  recollec 
tions  of  private  friendships,  and  the  occasional  devotions 
of  the  statesman  and  scholar  to  literature  and  learning, 
the  author  ventures  to  interrupt  the  progress  of  politics, 
and  to  close  this  chapter  with  one  or  two  letters  from 
Mr.  Lee  to  his  literary  friends,  William  Jones,  Esq.  (af 
terwards  Sir  William  Jones)  and  the  Marquis  of  Rosig- 
nan ;  the  latter  of  whom,  like  Mr.  Lee,  united  the  learn 
ing  of  science  to  the  talents  and  services  of  a  politician, 
as  the  former  joined  the  elegant  accomplishments  of  lite 
rature  to  the  more  abstruse  acquirements  of  a  lawyer 
and  advocate.  Between  these  gentlemen  a  long,  pleas- 


118  LIFE   OF 

ing,  and  instructing  correspondence  was  carried  on.     The 
reader  will  find  it  in  the  JOth  No.  of  the  Appendix. 

"PARIS,  Dec.  22d,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — I  enclose  you  a  performance  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  which  1  think  will  please  you. 

Our  last  intelligence  from  America  was  of  the  4th  of 
August.  By  that  we  are  informed  that  General  Burgoyne 
had  met  with  a  considerable  check,  with  the  loss  of  seve 
ral  men  and  of  his  batteaux.  The  evacuation  of  Ticonde- 
roga  arid  the  progress  of  the  British  troops  gave  no  alarm, 
as  it  was  conceived  that  they  were  only  hastening  to  in 
volve  themselves  in  a  country  in  which  they  would  be 
cut  off.  The  ravages  of  the  British  troops,  and  Howe's 
order  to  the  inhabitants  to  bring  in  their  money  and  take 
his  notes  for  it  on  the  treasury,  had  united  and  confirmed 
all  men  more  firmly  in  favour  of  American  independence. 
The  ministry  at  London  begin  to  think  that  this  campaign 
will  not  answer  their  purpose;  and  I  trust  in  God  that 
the  event  will  prove  them  to  be  once  iri  their  lives  right 
in  their  judgment  on  American  matters. 

An  Abbe  here  has  contrived  a  telescope  for  measuring 
the  distance  of  objects,  which  seems  to  be  ingenious  and 
effectual.  I  do  not  remember  to  have  seen  in  your  study 
the  electroferus  perpetuus,  which  is  a  very  simple  and 
admirable  machine  for  the  ordinary  exhibitions  in  electri 
city.  As  it  was  invented  in  Germany  I  suppose  you  have 
seen  it  ;  otherwise  I  would  send  you  a  description  of  it, 
by  which  you  might  easily  make  one  yourself.  Mons. 
Le  Sage  a  very  able  chemist  here,  exhibits  very  satisfac 
torily  the  experiment  of  corroding  glass  by  the  fumes 
produced  from  the  addition  of  vitriolic  acid  to  spar,  for 
which  that  of  Derbyshire  is  the  best.*  What  these  fumes 
precisely  consist  of,  or  from  whence  they  derive  this 
extraordinary  power  is  not  yet  ascertained.  The  same 

*  The  discovery  of  the  effects  of  these  fumes  on  glass  has  become  extensively 
useful  in  the  fine  arts.  The  beautiful  art  of  etching,  or  picture  printing  by  glass 
plates,  owes  its  original  to  the  discovery  here  spoken  of.  The  progress  of  the  science 
of  chemistry,  since  the  date  of  Mr.  Lee's  letter,  has  discovered  the  nature  of  these 
fumes  and  the  rationale  of  their  operation  on  glass,  of  which  the  principal  ingredient  is 
silex. 


ARTHUR  LEE.  119 

chemist  has  observed  that  the  human  breath  turns  violet 
colours  red,  and  very  exactly  of  that  shade  which  is  given 
to  them  by  the  muriatic  acid.* 

I  have  read  Dr.  Robertson's  late  history  of  America ; 
not  with  the  satisfaction  I  expected.  Voltaire,  in  his  His- 
toire  General,  has  in  my  judgment  touched  it  with  a  much 
more  masterly  hand. 

1  beg  my  respects  to  the  Marquesa,  and  to  be  remem 
bered  to  our  philosophical  friends.  I  hope  not  only  to 
hear  from  you,  but  to  be  assured  too  that  your  journey 
and  the  baths  have  entirely  re-established  your  health. f 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  great  respect  and  regard,  your  friend 
and  humble  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  his  excellency  the  Marquis  of  Rosignan, 
Sardinian  Envoy^  at  Berlin" 

"PARIS,  Oct.  18,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — I  was  comforted  for  the  unhappy  fate  of 
our  accomplished  friend  Alleyne,  by  hearing  that  you 

*  All  the  acids  turn  vegetable  blues  red  ;  and  the  alkalis  converts  the  red  to  blue 
again.  The  human  breath  contains  a  portion  of  carbonic  acid.  Hence  the  blue  sit- 
imis  paper  is  changed  to  a  red  colour  by  exposure  to  the  human  breath.  The  reader 
will  excuse  these  collegiate  reminiscences. 

t  The  name  of  Voltaire  brings  to  the  recollection  of  the  author  an  anecdote  which 
Mr.  Lee  has  written  at  the  bottom  of  a  page  (in  a  vol.  of  Voltaire's  works)  of  his 
Essay  on  Epic  Poetry.  While  Mr.  Lee  resided  in  France  a  learned  Italian  count, 
who  had  just  been  travelling  through  England,  dined  with  him,  in  a  learned  company 
assembled  by  Mr.  Lee  to  enjoy  the  society  of  the  Italian.  The  count  related  a  fact 
which  had  happened  in  his  presence  some  years  before  when  in  England.  He 
had  been  invited  to  dine  with  Voltaire,  who  was  then  on  a  visit  to  England,  and 
Dr.  Young,  the  author  of  the  Night  Thoughts,  at  the  house  of  some  gentleman  in 
London.  The  reader  will  recollect  that  Voltaire  pretended  to  entertain  a  great  con 
tempt  for  Milton's  Paradise  Lost,  and  had  endeavoured  to  ridicule  that  inimitable 
poem,  in  his  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry.  Dr.  Young  ardently  admired  Milton.  He  was 
said  to  be  very  animated  in  his  manner,  and  vehement  in  his  temper.  During  their 
sitting  after  dinner  the  conversation  turned  on  epic  poetry,  and  Voltaire  attacked  va 
rious  parts  of  the  Paradise  Lost  with  much  ridicule.  Dr.  Young  warmly  vindicated 
the  beauties  and  sublimity  of  the  passages  so  treated  by  Voltaire.  The  Doctor  grew 
more  and  more  warm  and  vehement  in  his  manner,  and  unconsciously  grasped  a 
large  knife  near  him,  and  leaning  forward  toward  Voltaire  appeared  to  him  to  be 
getting  too  near.  Voltaire,  who  had  a  great  dread  of  a  hot-headed  Englishman,  be 
came  quite  uneasy  at  the  manner  of  the  Doctor.  He  at  length  began  to  draw  back 
his  chair,  and  the  Doctor  still  leaned  towards  him,  nearer  and  nearer,  with  increasing 
earnestness,  until  Voltaire  rose  and  stepped  back,  upon  which  the  Doctor  rising  to 
wards  him,  vehemently  uttered  the  following  extemporary  verse. 

"  You  little,  profligate  and  thin, 
You  are  Milton's  devil,  death,  and  sin." 

Voltaire  was  remarkably  small  and  thin.  The  passage  of  Milton's  Paradise  Lost 
which  Voltaire  had  been  ridiculing,  was  Milton's  Personification  of  Death  and  Sin. 


120  LIFE    OF 

were  coming  forward  in  his  place.  It  was  impossible 
not  to  have  an  affection  for  a  man  so  worthy  of  it,  ex 
cept  in  those  failings  which  I  knew  too  well,  and  by  which 
he  himself  was  the  greatest  sufferer.  I  never  yet  met 
with  a  man  whose  talents  were  greater,  or  more  calcu 
lated  to  please  and  instruct.  The  great  fortune  to  which 
he  was  born  nourished  in  him  I  believe  that  turn  for  ex 
travagance  which  was  the  source  of  all  his  misfortunes. 
Peace  be  to  him  !  I  shall  ever  remember  him  with  es 
teem  and  regret.  If  you  see  any  of  his  family  be  pleased 
to  remember  me  to  them. 

Mr.  Bolton  flatters  me  that  you  will  put  forth  your 
utmost  strength  upon  the  great  question  of  impressment. 
It  is  of  the  last  importance  to  the  security  of  the  subject, 
and  to  the  honour  of  the  police  of  the  kingdom,  that  this 
question  should  be  decided.  For  what  can  more  abase 
the  dignity  of  the  constitution,  or  endanger  the  security 
of  the  subject,  than  that  the  least  enlightened  and  most 
abandoned  of  the  community,  for  of  such  press-gangs  are 
usually  composed,  should  be  supposed  to  have  a  legal 
power  of  judging  and  executing  in  what  concerns  the 
dearest  object  of  legal  protection,  personal  liberty  ?  To 
say  no  worse  of  this  practice  and  to  suppose  no  intention 
of  oppression,  it  is  certainly  left  to  every  press-gang  to 
judge  who  it  is  that  comes  within  the  description  of  the 
warrant  under  which  they  act,  and  in  the  instant  to  ex 
ecute  that  judgment  with  ruffian  violence,  and  drag  the 
unhappy  victim  covered  over  with  wounds  into  the  most 
dismal  of  all  dungeons,  where  the  approach  or  knowledge 
of  his  friends  is  always  difficult,  and  may  easily  be  ren 
dered  impossible. 

It  ever  appeared  to  me  the  grossest  of  all  absurdities, 
to  suppose  the  law  could  authorize  that  which  overturns 
all  law,  and  soberly  commit  to  a  drunken  beadle  a  sum 
mary  judgment  and  execution  without  trial  or  appeal, 
which  is  not  trusted  to  the  gravest  and  most  dignified 
judges  of  the  land,  nor  even  to  the  sceptre  itself.  With 
regard  to  Mr.  Foster's  law  argument  I  am  satisfied  from 
my  own  experience  that  you  will  find  that-  by  searching 
into  the  ancient  records,  that  it  is  the  sophistry  of  an 


ARTHUR    F/EE.  121 

advocate  and  not  the  opinion  of  a  judge.  Among  the 
innumerable  arguments  against  it,  these  appear  to  me  to 
be  conclusive,  and  to  prove  beyond  controversy  that  to 
use  an  expression  of  some  note,  it  is  a  lewd  custom  and 
not  law.  First,  the  ancient  warrants  vouched  for  press 
ing  seamen  do  equally  authorize  the  impressing  all  men, 
since  after  describing  many  others  besides  mariners  they 
conclude  "  et  alios  quoscunque."  These  therefore  prov 
ing  too  much,  prove  in  fact  nothing,  but  that  the  whole 
is*  an  usurpation  on  the  part  of  the  crown.  Secondly, 
there  is  no  writ  in  the  register  authorizing  the  recovery 
of  a  mariner  so  pressed  into  the  service,  which,  had  it 
ever  been  deemed  legal,  must  inevitably  have  been  the 
case.  The  general  rule  that  there  is  no  right  without  a 
remedy,  is  more  especially  true  with  regard  to  the  pre 
rogative.  Had  there  ever  been  a  right  in  the  crown  to 
force  seamen  into  its  service,  there  would  have  been  a 
writ  to  retake  them  when  they  deserted.  But  the  writ 
is  for  those  only  who  have  received  wages,  and  the  con 
version  of  those  wages  being  a  proof  of  consent,  that 
conversion  is  specified  in  the  writ.  It  is  manifest  then 
that  the  consent,  and  not  force,  was  what,  in  contempla 
tion  of  law  entitled  the  crown  to  claim  the  mariner's 
service.  Besides,  the  practice  carries  an  internal  evi 
dence  of  its  illegality  with  it,  since  a  community  of  rob 
bers  could  not  devise  an  institution  more  inconsistent 
with  law  and  order,  or  more  strongly  marked  with  vio 
lence  arid  wrong. 

You  will  do  me  a  very  great  favour  if  you  will  pre 
serve  and  convey  to  me  the  arguments  and  opinions  upon 
this  question,  should  it  come  forward.  Perhaps  the  in 
temperance  of  some  one  among  us  may  be  some  time  or 
other  inclined  to  introduce  it  into  the  United  States. 

Next  to  the  establishment  of  our  own  liberties,  the 
redemption  of  your's  is  my  warmest  wish.  1  think  it  is 
inevitable  that  the  trial  must  come  forward  with  you  in 
a  few  years.  The  Scotch  domination  drives  on  too  fast 
to  continue  long  unquestioned.  The  weight  of  the  yoke 
from  which  we  have  withdrawn  will  be  concentrated 
upon  you.  Those  who  expect  experience  will  make  the 

VOL.  i.  16 


122  TJFE   OF 

contrivers  of  this  flagitious  business  more  moderate  in 
the  use  of  the  power  left  them,  will,  I  think,  be  mis 
taken.  The  disappointment  will  be  much  more  likely 
to  inflame  their  passions  than  reform  their  judgment,  to 
exasperate  than  to  mitigate  their  tyranny.  But  in  my 
opinion  the  Scots  have  undertaken  more  than  their  abili 
ties  and  judgment,  which  I  think  showy,  not  solid,  can 
direct  or  maintain.  In  the  end  therefore  I  hope  to  see 
them  defeated  by  you,  as  1  have  every  reason  to  trust 
they  will  be  by  us. 

For  the  commencement  of  a  correspondence,  this  letter 
I  am  afraid  will  appear  tedious.  I  shall  therefore  close 
it  with  assuring  you  that  there  is  no  one  in  whose  re 
membrance  and  friendship  I  shall  be  happier  than  in 
your's. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  your's,  with  the  truest  esteem, 
dear  sir,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 
To  William  Jones,  Esq.  Middle  Temple." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  123 


CHAPTER   V. 

The  effect  of  the  capture  of  Burgoyne  in  France  and  other  parts  of  Europe — The 
French  Court  resolves  on  a  Treaty  of  Alliance  with  the  United  States — Debates 
on  the  subject  of  the  llth  and  12th  Articles  of  the  Treaty — Mr.  Lee  refuses  to 
concur  with  his  colleagues  in  these  Articles — The  French  Court  consents  that 
congress  may  strike  them  out  of  the  Treaty,  without  affecting  its  validity — Con 
gress  concurs  with  Mr.  Lee  and  strikes  out  those  Articles — Mr.  Lee's  efforts  to 
induce  Spain  to  join  the  Alliance — He  procures  a  secret  and  separate  Article  from 
the  French  Court  in  relation  to  Spain — His  endeavours  to  procure  a  loan  of  two 
millions  of  pounds  sterling  from  Spain  for  Congress — His  correspondence  with 
Mons.  Dumas  of  Holland — Intrigues  of  British  secret  agents  in  Paris — Mr.  Lee 
detects  and  exposes  them — Invitation  of  the  Congress  to  Dr.  Price,  to  remove  to 
America  and  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States — Mr.  Lee's  letter  and  Price's 
reply — Sketch  of  the  labours  and  services  of  Mr.  Lee  while  in  France — His  jour 
nal  of  negotiations  with  the  French  and  Spanish  minister — His  correspondence 
with  Congress — Return  of  Mr.  Lee  to  America  ;  causes  of  it — His  arrival  and 
reception  in  the  United  States — His  reception  by  Congress — He  is  elected  a 
member  of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  and  is  chosen  by  that  body  a  delegate  to  Con 
gress — Is  appointed  by  Congress  a  Commissioner  to  treat  with  all  the  north 
western  tribes  of  Indians — Is  chosen  by  Congress  one  of  the  Board  of  Treasury, 
at  which  he  continued  from  the  year  1784  to  1789 — His  retirement — His  conti 
nued  correspondence  with  eminent  foreign  persons  of  distinction — His  literary 
honours — His  death  and  character. 

r 

THE  reader  has  seen  from  the  letters  of  Mr.  Lee  on 
the  subject  of  Burgoyne's  surrender,  that  the  intelligence 
of  that  event  had  produced  a  very  favourable  effect  upon 
the  minds  of  public  men  in  Europe.  It  changed  the  poli 
cy  of  the  French  court  towards  the  United  States  ;  and 
though  the  Spanish  court  did  not  so  promptly  yield  to 
this  effect,  its  assurances  of  amity  and  aid  became  more 
earnest  and  unequivocal. 

The  French  court  immediately  entered  into  negotia 
tions  on  the  subject  of  a  treaty  of  alliance  and  commer 
cial  intercourse.  The  reason  given  by  the  Spanish  min 
istry  for  its  dilatory  course  towards  the  United  States, 
was  the  hazard  to  which  an  open  alliance  with  them 
would  expose  their  fleet,  then  not  yet  returned  from 
South  America  with  the  annual  supply  of  silver. 


124  LIFE    OF 

The  reader  will  find  in  the  journal  of  Mr.  Lee,  a  mi 
nute  and  a  most  interesting  detail  of  the  progress  of  the 
negotiation  with  the  French  court,  for  a  treaty  of  alliance 
and  commerce.  It  appears  that  the  first  projets  of  a 
treaty  presented  by  the  French  ministry  did  not  contain 
the  word  "  sovereign"  when  the  United  States  were 
spoken  of.  Mr.  Lee  urged  upon  his  colleagues  the  pro 
priety  of  insisting  on  an  express  acknowledgment  of  our 
sovereignty  and  independence,  to  be  inserted  at  once  into 
the  proposed  treaty.  In  support  of  his  opinion  of  the 
propriety  and  duty  in  the  American  commissioners,  of 
insisting  upon  this  acknowledgment  in  the  commence 
ment  of  the  negotiation,  he  referred  to  the  instance  of 
Holland,  whose  independence  was  not  acknowledged,  for 
nearly  half  a  century  after  it  had  freed  itself  from  the 
Spanish  crown.  At  his  suggestion  an  article  was  in 
serted  specifying  the  possessions  of  Great  Britain,  on 
and  near  the  continent  of  North  America,  which  France 
was  to  be  bound  not  to  attempt  to  conquer  during  the 
war.  The  reader  will  peruse  Mr.  Lee's  journal  of  this 
period  with  great  interest. 

The  provisions  of  the  llth  and  12th  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  commerce  with  France  presents  the  subject  of 
most  interest  in  the  history  of  our  early  negotiations  with 
that  country.  The  propositions  of  the  French  court  which 
constituted  these  articles,  were  at  one  time  embodied  in 
the  treaty.  France  at  this  time  possessed  the  principal 
islands  in  the  West  Indies,  which  yielded  the  greatest 
supply  of  molasses.  It  was  proposed  to  our  commission 
ers,  that  the  United  States  should  exempt  from  any  tax 
or  impost,  all  merchandize  exported  from  the  United  States 
to  the  French  islands  yielding  molasses,  by  French  subjects, 
while  France  should  exempt  from  all  duty  the  molasses 
exported  from  her  islands  to  the  United  States  by  their 
citizens.  As  the  principle  of  these  articles,  no  less  than 
the  policy  of  them,  formed  a  subject  of  difference  be 
tween  the  commissioners,  and  of  difficulty  in  the  negoti 
ation  ;  and  became  a  subject  of  debate  in  congress,  and 
of  renewed  negotiation  after  the  consent  of  that  body 
had  been  gladly  and  gratefully  given  to  every  other  part 


ARTHUR    LEE.  125 

of  the  treaty,  the  reader  will  expect  from  a" faithful  biog 
rapher  of  Mr.  Lee  more  than  a  passing  notice  of  the  in 
teresting  topics  relating  to  them.  The  two  articles 
which  were  earnestly  debated  in  their  day,  are  in  these 
words  in  the  original  treaty. 

"  Article  1  1th.  It  is  agreed  and  concluded  that  there 
shall  never  be  any  duty  imposed  on  the  exportation  of 
the  molasses  that  may  be  taken  by  the  subjects  of  the 
United  States  from  the  islands  of  America,  which  belong 
or  may  hereafter  appertain  to  his  most  Christian  ma 
jesty.5' 

"Article  12th.  In  compensation  of  the  exemption 
stipulated  by  the  preceding  article,  it  is  agreed  and  con 
cluded  that  there  shall  never  be  any  duties  imposed  upon 
the  exportation  of  any  kind  of  merchandize,  which  the 
subjects  of  his  most  Christian  majesty  may  take  from 
the  countries  and  possessions,  present  or  future,  of  any 
of  the  thirteen  United  States,  for  the  use  of  the  islands 
which  shall  furnish  molasses." 

Mr.  Lee,  from  the  commencement  of  the  conferences 
upon  these  articles,  earnestly  opposed  the  adoption  of  the 
proposition  of  the  12th  article,  on  the  ground  that  the 
exemption  stipulated  for  in  that  article  as  an  equivalent 
for  the  exemption  of  the  1 1th  article,  was  greatly  more 
than  a  fair  equivalent.  The  single  article  of  molasses  to 
be  taken  from  the  French  islands  was  to  be  exempted 
from  duties  by  France  ;  but  all  merchandize  exported  to 
those  islands  by  the  subjects  of  France,  was  to  be  ex 
empted  from  duties  by  the  United  States.  Mr.  Lee 
however,  anxious  to  secure  an  alliance  with  France, 
was  not  disposed  to  secure  it  at  such  a  price.  He  con 
tended  that  reciprocity  should  constitute  the  basis  of  the 
treaty,  and  that  there  should  be  some  just  proportion  be 
tween  equivalents.  He  forcibly  remarked  that  an  agree 
ment  to  these  articles  would  be  a  permission  to  France, 

"  to  tie  both  of  our  hands."  for  the  privilege  of  "  tiring  one 

/»  7       r         ",,  &  »/    <b 

o/  herjtngefs. 

As  the  French  ministry  seemed  desirous  to  retain 
these  articles,  and  as  Mr.  Lee's  colleagues  assented  to 
them,  he  waived  for  a  time  his  objections,  and  they  were 


126  LIFE    OF 

comprehended  in  the  treaty.  His  reasons  for  this  waiver 
of  objections,  which  to  his  mind  appeared  to  be  insuper 
able,  he  states  to  be  a  desire  to  exhibit  unanimity  in  the 
commissioners,  and  to  procure  a  speedy  conclusion  to 
their  negotiations  for  a  treaty.  But  upon  further  reflec 
tion  his  mind  became  more  strongly  impressed  with  the 
impolicy  of  these  articles,  and  he  finally  refused  to  sign 
the  treaty  unless  there  should  be  an  explicit  understand 
ing  with  the  French  court,  that  they  should  be  considered 
as  open  to  the  adoption  or  rejection  of  the  congress  of 
the  United  States  ;  and  that  the  rejection  of  them  should 
form  no  impediment  to  the  ratification  of  the  treaty. 
The  notes  of  Mr.  Lee  to  his  colleagues,  and  their  replies 
are  here  given.  They  present  the  reasons  of  Mr.  Lee 
for  disagreeing  to  the  11th  and  12th  articles,  and  afford 
a  gratifying  specimen  of  his  ability  as  a  statesman  and 
diplomatist. 

"  CHAILLOT,  January  30th,  1778. 

To  the  Hon'ble  Benjamin  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane. 

Gentlemen, — More  mature  consideration  and  fuller 
lights  upon  the  subject  have  satisfied  me  that  I  was 
wrong  in  receding  from  my  opinion  against  the  admissi- 
bility  of  the  12th  article  in  the  proposed  commercial 
treaty.  I  should  therefore  think  myself  neglectful  of  the 
duty  I  owe  to  the  public  if  I  did  not  endeavour  yet  to 
prevent  that  measure  before  our  signature  has  rendered 
it  irrevocable.  And  certainly  nothing  short  of  totally 
preventing  the  treaty  from  being  concluded  will  prevail 
upon  me  to  sign  it  if  that  article  is  to  stand. 

What  has  thus  confirmed  me  in  my  former  sentiments 
is  this  ;  at  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Gerard's  observations 
upon  what  we  proposed,  he  said  they  had  no  design  to 
lay  duties  upon  their  molasses,  nor  was  it  compatible 
with  their  policy.  Dr.  Franklin  informed  me  yesterday 
that  a  substitute  for  molasses  had  been  found  in  America, 
procurable  from  a  substance,  which  is  the  growth  of  the 
country,  and  of  infinite  plenty.  A  prohibition  on  the 
export  of  their  molasses  will  effect  every  purpose  which 


ARTHUR    LEE.  127 

we  are  providing  against  by  restraining  the  imposition  of 
duties. 

From  these  considerations  it  seems  clear  to  me  that 
molasses  is  not  such  an  important  object  as  was  stated  ; 
that  the  demand  is  more  likely  to  diminish  than  increase  ; 
that  there  is  no  sound  reason  for  apprehending  that  with 
out  any  restraint,  duties  will  be  imposed  on  that  article  ; 
that  if  there  were  the  strongest  reasons  for  that  appre 
hension,  the  sacrifice  does  not  secure  us  from  the  evil  it 
is  intended  to  prevent. 

If  these  reasons  are  not  utterly  fallacious,  we  are  by 
the  article  proposed  really  tying  both  our  hands  with  the 
expectation  of  binding  one  of  her  fingers.  The  princi 
ple  too  is,  and  the  effect  must  be,  the  encouragement 
of  commerce  at  the  expense  of  agriculture.  Whatever 
temporary  advantages  it  may  give  will  be  permanently 
pernicious  to  our  country.  Nor  is  it  an  argument  of  lit 
tle  weight  with  me  that  we  are  binding  our  constituents 
forever,  upon  a  point  on  which  they  have  not  had  an  op 
portunity  of  giving  their  instructions.  How  far  it  is 
within  the  limits  of  our  powers  and  our  discretion  I  am 
exceedingly  doubtful. 

I  would  therefore  submit  to  you,  gentlemen,  upon  the 
ground  of  the  article  not  having  been  in  the  plan  given  for 
our  guidance,  and  of  doubts  which  have  arisen  amongst 
ourselves  about  the  approbation  it  will  meet  with,  if  it 
should  be  unrejected  by  the  court  here,  that  we  should 
propose  that  both  articles  should  be  left  open  to  be  rejected 
or  admitted  by  congress,  without  affecting  their  ratification 
of  the  rest  of  the  treaty.  This  exception  will,  it  seems  to 
me,  refer  the  decision  to  that  arbitration  which  ought  to 
determine  it,  and  free  us  from  any  possible  imputation 
of  having  acted  wrong,  or  of  having  exceeded  our 
powers. 

I  am  willing  that  whatever  charge  of  levity  may  arise 
from  thus  renewing  the  negotiation  may  be  wholly  visited 
upon  me.  Though  indeed,  as  I  think  we  are  treating 
with  gentlemen  of  sense  and  candour,  I  am  under  no  ap 
prehension  that  they  will  view  in  any  such  light  an  anx 
iety  to  act  with  the  utmost  circumspection  in  a  business 


128  LIFE    OF 

of  great  moment,  and  of  doubtful  effect.  I  must  beg, 
gentlemen,  an  immediate  consideration  of  what  I  pro 
pose,  and  that  you  will  do  me  the  favour  of  apprizing  me 
of  your  determination  as  soon  as  you  have  formed  it. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  very  respectfully,  your  obedi 
ent  and  humble  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

To  this  forcible  statement  of  his  objection  to  the  12th 
article,  his  colleagues  returned  him  the  following  reply. 

"PASSY,  February  1st,  1778. 

Sir, — We  have  maturely  considered  your  letter  of  the 
30th  past.  And  although  we  cannot  see  the  mischiev 
ous  consequences  of  the  12th  article  which  you  appre 
hended,  yet  conceiving  that  unanimity  on  this  occasion 
is  of  importance,  we  have  written  to  M.  Gerard  this 
morning  that  we  concur  in  desiring  that  article  and  the 
preceding  to  be  omitted,  ag-reeable  to  his  first  proposal. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  your  obedient  hum 
ble  servants,  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

SILAS  DEANE.* 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 

This  reply  was  accompanied  with  a  copy  of  the  joint 
letter  of  the  two  commissioners  to  Mons.  Gerard,  who 
was  the  minister  appointed  by  the  French  court  to  nego 
tiate  the  treaties  with  the  American  commissioners. 

"PASSY,  Feb.  1st,  1778. 

To  Mons.  Gerard. 

Sir, — Mr.  Lee  having  signified  to  us,  that  on  further 
consideration  he  has  changed  his  sentiments  relating  to 
the  12th  article,  and  that  he  cannot  join  in  signing  the 
treaty  if  that  article  remains  in  it ;  and  as  unanimity  on 
this  occasion  is  of  some  importance,  and  the  articles  11 
and  12  seem  not  perfectly  consonant  with  the  declared 
spirit  of  the  treaty,  which  is  to  leave  each  party  free  in 

*  This  note  is  copied  from  an  attested  copy  from  the  original. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  129 

its  regulations  of  commerce ;  we  concur  in  requesting 
(if  it  can  be  done  without  occasioning  delay)  that  those 
two  articles  may  be  omitted,  agreeable  to  your  own 
first  proposition. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  your  most  obedient 
humble  servants,  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

SILAS  DEANE."* 

The  French  minister  replied  that  as  the  treaty  had 
been  ratified  by  the  king,  under  his  seal,  the  articles 
could  not  be  erased  ;  but  that  Mr.  Lee's  proposition 
would  be  accepted,  a  It  was  agreed  that  the  two  articles 
should  stand  insthe  treaty^  subjecf  however  to  the  adop 
tion  or  rejection  of  congress  ;  and  that  the  rejection  of 
them  by  that  body  should  not  invalidate  the  ratification 
of  the  treaty.  Mr.  Lee  joined  his  colleagues  in  signing 
it,  and  this  instrument  (the  sign  of  independence  and 
hope  in  the  western  heavens  !)  was  immediately  trans 
mitted  to  America.  '.'/: 

The  congress  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  re 
ceived  the  treaty  with  the  liveliest  emotions  of  joy  and 
gratitude.  The  congress  instructed  their  commissioners 
to  return  their  acknowledgments  to  Louis  by  the  follow 
ing  resolve. 

"  In  Congress,  May  4th,    1778. — Resolved,  That  this 
congress  entertain  the  highest  sense  of  the  magnanimity 
and  wisdom  of  his  most  Christian  majesty  so  strongly  ex 
emplified  in   the   *  Treaty  of  Amity,5  and  '  Commerce,' 
and  '  the  Treaty  of  Alliance,'  entered  into  on  the  part  of 
his  majesty  with  these  United  States,  at  Paris,  on  the 
6th  February  last ;  and  the  commissioners,  or  any  of  them 
representing  these  states  at  the  court  of  France,  are  di 
rected  to  present  the  grateful  acknowledgments  of  this 
congress  to  his  most  Christian  majesty,  for   his   truly 
magnanimous  conduct  respecting  these  states,  in  the  said 
generous  and   disinterested  treaties,  and   to  assure  his 
majesty  on  the  part  of  this  congress,  that  it  is  sincerely 
wished  that  the  friendship  so  happily  commenced  be- 

*  This  note  is  taken  from  the  original  sent  to  Mr.  Lee.    It  is  in  the  hand-writing 
of  Dr.  Franklin. 

VOL.    I.  17 


130  LIFE    OF 

tween  France  and  these  United  States  may  be  perpet 
ual."* 

As  soon  however  as  the  congress  and  the  people  were 
left  free  from  the  emotions  so  natural  and  just,  and  were 
recalled  by  the  voice  of  duty  to  consider  the  treaty  in  the 
light  of  reason,  a  decided  sentiment  against  the  1 1th  arid 
12th  articles  was  the  result.  They  were  rejected,  and 
congress  instructed  their  commissioners  to  acquaint  the 
French  court  of  the  rejection  of  them,  and  signify  to  it 
that  congress  approved  the  principle  upon  which  the 
treaty  had  been  negotiated,  that  both  nations  should  be 
left  without  restriction  by  treaty  stipulations,  to  adopt  in 
future  whatever  commercial  regulations  they  should 
judge  most  conducive  to  their  respective  interests.  The 
court  of  France  agreed  that  the  articles  should  be  ex 
punged,  and  the  treaty  was  finally  and  completely  ratified 
without  them,  in  a  spirit  of  entire  harmony  and  good  will. 

During  the  pendency  of  the  negotiations  with  the 
French  courtVMr.  Lee  as  minister  from  the  United 
States  to  the  court  of  Spain,  was  mindful  of  his  duties 
in  this  capacity.  He  earnestly  endeavoured  to  procure 
the  immediate  accession  of  Spain  to  the  treaty  of  alli 
ance  and  commerce  concluded  with  Frances  But  all  his 
efforts  were  without  effect  to  move  the  slow  and  cau 
tious  policy  of  that  court.  It  declined  for  the  present  to 
/join  France  in  the  treaty  with  the  United  States.  But 
Mr.  Lee  procured  a  secret  and  separate  article  to  be  en 
tered  into  by  the  King  of  France  with  him  as  minister  to 
Spain,  the  purport  of  which  was  that  his  most  Christian 
majesty  in  concluding  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce 
and  of  eventual  and  defensive  alljance  with  the  United 
States,  had  reserved  for  his  ally  the  King  of  Spain,  a 
right  of  future  accession  tqtfre  treaties  and  to  the  ben 
efits  of  their  stipulations,  vhis  act  was  in  the  following 
words,  as  translated  from  the  French  language  by  Mr.  Lee. 

(Act  Separate  and  Secret.) 

"  The  most  Christian  King  declares  in  consequence  of 
the  intimate  union  which  subsists  between  him  and  the 

*  See  the  Journals. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  131 

King  of  Spain,  that  in  concluding  with  the  United  States 
of  America  this  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  and  that 
of  eventual  and   offensive   alliance,  his  majesty  hath  in 
tended  and  intends  to  reserve  expressly,  as  he  reserves 
by  this  present  separate  and  secret  act  to  his  Catholic 
majesty,  the  power  of  acceding  to  the  said  treaties,  and 
to  participate  in  their  stipulations  at  such  times  as  he 
shall  judge  proper.     It  being  well  understood,  neverthe 
less,  that  if  any  of  the  stipulations  of  the  said  treaties  are 
not  agreeable  to  the  King  of  Spain,  his  Catholic  majesty 
may  propose  other  conditions  analogous  to  the  principal 
aim  of  the  alliance,  and  conformable  to  the  rules  of  equal 
ity,   reciprocity  and  friendship.      The  deputies   of  the 
United  States  in  the  name  of  their  constituents,  accept 
the  present  declaration  in  its  full  extent ;  and  the  deputy 
of  the  said  states,  who  is  fully  empowered  to  treat  with 
Spain,  promises  to   sign  on   the   first  requisition  of  his 
Catholic  majesty,  the  act  or  acts  necessary  to  communi 
cate  to  him  the  stipulations  of  the  treaties  above  written. 
And  the  said  deputy  shall  endeavour  in  good  faith  the  ad 
justment  of  the  points  in  which  the  King  of  Spain  may 
propose  any  alteration  conformable   to  the   principles  of 
equality,    reciprocity  and    perfect  amity ;    he,    the  said 
deputy  not  doubting  but  that  the  person  or  persons  em 
powered  by  his  Catholic  majesty  to  treat  with  the  Unit 
ed  States,  will   do   the  same  with  regard  to  any  altera 
tions  of  the  same  kind  that  may  be  thought  necessary  by 
the  said  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States. 

In  faith  whereof  the  respective  plenipotentiaries  have 
signed  the  present  separate  and  secret  article  and  affixed 
to  the  same  their  seals.     Done  at  Paris  the  6th  Februa 
ry  1778.  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
C.  A.  GERALD.  SILAS  DEANE, 

ARTHUR  LEE, 
Depute  Plenipo:  pour  la  France  et  V  Espagne."* 

During  the  year  1778  the  commissioners  were  employ 
ed  in  attending  to  the  concerns  which  the  reader  will 

*  See  Secret  Journal,  vol.  ii.  p.  88. 


132  LIFE    OF 

readily  apprehend  must  have  arisenin  the  relations  between 
two  independent  nations,  now  openly  and  closely  allied. 
They  were  numerous ;  and  required  all  the  labour  and 
attention  that  could  be  bestowed  on  them.  Mr.  Lee 
gave  to  them  his  full  share  of  labour  and  activity.  But  he 
bore  the  additional  character  of  sole  commissioner  to  the 
court  of  Spain,  and  of  acting  commissioner  to  Berlin. 
His  duties  therefore  were  more  various  in  their  charac 
ter,  and  more  numerous  than  those  which  devolved  on 
his  colleagues.  His  mind  was  kept  in  constant  exercise, 
and  his  labours  were  severe  and  ceaseless.  He  did  not 
for  a  moment  lose  sight  of  the  interests  of  his  country 
connected  with  foreign  powers ;  and  the  zeal  and  dili 
gence  with  which  he  devoted  himself  to  his  official  duties, 
equalled  the  ability  he  displayed  in  the  performance  of 
them.  The  negotiations  which  he  conducted  during  the 
year  1778  with  the  court  of  Prussia,  may  be  seen  in  the 
5th  No.  of  the  Appendix.  He  conducted  a  continued 
correspondence  during  that  year  with  the  Prussian  minis 
ter.  He  had  the  honour  of  obtaining,  as  the  reader  has 
seen,  a  promise  from  the  Prussian  monarch  that  he  would 
second  France  in  acknowledging  the  independence  of  the 
United  States. 

Mr.  Lee  did  not  remit  his  efforts  during  this  year  to 
induce  the  court  of  Spain  to  accede  to  the  treaties  con 
cluded  with  France.  But  it  continued-  equivocally  to  de 
cline  all  Mr.  Lee's  propositions.  ^At  length  Mr.  Lee  be 
came  weary  by  the  delay  of  that  court  to  give  a  definite 
answer  to  them  ;  and  had  formed  a  resolution  to  repair  to 
Madrid,  and  enjoy  the  advantages  of  personal  conferen 
ces  with  the  Count  Florida  Blanca.  Having  some  doubt 
of  the  propriety  or  probable  policy  of  such  a  step,  he  con 
sulted  the  friendly  and  candid  Vergennes^on  the  subject 
in  the  following  note  in  French,  of  which  Mr.  Lee's  trans 
lation  is  here  given. 

"PARIS,  Oct.  12th,  1778. 

To  his  excellency  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 

Your  excellency  has  seen  in  the  separate  and  secret 
act  signed  the  6th  February  1778,  that  I  am  charged  with 


ARTHUR    LEE.  133 

full  powers  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Spain.  You  are 
also  acquainted  with  my  having  been  in  Spain,  and  hav 
ing  had  conferences  with  the  Duke  de  Grimaldi  on  this 
subject. 

All  the  objections  which  were  then  alleged  against  an 
immediate  declaration  are  now  removed.  The  consisten 
cy  of  our  cause  is  now  unquestionable.  France  is  ready 
and  has  actually  declared;  their  treasures  are  safe,  and 
the  fleet  from  Buenos  Ayres  is  in  their  harbours.  Yet 
we  do  not  see  the  least  movement  on  their  part  towards 
realizing  the  hopes  they  gave  us  ;  but  on  the  contrary, 
what  ostensible  measures  they  have  taken,  most  certainly 
give  encouragement  to  our  enemies.  That  court  has  not 
thought  proper  to  take  the  least  notice  of  the  ratification 
of  the  separate  and  secret  act  which  I  announced  to 
them.  While  we  are  therefore  bound,  they  are  at  liberty. 

All  this  sir,  gives  me  much  uneasiness.  I  arn  appre 
hensive  that  congress  will  not  think  this  mode  of  acting 
very  satisfactory  ;  and  that  the  encouragement  it  must 
hold  out  to  the  court  of  London  will  prolong  this  perni 
cious  war,  and  make  it  cost  us  more  blood  and  treasure 
than  is  necessary  to  tie  the  hands  of  our  common  ene 
my,  and  establish  effectually  the  liberty,  the  sovereignty, 
and  independence  of  the  United  States. 

In  these  very  critical  circumstances  I  must  have  re 
course  to  the  king  and  to  your  excellency.  Our  cause  is 
common ;  and  it  is  my  wish  to  conduct  it  by  your  expe 
rience,  your  lights,  and  your  counsel,  as  to  the  measures 
I  am  to  take,  whether  it  be  to  act  or  to  wait.  This 
would  always  be  my  desire,  but  I  consider  it  now  my 
duty  ;  for  it  seems  to  be  the  mutual  sentiment  of  your 
court  and  of  congress,  that  the  eventual  treaty  signed  at 
Paris  on  the  6th  February  is  now  become  actual,  perma 
nent,  and  indissoluble.  The  first  article  of  that  treaty 
says  that  if  war  should  break  out  between  France  and 
Great  Britain  during  the  continuance  of  the  present  war 
between  the  United  States  and  England,  his  majesty  and 
the  United  States  will  make  it  a  common  cause,  and  will 
aid  each  other  with  their  mutual  good  offices,  counsels, 
and  forces,  according  to  the  exigency  of  things,  and  as  be 
comes  good  and  faithful  allies. 


134  LIFE    OF 

It  is  upon  these  principles  that  I  think  it  my  duty  to 
endeavour  to  place  upon  an  equal  footing  the  interests  of 
France  and  the  United  States ;  and  therefore  not  to  com 
mence  any  thing  without  the  concurrence  of  your  court. 
Upon  the  same  principles  I  flatter  myself  with  obtaining 
the  aid  and  assistance  of  your  wisdom  and  information, 
as  to  the  moment  of  commencing  the  measures  to  be 
taken  and  the  means  to  be  employed  with  the  court  of 
Spain. 

I  am  persuaded,  and  always  was  so,  that  Great  Britain 
cannot  make  head  for  a  year  against  the  united  counsels 
and  force  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  and  the  United  States 
of  America. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  your  excellency's  very  obedi 
ent  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

Y/  The  count  advised  that  Mr.  Lee  should  not  at  this  time 
press  the  subject  further  on  the  Spanish  court.     Mr.  Lee 
was  guided  by  his  counsel,  and  did  not  go  to  Madrid,  but 
continued  in  friendlycorrespondence  with  the  minister 
of  Spain  at  Paris.V/Though  Spain  thus  long  declined  the 
overtures  of  the  United  States  to  an  open  alliance,  the 
good  understanding  and  the  friendly  biases  of  the  former 
towards  the  latter  which  had  hitherto  subsisted  continued 
to  exist.     A  pleasing  proof  of  this  is  exhibited  in  the  fol 
lowing  communication  of  Mr.  Lee  made  to  the  Spanish 
court,  by   the   direction  of  congress.     That  body  must 
have  been  well  assured  of  the  cordiality  of  Spain  towards 
their  cause,  wThen  they  would  have  disclosed  to  her  cabi 
net,  yet  holding  ostensibly  amicable  relations  \vith  Great 
Britain,  the  wants  and  distresses  of  their  country.     Their 
representative  performed  the  duty  assigned  him  by  their  re- 
solve,with  no  ordinary  ability  and  with  the  desired  success. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1777  the  fiscal  affairs  of 
the  United  States  were  greatly  embarrassed.     The  rapid 
depreciation  of  their  paper  money  had  already  been  at 
tended  with  serious  consequences,  and  threatened  for  the 
future   more  deplorable  evils.     In  consequence  of  this 
state  of  things,  congress  on  the  23d  December  1777  pass 
ed  a  resolution,  instructing  and  authorizing  their  com- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  135 

missioners  at  the  different  courts  to  make  an  immediate 
and  earnest  application  for  a  loan  of  two  millions  sterling, 
upon  terms  specified  in  the  resolution.  As  soon  as  the 
resolution  and  the  instructions  reached  Paris,  Mr.  Lee 
addressed  this  earnest  and  well  adapted  letter  to  the 
prime  minister  of  Spain  through  her  resident  ambassador 
at  Paris. 

"  Mr.  Lee  presents  his  respects  to  his  excellency 
Count  D'Aranda,  and  begs  he  will  have  the  goodness  to 
forward  the  packet  which  he  has  the  honour  of  enclosing 
him,  and  which  is  on  business  of  the  last  importance,  by 
the  first  opportunity  to  his  court. 

Chaillot,  July  19,  1777." 

"  To  his  excellency  the  Count  Florida  Blanca. 

I  have  the  honour  of  transmitting  to  your  excellency 
the  enclosed  resolution  of  congress,  with  my  most  earn 
est  prayer  that  it  may  be  immediately  laid  before  the 
king.  Nothing  but  the  uncommon  exigency  of  the  pre 
sent  war,  attended  with  such  peculiar  circumstances  with 
regard  to  the  United  States,  would  prevail  upon  them  to 
press  so  much  upon  his  majesty's  goodness.  That  ne 
cessity  must  also  plead  my  pardon  for  entreating  your 
excellency  to  let  me  have  as  early  an  answer  as  possible. 
As  the  United  States  have  the  highest  confidence  in  the 
friendship  of  the  king,  they  promise  themselves  that  his 
goodness  will  afford  this  loan,  as  a  relief  to  their  most 
urgent  distresses.  With  regard  to  the  interest,  the 
quantum  of  that  they  refer  themselves  to  his  majesty's 
justice.  Five  per  cent,  is  the  legal  interest  with  them, 
but  I  am  authorized  to  give  six  if  his  majesty  should  de 
sire  it. 

This  interest  .will  be  most  punctually  paid,  and  they 
will  neglect  no  means  of  liquidating  the  principal,  if  de 
sired,  sooner  than  the  stipulated  time  ;  which  will  be 
easily  accomplished  when  peace  or  some  other  employ 
ment  of  the  enemy's  navy  than  that  of  preying  upon  the 
trade  of  the  United  States,  will  permit  their  exports  to 
find  European  markets. 

Your  excellency  will  perceive  that  this  loan  is  appro- 


136  LIFE    OF 

priated  to  sink  the  paper  money  which  necessity  obliged 
congress  to  issue.  An  infant  and  unprepared  people 
compelled  to  defend  themselves  against  an  old,  opulent 
and  powerful,  and  well  appointed  nation,  were  driven  to 
this  resource  of  issuing  paper.  They  were  to  create  ar 
mies  and  navies,  to  fortify  towns,  erect  forts,  defend 
rivers,  and  establish  government;  besides  the  immense 
expense  of  maintaining  a  war,  that  pressed  them  power 
fully  on  all  sides.  For  these  purposes  they  had  neither 
funds  established,  taxes  imposed,  specie  in  their  country, 
nor  commerce  to  introduce  it.  In  this  exigency  paper 
money  was  their  only  resource,  and  not  having  been  able 
for  the  same  reasons  to  redeem  it,  the  depreciation  which 
necessarily  followed  threatens  the  total  destruction  of 
their  credit,  and  consequently  their  only  means  of  main 
taining  their  independence. 

In  this  distress  their  hope  is  fixed  upon  his  majesty ; 
and  I  most  earnestly  beseech  your  excellency  so  to  repre 
sent  our  situation  to  the  king,  as  may  move  his  royal  be 
nevolence  to  furnish  the  relief  we  wish,  which  would 
raise  an  everlasting  tribute  of  gratitude  in  the  people  of 
the  United  States. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect, 
your  excellency's  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

Pari^July  18,  1778." 

The  resolution  of  congress  is  here  added. 

"  In  congress,  Dec.  3,  1777. 

The  great  quantity  of  paper  money  issued  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  war,  having  at  length  become  so 
considerable  as  to  endanger  its  credit,  and  congress  ap 
prehending  the  slow  operation  of  taxes  may  not  be  ade 
quate  to  the  preventing  of  an  evil  so  pernicious  in  its 
consequences,  and  as  experience  proves  that  the  method 
of  paying  the  interest  by  bills  on  France  does  not  fill  the 
loan  office  so  fast  as  the  urgent  calls  of  the  war  de 
mands, 

Resolved,  that  the  commissioner  at,  &c.  be  directed 


ARTHUR    LEE.  137 

to  exert  his  utmost  endeavours  to  obtain  a  loan  of  two 
millions  sterling,  on  the  faith  of  the  United  States,  for  a 
term  not  less  than  five  years,  with  permission  if  practi 
cable,  to  pay  the  same  sooner  if  it  shall  be  agreeable  to 
these  states,  giving  twelve  months  previous  notice  to  the 
lender,  of  such  intention  to  return  the  money.  That  the 
commissioner  be  instructed  to  consider  the  money  hereby 
directed  to  be  borrowed,  as  a  fund  to  be  applied,  unless 
congress  direct  otherwise,  solely  to  the  purpose  of  an 
swering  such  draughts  as  congress  shall  make  for  the 
purpose  of  lessening  the  sum  of  paper  money  in  circula 
tion. 

That  in  order  more  effectually  of  answering  the  good 
purposes  intended  by  this  plan,  the  commissioner  be  also 
instructed  to  keep  as  secret  as  the  nature  of  the  thing  will 
admit,  whatever  loan  he  shall  be  able  to  obtain  for  this 
purpose  on  account  of  the  United  States." 

The  court  as  well  as  the  people  of  Holland,  had  enter 
tained  a  strong  sympathy  for  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  It  was  a  sympathy  at  once  natural,  moral  and 
politic.  It  was  a  moral  sympathy  between  the  "  old 
republicans  of  Holland  and  the  "  new  republicans  of 
America  ;"  while  it  was  the  natural  and  politic  feeling 
of  one  commercial  state  towards  another  commercial 
state.  The  kindly  sentiments  of  the  people  and  govern 
ment  towards  the  United  States  had  induced  congress  to 
appoint  an  agent  at  the  Hague.  Mr.  William  Lee,  a 
brother  of  Arthur  Lee,  had  for  some  time  past  acted  in 
the  capacity  of  commercial  agent  of  the  United  States 
at  that  place. 

Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  with  his  usual  activity  and  zeal,  had 
done  much  to  conciliate  the  good  will  of  the  ministers 
and  public  men  of  Holland  towards  his  country,  to  gain 
their  respect  and  engage  their  interest  in  its  affairs,  from 
the  suggestions  and  motives  of  policy.  With  these  views 
he  had  corresponded  with  some  of  the  leading  men  of 
that  country,  and  had  given  to  them  all  such  information 
respecting  the  character  of  the  people  and  institutions  of 
the  United  States,  of  their  resources  and  commercial  fa- 

VOL.  i.  18 


138  LIFE    OF 

cilities,  as  was  calculated  to  produce  an  interested  and  at 
the  same  time  a  moral  feeling,  advantageous  to  the  cause 
he  had  so  much  at  heart.  He  wrote  the  following  me- 
moire  for  the  reading  and  commercial  men  in  Holland, 
and  sent  it  to  one  of  his  friends  to  be  published  in  some 
of  the  popular  gazettes  at  the  Hague. 

«  MARCH  31st,  1778. 
Monsieur  Dumas,  a  la  Hague. 

Dear  Sir, — I  enclose  you  a  memoire  written  last  year, 
but  not  sent  in  consequence  of  my  going  to  Spain.  You 
will  be  so  good  as  to  show  it  to  your  friends,  and  have  it 
printed  if  you  think  that  will  be  of  any  service. 

It  is  reported  from  America  that  a  fire  has  happened 
at  Charleston  which  burnt  200  houses  ;  and  that  the  Ca 
nadians  have  taken  up  arms  and  declared  for  the  United 
States.* 

I  am  with  great  respect  dear  sir,  your  friend  and  ser 
vant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

Memoire  of  Arthur  Lee,  referred  to  in  the  preceding 
letter  to  Mons.  Dumas. 

"  When  the  ancestors  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  of  America  first  settled  that  country,  they 
did  it  entirely  at  their  own  expense.  The  public  of  Eng 
land  never  granted  one  shilling  to  aid  in  their  establish 
ment,  f  Had  any  such  grants  existed  they  must  have 
been  on  record.  The  state  of  England  therefore  could 
not  claim  the  benefit  of  an  acquisition  it  had  not  made. 


*  The  author  has  found  a  note  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  containing  a  benevo 
lent  and  becoming  suggestion  to  that  minister  respecting  the  calamity  which  had 
befallen  Charleston. 

"CHAILLOT,  April  17th,  1778. 
To  the  Count  Vergennes. 

Mr.  Lee  presents  his  respects  to  his  excellency  Count  Vergennes,  and  encloses  a 
Gazette  containing  the  speeches  in  the  famous  debate  on  the  8th.  He  begs  it  may 
be  returned  when  done  with. 

Mr.  Lee  cannot  help  suggesting  that  the  king  has  an  opportunity  of  doing  an  act 
of  great  graciousness  towards  America,  in  ordering  a  sum  of  money  for  the  sufferers 
in  the  dreadful  calamity  of  the  fire  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  Such  an  act 
would  be  consonant  to  the  character  of  benevolence  and  generosity  which  his  majes 
ty  so  deservedly  bears  ;  and  in  a  popular  government  like  that  of  the  United  States, 
it  might  have  a  more  favourable  effect  than  the  efforts  of  the  ablest  negotiator. 

With  profound  respect  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  ARTHUR  LEE." 

t  Georgia  is  au  exception,  for  which  grants  have  been  made. 


ARTHUR   LEE.  139 

Upon  this  principle  the  first  settlers  conceived  they 
had  a  right  to  exchange  and  sell  the  produce  of  their  labour 
to  all  nations  without  control.  This  right  they  actually 
enjoyed  unquestioned,  until  the  year  1652.  Then  it  was 
that  the  English,  in  violation  of  every  principle  of  justice, 
usurped  and  established  a  monopoly  of  the  American  com 
merce,  which  they  maintained  until  the  vigour  of  their 
domination  compelled  the  Americans  to  reclaim  their  an 
cient  and  unalienable  rights,  by  declaring  themselves  free 
and  independent  states.  In  consequence  of  this,  all  na 
tions  are  now  restored  to  a  participation  of  that  com 
merce,  from  which  the  monopolizing  spirit  of  the  English 
had  unjustly  excluded  them. 

No  nation  is  more  interested  in  this  event  than  the 
Dutch ;  because  it  was  against  them  the  establishment 
of  the  monopoly  was  chiefly  intended.     The  great  object 
of   commercial  policy  with   Holland  was  the    carrying 
trade.     When  the  commerce  of  America  was  free,  the 
number  of  Dutch  vessels  in  the  American  ports  exceeded 
those  of  England.     But  in  the  year  1651  a  quarrel  arose 
between  the  states  of  Holland  and  the  then  republic  of 
England.     The  English,  jealous  of  their  naval  power, 
resolved  to  destroy  that  American  commerce  which  con 
tributed  so  much  to  the  support  of  the  naval  strength  of 
Holland.     To  effect  this,  the  council  of  state  projected 
and  passed  on  the  1st  Dec.  1(351  the  Navigation  Ordinance; 
by  which  the  carriage  of  American  produce  was  prohi 
bited,  except  in  English  bottoms.     The  Dutch  saw  the 
intention  and  felt  the  effects  of  this  measure.     Their  re 
sentment  of  it  added  fuel  to  the  war  that  raged  from 
that  time  until  the  year  1(354  with  so  much  fury.     Their 
success  however  was  not  sufficient  to  re-establish  what 
had  thus  been  wrested  from  them.     In  negotiating  the 
peace  which  concluded  that  war,  De  Witt  laboured  with 
his  usual  abilities  to  obtain  an  abolition  of  that  act,  but 
all  his  efforts  were  ineffectual.     Cromwell,  who  was  not 
his  inferior  in  acuteness,  maintained  the  navigation  act, 
and  under  Charles  II.  it  received  the  form  and  sanction 
of  an  act  of  the  parliament.     Thus  in  despite  of  all 
their  efforts,  this  valuable  branch  of  commerce  was  wrest 
ed  from  the  Dutch,  and  monopolized  by  the  English. 


140  LIFE    OF 

But  what  neither  the  uncommon  talents  of  DeWitt 
nor  the  struggles  of  an  obstinate  war  could  effect,  the 
course  of  human  events  has  produced.  The  wealth  and 
power  arising  from  this  very  monopoly  so  intoxicated 
Great  Britain,  as  to  make  her  think  that  there  were  no 
bounds  to  the  exercise  of  the  control  she  had  usurped.  Not 
content  therefore  with  thus  restraining  the  Americans  for 
her  own  emolument  in  the  mode  of  acquiring  money,  she 
arrogated  to  herself  the  right  of  taking  that  which  was 
obtained  under  those  restraints.  The  natural  conse 
quence  of  thus  urging  her  domination,  and  adding  a  new 
usurpation  to  the  former,  was  the  abolition  of  the  whole. 
America  has  in  form  renounced  her  connexion  with  Great 
Britain,  and  is  maintaining  her  rights  by  arms. 

The  consequence  of  her  success  will  be  the  re-estab 
lishment  of  commerce  upon  its  ancient  free  and  general 
policy.  All  nations  are  interested  in  this  success ;  but 
none  so  much  as  the  Dutch.  From  them  therefore, 
America  in  a  most  special  manner  looks  for  support.  Re 
sentment  of  an  ancient  injury,  the  policy  of  their  ancestors, 
and  all  their  present  interests,  unite  in  calling  upon  them 
for  a  spirited  avowal  and  support  of  the  independence  of 
America.  They  will  not  forget  the  blood  that  was  spilt 
in  endeavouring  to  vindicate  their  rights  when  first  invad 
ed.  They  will  not  forget  the  insolence  and  injustice  with 
which  Great  Britain  harassed  their  trade  during  the  late 
war,  by  means  of  that  very  naval  strength  which  she  de 
rived  from  their  monopoly.  They  cannot  but  feel  at.  this 
moment  the  insult  and  indignity  from  the  British  court, 
in  presuming  to  forbid  them  that  free  participation  of  com 
merce  which  America  offers. 

The  extraordinary  remittances  which  the  people  of 
America  have  made  to  the  merchants  of  Great  Britain 
since  the  commencement  of  this  dispute,  is  a  proof  of 
their  honour  and  good  faith ;  so  much  more  safe  and  ad 
vantageous  is  it  to  trust  money  with  a  young,  and  indus 
trious,  and  thriving  people,  than  with  an  old  nation,  over 
whelmed  in  debt,  abandoned  to  extravagance,  and  im 
mersed  in  luxury.  By  maintaining  the  independence  of 
America  a  new  avenue  will  be  opened  for  the  employ- 


ARTHUR   LEE.  141 

ment  of  money ;  where  landed  property  as  yet  untouched 
by  mortgage  or  other  incumbrance,  will  answer  for  the 
principal,  and  the  industry  of  a  young  and  uninvolved 
people  would  ensure  a  regular  payment  of  interest.  The 
money  holder  would  in  that  case  be  delivered  from  those 
continual  fears  and  apprehensions,  which  every  agitation 
of  the  English  stocks  perpetually  excite.  He  might 
count  his  profits  without  anxiety,  and  plan  his  monied 
transactions  with  certainty.  These  are  the  substantial 
objects  of  advantage  which  America  holds  up  to  the  peo 
ple  of  Holland  ;  and  this  is  the  moment  of  embracing 
them." 

In  a  long  and  interesting  letter  to  the  committee  of 
correspondence,  written  subsequently  to  his  letter  to 
Mons.  Dumas,  Mr.  Lee  informed  them  that  he  had  pro 
cured  the  publication  in  Holland  of  a  memoire  he  had 
prepared  for  the  purpose  of  attracting  the  attention  of  the 
court  and  public  of  that  country  to  the  affairs  of  the 
United  States ;  and  that  a  well  informed  friend  at  the 
Hague  had  expressed  to  him  an  opinion  "  that  it  would 
have  a  very  good  effect."  His  friend,  Mons.  Dumas, 
added  to  the  preceding  memoire  some  appropriate  and 
well  timed  reflections,  for  which  Mr.  Lee  thus  thanks  him. 

"  CHAILLOT,  June  4th,  1778. 

Mons.  Dumas. 

Dear  Sir, — It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to  receive  the 
key  to  the  treasure  you  sent  us  before  in  Dutch,  my  un- 
acquaintance  with  which  prevented  me  from  knowing 
how  much  I  was  obliged  to  you  for  the  improvements 
made  on  the  little  essay  I  had  the  honour  of  sending 
you.  «  Felix,  faustumque  sitS  May  it  open  the  eyes  of 
your  people  to  their  own  interest,  before  an  universal 
bankruptcy  in  England  and  a  compelled  frugality  in  Ame 
rica  have  deprived  them  of  the  golden  opportunity  of  ex 
tricating  themselves  from  bad  debtors,  and  connecting 
themselves  with  good  ones. 

So  fair  an  opportunity  of  sharing  in  the  most  valuable 
commerce  on  the  globe  will  never  again  present  itself; 


142  LIFE    OF 

and  indeed  they  are  greatly  indebted  to  the  noble  and 
disinterested  principles  of  France,  which  prevented  this 
country  from  attempting  to  possess  itself  of  the  mo 
nopoly  which  Great  Britain  had  forfeited.  In  truth  they 
were  great  and  wise  principles,  and  the  connexion  form 
ed  upon  them  will  be  durable.  France  and  the  rest  of 
Europe  can  never  pay  too  large  a  tribute  of  praise  to  the 
wisdom  of  the  most  Christian  king  and  his  ministers  in 
this  transaction. 

You  are  happy  in  having  the  esteem  and  counsel  of 
the  Grand  Facteur,  who  seems  to  have  equal  sense  and 
good  intentions.  Our  enemies  seem  embarrassed  in 
their  operations,  as  is  generally  the  case  with  the  weak 
and  the  wicked.  As  far  as  we  can  learn  their  fleet  has 
not  yet  sailed  for  America,  to  save  the  Howes  from  the 
fate  that  hangs  over  them.  We  have  no  intelligence  on 
which  we  can  rely. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  dear  sir,  with  the  greatest  re 
spect,  your  friend  and  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

On  the  8th  of  April  1778,  John  Adams,  Esq.  arrived 
in  Paris.  He  had  been  appointed  a  joint  commissioner 
to  France,  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Deane.  With  this  gentle 
man  Mr.  Lee  had  enjoyed  previously  no  personal  ac 
quaintance  ;  but  their  characters  and  their  patriotic  and 
essential  services  to  their  common  country  had  been  long 
known  to  each  of  them.  A  personal  friendship  immedi 
ately  ensued,  and  continued  during  the  life  of  Mr.  Lee. 
The  interesting  letters  of  John  Adams  to  him,  written 
during  his  missions  to  Holland  and  England  at  a  highly 
important  period,  will  be  read  with  earnestness  and 
pleasure  by  every  intelligent  reader.  They  will  be  found 
in  the  Appendix,  No.  9. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1778,  as  the  reader  has 
learned  from  history,  the  British  parliament,  by  the  ad 
vice  of  the  ministry,  who  had  foreseen  the  probability  and 
consequences  of  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  alliance  be 
tween  France  and  the  United  States,  authorized  commis 
sioners  who  were  named  in  the  act,  appointing  them  to 
make  pacific  propositions  to  the  congress.  The  ministry 


ARTHUR    LEE.  143 

at  the  same  time  despatched  a  private  agent,  a  gentle 
man  of  much  respectability,  to  Paris,  for  the  purposes  of 
watching  the  proceedings  of  the  court  of  France,  and  of 
sounding  our  commissioners  on  the  subject  of  a  recon 
ciliation  with  England.  The  following  notes  of  Count 
Vergennes  and  Mr.  Lee  will  give  the  reader  some  idea 
of  the  artful  efforts  made  to  obstruct  the  treaty  with 
France.  They  will  at  the  same  time  illustrate  the  mu 
tual  confidence  and  good  faith  which  existed  between 
the  able  and  amiable  Vergennes  and  our  commissioners. 

"  CHAILLOT,  April  24th,  1778. 

Sir, — Since  I  had  the  honour  of  seeing  your  excellency 
I  have  learnt  that  Mr.  Hartley  in  conversing  with  French 
people  whose  opinions  he  thinks  may  have  weight,  insinu 
ates  to  them,  that  engaging  in  a  war  in  our  favour  is  very 
impolitic,  since  you  can  expect  nothing  from  us  but  the 
ingratitude  and  ill  faith,  with  which  we  have  repaid  Great 
Britain.  To  us,  he  says,  the  French  have  done  nothing 
for  you,  they  can  never  be  trusted ;  no  cordial  connexion 
can  be  formed  with  them,  therefore  you  had  better  re 
turn  back  to  your  former  connexion,  which  may  be  upon 
your  own  terms  if  you  will  renounce  France.  This  gen 
tleman  and  the  wise  men  who  sent  him  have  so  high  an 
opinion  of  our  understandings,  that  they  flatter  them 
selves  these  insinuations  wTill  succeed. 

I  have  also  been  informed  that  besides  their  commis 
sioners,  the  ministry  have  despatched  two  persons  to 
America  to  work  privately  as  Mr.  Hartley  is  doing. 
One  of  them  is  an  American  ;  I  know  them,  and  both 
the  size  of  their  understanding  and  the  degree  of  their 
influence.  There  is  nothing  to  apprehend  from  either. 
These  are  the  little  projects  of  little  spirits,  and  will  be 
attended  with  proportional  success.  They  show  the  im 
becility  and  distress  of  our  enemies,  and  will  only  change 
the  detestation  of  America  into  utter  contempt. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  ex 
cellency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

His  excellency  Count  de  Vergennes." 


144  LIFE    OF 

"  VERSAILLES,  April  24,  1778. 

T  am  much  obliged  to  you  sir,  for  giving  me  informa 
tion  touching  the  insinuations  of  Mr.  Heartley,  as  well 
to  you  as  to  those  whom  he  thinks  have  an  influence  in 
this  country. 

I  do  not  doubt  of  his  receiving  as  little  credit  with  you 
as  he  certainly  will  with  us.  And  I  can  answer  for  it 
that  he  will  not  find  us  susceptible  of  the  suspicions  he 
wishes  to  inspire. 

I  am  obliged  to  go  immediately  to  council,  and  must 
beg  you  to  accept  the  assurances  of  the  respect  with 
which  I  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  your  very  obedient  and 
humble  servant,  DE  VERGENNES. 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 

Previously  to  this  time  the  British  ministry  had  made 
an  attempt,  as  unsuccessful  as  the  one  just  related,  to  in 
terrupt  the  amicable  relations  between  France  and   the 
United  States,  and  to  prevent  so  hearty  an  union  in  the 
affections  of  the  people  of  the  two  countries,  as  would 
alienate  those  of  the  latter  altogether  from  Great  Britain. 
For  these  purposes  they  had  engaged  an  agent,  and  au 
thorized  him  to  make  overtures  of  reconciliation  to  our 
commissioners.     The  name  of  this   agent  was  Berken- 
hout.     This  gentleman  had  been  a  classmate  and  an  in 
timate  friend  of  Mr.  Lee  while  he  was  a  student  at  the 
University  of  Edinburg.     The  former  intimacy  between 
Mr.  Lee  and  this  gentleman  had  become  known  to  the 
ministry.     Hence  he  was  instructed   to  commence  his 
efforts   by  seeking  to  renew  his  acquaintance  with  Mr. 
Lee,  and  by  cautiously  disclosing  to  him  the  disposition 
of  the   British  Court,  to  propose  terms  of  accommoda 
tion.     The  ministry  were  doubtless  desirous  of  retriev 
ing  the  consequences  of  their  violent  proceedings  agaiffst 
America,  and  to  save  Great  Britain  from  the  entire  loss 
of  so  large  and  important  a  part  of  her  empire.      But 
they  were  yet  unwilling  to  acknowledge  the  independ 
ence  of  the  United  States.    Neither  their  agents,  Messrs. 
Hartley  and  Berkenhout,  nor  their  commissioners,  whom 
they  had  sent  to  America,  were  authorized  to  give  any 
promise  or  pledge  on  that  subject.    The  contest  had  con- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  145 

tinued  too  long,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  had 
been  too  confident  of  ultimate  success,  and  had  been  too 
deeply  smitten  with  the  idea  of  national  independence, 
to  listen  to  any  terms  not  founded  on  an  acknowledg 
ment  of  it. 

Dr.  Berkenhout  repaired  to  France  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  year  1777,  and  continued  until  the  year  1778. 
He  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Lee,  inviting  him  to  come 
to  Calais.  He  gave  him  to  understand  that  his  visit  to 
France  was  authorized  by  the  court  of  London,  and  that 
he  was  charged  with  business  of  high  import  to  the 
United  States.  Their  correspondence  was  carried  on 
under  feigned  signatures,  at  the  request  of  Dr.  Berken 
hout.  He  soon  learned  that  while  Mr.  Lee  was  still 
true  to  the  amiable  and  grateful  recollections  of  friend 
ship,  he  was  a  bold  and  inflexible  patriot  who  would  not 
despair  of  his  country,  and  would  indignantly  spurn  all 
idea  of  any  connexion  with  Great  Britain  except  that 
which  may  exist  between  independent  nations. 

The  following  notes  from  Mr.  Lee  to  Dr.  Berkenhout 
will  show  the  reader  the  spirit  in  which  the  ministerial 
proposals  were  met  by  the  former,  and  the  degree  of  en 
couragement  which  he  gave  to  the  latter  gentleman  to 
hope  for  success  in  bringing  about  any  amicable  under 
standing,  without  the  previous  and  positive  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  absolute  independence  of  the  United  States. 
Notwithstanding  the  little  success  which  attended  Dr. 
Berkenhout's  attempts  at  Paris,  he  was  subsequently 
sent  to  the  United  States  to  aid  the  British  commission 
ers  in  similar  efforts  there.* 

"August  1,  1777. 

Dr.  B. — Amico  has  received  and  considered  your  last 
letter.  To  your  last  question  he  answers  you  may  come 
if  you  are  properly  authorized.  But  it  should  be  to 

*  Dr.  B.  upon  his  arrival  in  America  addressed  himself  to  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
from  whom  his  proposals  met  with  the  same  stern  rejection  that  they  had  experi 
enced  from  the  congenial  spirit  of  his  brother. 

VOL.    I.  19 


146  LIFE    OF 

Paris,  and  not  to  Calais,  because  Amico's  going  thither 
would  excite  curiosity  and  suspicion. 
To  Dr.  Berkenhout." 

"  December  3,  1777. 

Amico, — My  last  might  serve  as  an  answer  to  your's. 
We  have  power  to  receive,  not  to  make,  overtures.  Voila 
la  difference.  We  have  as  much  dignity,  and  I  hope  more 
reason  on  our  side.  If  therefore  they  stay  for  overtures 
from  us,  I  promise  you  they  will  not  receive  them  till 
their  faith  can  move  our  mountains.  I  hoped  something 
from  this  negotiation,  and  therefore  more  willingly  lent 
myself  to  it.  But  I  now  see  too  well  their  abundant 
pride  and  folly  to  think  the  public  will  derive  any  ad 
vantage  from  it.  They  are  determined  to  make  us  a 
great  people  by  continuing  a  contest  which  forces  us  to  fru 
gality,  industry  and  economy  ;  and  calls  forth  resources 
which  without  such  necessity  would  never  have  been 
cultivated.  I  have  long  thought  that  if  they  intended 
us  the  benefits  their  conduct  will  bring  us,  we  should 
owe  them  mountains  of  gold.  Adieu." 

The  Doctor  continued,  in  spite  of  these  stern  rebukes, 
to  continue  in  France  and  occasionally  to  introduce  to 
Mr.  Lee  the  subject  of  reconciliation  with  England,  with 
the  same  result  to  all  his  efforts.  To  a  request  from  the 
Doctor  to  disclose  to  him  some  intelligence  upon  which 
he  might  adventure  in  the  business  of  stock-jobbing,  Mr. 
Lee  returned  him  this  frank  and  wise  advice. 

"January  13,  1778. 

Dr.  Berkenhout. 

Dear  Friend, — You  could  not  possibly  have  written  to 
a  more  improper  person  for  intelligence  to  stock-job  upon. 
I  am  determined  that  no  consideration  shall  ever  prevail 
on  me  to  contribute  to  such  work,  and  more  especially 
in  my  situation.  You  must  therefore  pardon  me  if  my 
friendship  for  you  cannot  go  so  far.  Nor  indeed  can  I 
help  dissuading  you  from  entering  at  all  into  a  walk  fre- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  147 

quented  by  knaves  and  dupes,  and  in  which,  from  all  I 
have  heard  of  it,  nothing  can  save  an  honest  man  from 
being  sacrificed  to  those  who  are  not  so.  The  acquaint 
ance  I  have  had  with  political  business  satisfies  me  that 
there  is  great  risk  in  ensuring  on  political  events.  I  ad 
vise  you  to  think  no  more  of  it.  Farewell." 

All  the  attempts  of  the  court  of  London  to  arrest  that 
progress  of  events  which  resulted  in  the  treaties  of  com 
merce  and  alliance  between  France  and  the  United  States, 
proved  abortive  alike  in  both  countries.  The  missions 
of  Messrs.  Hartley  and  Berkenhout,  and  of  the  commis 
sioners  sent  to  America,  utterly  failed. 

The  author  had  not  known  the  fact,  and  perhaps  most 
readers  are  unacquainted  with  it,  that  the  "  old  congress" 
had  invited  the  celebrated  Dr.  Richard  Price,  so  well 
known  to  politicians  as  an  able  writer  on  the  recondite 
subjects  of  government  and  finance,  and  to  the  learned 
world  as  a  profound  metaphysician,  to  become  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  assist  them  in  the  regula 
tion  of  their  financial  systems.  They  accompanied  this 
invitation  with  an  assurance,  that  if  he  should  think  it 
expedient  to  remove  with  his  family  to  America,  "  a  ge 
nerous  provision  should  be  made  for  requiting  his  ser 
vices."  This  resolution,  so  honourable  to  Dr.  Price,  is 
in  these  words ; 

"October  6,  1778. 

Resolved,  that  the  honourable  Benjamin  Franklin, 
Arthur  Lee,  and  John  Adams,  Esquires,  or  any  of  them, 
be  directed  forthwith  to  apply  to  Dr.  Price  and  inform 
him  that  it  is  the  desire  of  congress  to  consider  him  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  to  receive  his  assist 
ance  in  regulating  their  finances.  That  if  he  should 
think  it  expedient  to  remove  with  his  family  to  America, 
and  afford  such  assistance,  a  generous  provision  shall  be 
made  for  requiting  his  services."* 

His  colleagues  devolved  upon  Mr.  Lee  the  office  of 

*  See  Secret  Journals,  Vol.  U.  p.  101. 


H8  LIFE    OF 

making  known  the  foregoing  resolution  to  Dr.  Price. 
Between  them  there  had  existed,  while  Mr.  Lee  resided 
in  England,  a  warm  friendship  and  congeniality  of  senti 
ment  and  opinions,  on  most  subjects  of  learning  and  ab 
stract  research.  The  office  was  therefore  a  most  grate 
ful  one,  and  he  performed  it  with  all  his  heart.  It  is  to 
be  regretted  that  no  copy  of  Mr.  Lee's  letter  in  behalf 
of  the  commissioners  has  been  found.  The  reply  of  Dr. 
Price  is  worthy  of  him.  The  reader  will  greet  its  inser 
tion  here. 


GREEN,  Jan,  1779. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Your  most  kind  and  excellent  letter,  to 
gether  with  the  letter  conveying  the  resolution  of  con 
gress,  has  made  the  deepest  impression  on  my  mind.*  I 
entreat  you  to  accept  yourself  and  to  deliver  to  Dr. 
Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams  my  best  acknowledgments. 
Though  I  cannot  hesitate  about  the  reply  addressed  to  the 
honourable  commissioners,  and  through  them  to  congress, 
which  accompanies  this  letter,  yet  so  flattering  a  testi 
mony  of  the  regard  of  an  assembly  which  I  consider  the 
most  respectable  and  important  in  the  world  cannot  but 
give  me  the  highest  pleasure,  and  I  shall  always  reckon 
it  among  the  first  honours  of  my  life. 

There  is  an  indolence  growing  upon  me  as  1  grow 
older,  which  will  probably  prevent  me  forever  from 
undertaking  any  public  employment.  When  I  am  in  my 
study  and  among  my  books,  and  have  nothing  to  encum 
ber  me,  I  am  happy  ;  but  so  weak  are  my  spirits  that 
the  smallest  hurry  and  even  the  consciousness  of  having 
any  thing  to  do  which  must  be  done,  will  sometimes  dis 
tress  and  overpower  me.  What  I  have  written  on  the 
subject  of  finances  has  been  chiefly  an  amusement  which 
I  have  pursued  at  my  leisure,  with  some  hope  indeed, 
but  very  little  expectation,  of  its  being  useful.  Nothing 
can  be  more  melancholy  than  to  see  so  many  European 
states  depressed  and  crippled  by  heavy  debts,  which 
have  been  the  growth  of  ages,  and  which  in  the  end 

*  No  copy  of  Mr.  Lee's  letter  here  mentioned  by  Dr.  Price  has  been  found. 


ARTHUR  LEE.  149 

must  ruin  them,  but  which  a  small  appropriation  faithful 
ly  applied  might  have  always  kept  within  the  bounds  of 
safety.  This  is  particularly  true  of  this  country.  Here 
our  debt  must  soon  produce  a  shocking  catastrophe. 
The  new  world  will  I  hope  take  warning  and  profit  by 
the  follies  and  corruptions  and  miseries  of  the  old. 

My  pamphlets  on  the  principles  of  government  and 
the  American  war,  \vere  extorted  from  me  by  my  judg 
ment  and  my  feelings.  They  have  brought  upon  me  a 
great  deal  of  abuse ;  but  abundant  amends  have  been 
made  me  by  the  approbation  of  many  of  the  best  men 
here  and  abroad  ;  and  particularly  by  that  vote  of  con 
gress  to  which  I  suppose  they  may  have  contributed. 
When  you  write  to  any  of  the  members  of  that  assembly 
be  so  good  as  to  represent  me  as  a  zealous  friend  to  lib 
erty,  who  is  anxiously  attentive  to  the  great  struggle  in 
which  they  are  engaged,  and  who  wishes  earnestly  for 
the  sake  of  the  world  that  British  America  may  preserve 
its  liberty,  set  an  example  of  moderation  and  magnani 
mity,  and  establish  such  forms  of  government  as  may 
render  it  an  asylum  for  the  virtuous  and  the  oppressed 
in  other  countries. 

Tell  Dr.  Franklin  that  he  is  one  of  the  friends  in 
whom  while  in  this  country  I  always  delighted,  and  for 
whom  I  must  ever  retain  the  greatest  esteem  and  affec 
tion.  We  are  now  separated  from  one  another  never 
probably  to  meet  again  on  this  side  of  the  grave.  May 
he  long  be  preserved  as  a  blessing  to  his  country.  My 
connexions  and  state  of  health  are  such  that  I  must  stay 
in  this  country  and  wait  its  fate.  I  do  this  with  a  pain 
ful  concern  for  the  infatuation  which  has  brought  it  into 
its  present  danger  ;  but  at  the  same  time  with  indiffer 
ence  as  far  as  my  own  personal  interest  is  concerned, 
and  a  perfect  complacency  in  the  consciousness  of  having 
endeavoured  to  act  the  part  of  a  good  citizen,  and  serve 
the  best  of  all  causes.  Will  you  further  mention  me  par 
ticularly  to  Mr.  Adams,  and  inform  him  that  I  greatly 
respect  his  character. 

Some  good  friends  of  yours  and  mine  are  well,  but  I 
differ  from  them  at  present  in  opinion. 


150  LIFE    OF 

Under  a  grateful  sense  of  your  friendship  and  with 
great  regard,  and  wishes  of  all  possible  happiness,  I  am 
my  dear  sir,  your  obliged  and  very  obedient  humble  ser 
vant,  RICHARD  PRICE. 

P.  S. — The  interest  of  mankind  depends  so  much  on 
the  forms  of  government  established  in  America,  that  I 
have  long  thought  it  the  duty  of  every  man  to  contribute 
all  he  can  towards  improving  them.  I  am  possessed  of 
some  observations  which  have  been  made  by  a  great  man 
with  this  view,  and  I  may  some  time  or  other  take  the 
liberty  to  communicate  them  with  a  few  additional  ob 
servations.  R.  P." 

The  great  object  of  the  mission  of  Messrs.  Franklin, 
Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee  to  the  court  of  France  having 
been  accomplished  by  the  conclusion  of  the  treaties  with 
that  nation,  the  principal  exertions  and  labours  of  Mr. 
Lee  during  the  years  1778  and  1779  wrere  required  by 
his  office,  and  were  devoted  to  his  duties  of  sole  commis 
sioner  to  the  court  of  Spain,  and  of  the  acting  commis 
sioner  to  that  of  Prussia.  During  this  period  he  aided 
his  brother,  William  Lee,  in  his  negotiations  with  Hol 
land.  Mr.  Lee's  attention  to  the  duties  of  these  com 
missions,  and  his  labours  to  advance  the  interests  of  his 
country  in  regard  to  them,  were  assiduous,  able  and  pat 
riotic.  They  were  always  onerous,  always  responsible, 
and  generally  perplexing.  After  having  obtained  loans 
and  warlike  supplies  from  the  courts  of  Spain  and  Hol 
land,  and  permission  to  purchase  arms  from  the  Prussian 
armories,  he  encounteredf  many  difficulties  and  suffered 
vast  trouble  in  the  selections  of  the  articles,  in  the 
necessary  arrangements  with  the  merchants,  and  in  the 
making  of  arrangements  with  the  subordinate  agents  and 
ministers  of  the  several  governments,  as  to  the  mode  of 
ensuring  and  shipping  them.  Some  estimate  may  be 
formed  of  the  continuance,  perplexity  and  minuteness  of 
the  labours  of  Mr.  Lee  during  the  periods  just  mention 
ed,  from  his  letters  to  the  "  Corresponding  Committee" 
of  Congress,  and  from  his  Letter  Books  and  Journals, 
from  which  have  been  made  the  selections  accompanying 


ARTHUR    LEE.  151 

this  brief  and  feeble  attempt  to  present  to  his  country 
men  for  their  gratitude  and  imitation,  a  sketch  of  the 
character  and  services  of  this  able  and  devoted  patriot. 
His  labours  during  the  years  1778  and  1779  were  suc 
cessful  in  some  of  their  most  important  objects.  He 
obtained  in  times  of  urgent  need,  loans  from  Spain  and 
Holland,  and  military  supplies  from  Prussia,  on  advan 
tageous  terms. 

During  the  period  of  which  this  brief  view  has  been 
taken,  Mr.  Lee  continued  to  act  as  agent  for  the  state  of 
Virginia,  and  to  conduct  negotiations  with  the  court  of 
France  for  supplies  of^arms,  &c.  for  that  commonwealth. 
To  negotiate  for  loans  and  supplies  was  the  least  of  the 
trouble  and  labours  ofJVlr.  Lee's  official  duties.     The  de 
tails  involved   in-  the   many  interviews  "and  arrangements 
with  the  different  officers  of  the  French  government  re 
specting  the  Virginia  supplies,  and  the  jelivery  and  ship 
ping  of  them,  added  greatly  and  continually  to  the  vari 
ous  other  engagements  of  Mr.   Lee.      But  no  labour, 
however  constant  and  wearying,  no  details  of  business 
however  dry  and  minute,  could  abate  his  exertions.    An 
unquenchable  zeal  for  his  suffering  and  struggling  coun 
try,    ceaselessly  animated   his   bosom.      The   evidence 
which  supports  this    remark  exists  in   a  much  greater 
amount  than  has  been  here  exhibited  to  the  reader.    His 
conduct  was  indeed  a  commentary  upon   the  noble  de 
claration  he  made  in  his  admirable  letter  to  Lord  Shel- 
burne  ;    "  I  am  determined  to  see  the  liberties  of  my 
country  established,  or  to  perish  in  her  last  struggle." 
The  continued  attention  of  Mr.  Lee  to  the  business  of 
supplies  for  the  state  of  Virginia,  amid  his  other  multi 
plied  engagements,  will  be  seen  in  his  correspondence 
with  Governors  Henry  and  Page,  which  will  be  found  in 
the  Appendix,  No.  4,  (c)  and  No.  8. 

Towards  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1778,  our  affairs 
with  France  having  assumed  the  regular  form  of  the  re 
lations  of  an  established  government,  it' seems  to  have 
been  thought  by  congress  that  a  single  national  repre 
sentative  to  that  country  would  suffice ;  and  that  a  name 
of  office,  importing  the  dignity  of  national  independence, 


152  LIFE     OF 

was  now  appropriate  to  our  condition.  It  was  resolved 
that  it  was  expedient  to  appoint  a  minister  plenipoten 
tiary  to  reside  at  the  court  of  France.  In  October  1778 
Dr.  Franklin  was  elected  to  fill  that  office.  Our  affairs 
with  Spain,  Prussia,  Holland,  and  Germany,  being  still  of 
an  indefinite  character,  commissioners  only  were  continued 
at  their  respective  courts.  Mr.  Lee  was  continued  sole 
commissioner  to  Spain,  and  acting  commissioner  at  the 
court  of  Prussia.  A  brief  attempt  has  been  made  to 
give  the  reader  a  general  idea  of  the  value  of  his  services 
during  the  period  which  elapsed  from  October  1778  un 
til  the  end  of  the  year  1779.  He  who  shall  read  his  cor 
respondence  during  this  time,  will  perceive  that  it  has 
been  thought  better  to  leave  the  reader  to  form  a  due 
estimate  of  the  zeal  and  disinterestedness  of  Mr.  Lee's 
services  from  the  materials  of  this  memoir,  than  from  an 
elaborate  effort  of  his  biographer  to  present  here  a  full 
statement  of  his  labours. 

Great  and  undeniable  as  had  been  the  patriotism  and 
services  of  Mr.  Lee,  he  did  not  escape  the  malicious  in 
sinuations  and  false  charges  of  detected  peculation,  and 
conscious  infidelity  to  public  trust ;  while  he  experienced 
the  inevitable  consequence  of  an  honest  performance  of 
duty,  the  persecution  of  abating  faction.  A  short  period 
of  his  life  afforded  another  instance,  in  addition  to  the 
many  furnished  by  the  history  of  all  times,  that  active 
virtue  never  passed  along  its  whole  career  without  de 
traction  and  injustice.  To  posterity,  and  not  to  contem 
poraries,  patriotism  and  virtue  have  ever  been  most  in 
debted  for  a  just  estimate  of  their  claims  to  admiration 
and  gratitude. 

The  biographer  of  Mr.  Lee,  actuated  by  the  same 
love  of  country  that  distinguished  his  subject,  reluctant 
ly  records  facts  which  cast  a  shade  on  any  period  of  our 
revolutionary  times.  But  this  reluctance  is  lessened  by 
the  reflection,  that  while  truth  requires  a  glance  at  this 
shade,  it  is  to  be  recorded,  that  its  own  redeeming  ener 
gy  and  testimony,  informing  and  invigorating  the  zeal  and 
public  virtue  which  so  distinguished  the  times  of  the 
American  revolution,  quickly  dispelled  the  clouds  of  error 


ARTHUR    LEE.  153 

and  injustice  from  the  character  of  one  of  the  most  hon 
est  and  able  of  those  public  servants  who  had  given  suc 
cess  and  lustre  to  that  eventful  and  glorious  epoch. 

When,  in  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1779,  it  had  be 
come  expedient  to  appoint  a  minister  plenipotentiary  to 
the  court  of  Spain,  and  one  or  more  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  (which  it  was  now  probable 
Great  Britain  would  consent  to  make  with  us  as  an  in 
dependent  nation)  Mr.  Lee,  though  nominated,  was  not 
elected  to  either  of  these  honourable  and  important  sta 
tions.  Any  reader  of  ordinary  sagacity  and  sensibility,  will 
at  once  perceive  that  at  least  an  apparent  affront  was  offered 
to  him.  A  person  of  less  sensibility  than  he  would  have 
felt  mortification,  if  not  resentment.*  After  the  long 
and  important  services  of  Mr.  Lee  at  the  court  of  Spain, 
to  which  may  be  so  justly  ascribed  the  friendly  under 
standing  that  had  existed,  and  that  was  now  on  the  eve 
of  a  successful  consummation  in  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty 
recognising  the  independence  of  his  country,  the  propri 
ety  and  justice  of  conferring  upon  him  the  honour  of  the 
appointment  of  first  minister  plenipotentiary  to  that  court, 
would  seem  clear  and  indisputable.!  As  soon  as  he  re 
ceived  intelligence  of  this  appointment  he  resolved  to  re 
turn  to  America,  and  resign  OT!  employment  under  the 
congress.  The  reader  may  perhaps  wonder  that  so  long 
as  he  could  render  any  service  to  his  country  abroad,  the 
ardent  and  disinterested  patriotism  he  had  so  long  ex 
hibited  had  not  induced  him  to  remain  in  Europe,  con 
senting  to  sacrifice  his  feelings  to  the  public  good.  The 
following  sketch  will  suffice  to  acquit  him  of  all  undue 
regard  to  personal  considerations  of  pride  and  etiquette. 
The  many  testimonies  of  the  public  respect  and  gratitude 
he  received  upon  his  return,  make  it  unnecessary  to  go 
into  much  detail  of  the  reasons  which  led  him  to  re 
turn,  and  of  the  circumstances  which  rendered  his  pre- 

*  It  will  be  seen  by  inspecting  the  vote,  that  the  vote  for  Mr.  Lee  was  numerous 
and  respectable.  • 

t  It  was  surely  meet  that  to  him  should  have  been  afforded  the  opportunity  of  con 
cluding  a  treaty  with  a  nation  with  which  he  had  so  early,  so  long,  and  so  ably 
negotiated,  and  of  thus  gloriously  crowning  his  arduous  labours  and  ardent  wishes. 
VOL.  I.  20 


154  LIFE  OF 

sence  in  America  an  imperative  duty  to  himself  and  his 
country. 

It  was  of  necessity  that  the  congress  employed  many 
commercial  agents  ;  and  an  equal  necessity  obliged  them 
to  authorize  their  commissioners  to  employ  sub-agents  to 
attend  to  details  of  business  which  it  was  impossible  for 
the  commissioners  themselves  to  transact.     Owing  to  the 
distance  from  the  residence  of  the  commissioners,  of  the 
places  where  the  disbursement  of  the  public  moneys  was 
made  in  the  purchase  and  shipment  of  warlike  supplies, 
which  at  this  time  could  be  purchased  only  in  Europe, 
and  the  absence  of  a  regular  system  of  accountability, 
it  was  extremely  difficult  if  not  impossible,  to  secure  a 
faithful  application  of  the  funds  of  the   public,  when  it 
necessarily  depended  on  the  honesty  alone  of  the  agents 
employed.     Such  is  the  desire  of  gain,  such  is  the  "  sacra 
anri  fames"  that  in  almost  every  instance  the  agents  em 
ployed  by  congress  and  by  the  commissioners,  and   the 
merchants  with  whom  contracts  were  made,  proved  re 
gardless  of  principle,  and  amassed  wealth  for  themselves 
at  the  expense  of  the  United  States.     This  state  of  things 
existed  to  an  extent  which  at  this  day  would  appear  al 
most  incredible.     AgainsLthis  abuse  Mr.  Lee  uniformly, 
actively,  and  with  an  unrompromising  spirit,  opposed  all 
the  authority  and  restraint  he  could  exercise.     This  course 
excited  against  him,  as  he  was  aware  it  would  certainly 
do,  the  most  intense  dislike.     The  most  desirable  object 
to  these  faithless  agents  was  tq  procure  his  dismission 
from  the  public  service,  and  his  recal  to  the  United  States. 
Various  and  malignant  arts  were  employed  and  unceasing 
efforts  were  made  to  attain  "their  purpose.     He  was  a  sub 
ject  of  their  constant  abuse  and  complaint.     They  secret 
ly  charged  him  with  a  concealed  attachment  to  England, 
and  insinuated  that  he  was  in  truth  little  better  than  a 
spy  upon  his  colleagues  in  the  interest  of  the  enemy. 
They  first  endeavoured  to  excite  a  suspicion  and  distrust 
of  him  in  the  minds  of  the  French  ministers  ;  but  failing 
to  effect  this  design  they  next  strove  to  infuse  into  the 
minds  of  their  friends  and  connexions  in   America  the 
strongest  prejudices  against  him,  by  writing  thither  re- 


ARTHUR  LEE.  155 

specting  him  the  grossest  falsehoods.  They  represented 
to  them  that  he  kept  up  an  intimacy  and  correspondence 
with  Hartley  and  Berkenhout,of  the  true  nature  of  which 
the  reader  has  been  informed.  Their  friends  naturally 
believed  their  representations,  and  imbibed  their  dislike 
and  enmity.  Many  of  these  agents  were  of  respectable 
families  in  America,  and  some  of  them  had  relations  and 
friends  in  congress.  By  the  joint  effect  of  arts  and  of 
falsehood,  operating  on  the  sympathy  of  their  friends  in 
and  out  of  congress,  they  at  length  succeeded  in  raising  up 
a  faction  in  that  body  and  out  of  it,  bitterly  opposed  to 
and  resentful  against  him.  Hence  the  result  of  the  elec 
tions  in  congress  which  have  just  been  mentioned;  for  as 
several  persons  were  nominajted,  this  .faction,  by  joining 
their  numbers  to  the  vote  for  any  other  candidate  than 
Mr.  Lee,  defeated  his  election. 

He  had  long  discovered  the  means  taken  by  the  dis 
honest  agents  of  the  public  in  Europe,  to  traduce  and  in 
jure  him  in  America.  He  had  been  well  aware  of  the 
extent  and  strength  of  the  connexions  of  some  of  them 
in  congress,  and  had  contemplated  the  possible  success 
of  their  efforts  to  produce  an  unfavourable  impression 

concerning  him  on  the  minds  of  its  members.     But  a 

A 
fearless  and  disinterested  zefll  for  the  interests  of  his 

country,  a  consciousness  of  his  fidelity  to  her  cause,  and 
of  an  honest  performance  of  every  duty  in  her  service, 
rendered  him  proof  against  their  assaults.  He  confid 
ed  in  the  virtue  of  his  countrymen  for  a  just  and  grate 
ful  estimate  of  his  labours  and  patriotism.  He  did  not 
underrate  their  virtues,  as  the  sequel  of  this  memoir  will 
show. 

Mr.  Lee  continued  during  the  period  of  two  years,  not 
withstanding  the  malevolence  of  the  public  defaulters, 
and  the  injuries  they  were  continually  inflicting  on  his 
feelings  and  character  by  their  misrepresentations,  to  pur 
sue,  detect,  and  denounce  them.  He  acquainted  con 
gress  with  their  peculations,  and  pledged  himself  to  make 
good  his  charges  against  them..  Upon  his  arrival  in  Ame 
rica  he  redeemed  the  pledge  he  had  made  to  congress, 
and  proved  to  their  conviction,  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 


156  LIFE  OF 

country,  the  defalcations  of  many  of  the  public  agents.  He 
broke  down  the  hostile  faction,  and  triumphed  over  its  ma 
chinations.  During  the  whole  of  this  contest  Mr.  Lee  re 
tained  the  unabated  confidence  and  friendship  of  the  most 
undoubted  and  distinguished  patriots  of  that  day.  The  two 
Adamses,  Lovel,  Dana  and  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts;  Liv 
ingston,  Morris,  &c.  of  New- York  ;  Dickenson,  M'Kean, 
Wilson,  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Johnson  and  Chase,  of 
Maryland  ;  Henry,  Pendleton,  the  Pages,  Bland,  Wythe, 
Monroe,  of  Virginia  ;  Laurens  and  the  Rutledges,  of 
Carolina,  were  all  the  firm  friends  and  admirers  of  Arthur 
Lee. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  the  enemies  of  Mr.  Lee 
endeavoured  to  infuse  into  the  minds  of  the  French  min 
istry  a  suspicion  that  Mr.  Lee  was  not  heartily  attached 
to  the  cause  of  his  country.  They  alleged  as  proof  that 
he  had  many  friends  in  England,  and  that  Dr.  Berkenhout 
had  been  known  to  correspond  with  him.  The  reader 
has  seen  the  purport  of  the  correspondence  between 
that  person  and  Mr.  Lee,  as  well  as  that  of  his  corre 
spondence  with  the  French  minister  respecting  Hartley's 
mission  to  France.  While  an  effort  was  made  to  render 
Mr.  Lee's  fidelity  questionable  in  the  minds  of  Vergennes, 
Neckar,  Montbarey  andAthers,  it  was  positively  as 
serted  in  America  that  he  had  lost  the  confidence  of  the 
French  court,  and  was  personally  obnoxious  to  its  min 
istry.  The  scanty  selections  in  this  memoir  from  the 
confidential  correspondence  between  the  members  of  the 
ministry  just  named  and  Mr.  Lee,  as  one  of  the  commis 
sioners,  and  particularly  as  agent  for  his  native  state,  reach 
ing  through  the  whole  term  of  his  residence  in  France, 
sufficiently  refutes  these  falsehoods.  The  assertions  of 
his  enemies  in  America,  that  Mr.  Lee  was  not  trusted  by 
the  French  court  and  was  suspected  by  his  own,  had  been 
made  in  some  of  the  public  prints  in  the  United  States, 
and  sent  to  France.  John  Adams,  who  had  succeeded 
Silas  Deane  in  the  commission  to  France,  and  had  acted 
for  more  than  a  year  with  Mr.  Lee,  had  become  entirely 
convinced  of  the  utter  want  of  truth  in  the  insinuations 
and  charges  made  against  him,  and  of  the  ability  and 
integrity  with  which  he  had  served  his  country.  As  soon 


ARTHUR   LEE.  157 

as  the  printed  charges  against  him  reached  France  Mr. 
Adams,  without  Mr.  Lee's  knowledge,  with  that  ingenu 
ousness,  promptitude,  and  honesty  of  purpose,  which 
so  strongly  characterized  him,  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  Count  Vergennes. 

"  PASSY,  Feb.  llth,  1779. 

Sir, — As  your  excellency  reads  English  perfectly 
well,  my  first  request  is  that  you  would  do  me  the  favour 
to  read  this  without  a  translation ;  after  which  I  submit 
it  to  your  excellency  to  make  what  use  of  it  you  may 
think  proper. 

I  have  hitherto  avoided  in  my  single  capacity  giving 
your  excellency  any  trouble  by  letter  or  conversation ; 
but  the  present  emergency  demands  that  I  should  ask 
the  favour  to  explain  my  sentiments,  either  by  letter  or 
in  person.  If  you  will  permit  a  personal  interview,  I 
am  persuaded  I  could  make  myself  understood.  If  you 
prefer  a  correspondence  I  will  lay  open  my  heart  before 
your  excellency. 

It  is  the  address  to  the  people  in  America  under  the 
name  of  Mr.  Silas  Deane  that  has  occasioned  this  bold 
ness  in  me.  It  is  to  me  the  most  unexpected  and  un 
foreseen  event  that  has  happftied.  I  hope  your  excel 
lency  will  not  conclude  from  this  that  I  despair  of  the 
commonwealth.  Far  otherwise  ;  I  know  that  the  body 
of  the  United  States  stands  immoveable  against  Great 
Britain  ;  and  I  hope  this  address  of  Mr.  Deane,  though 
it  may  occasion  trouble  to  individuals,  will  produce  no 
final  detriment  to  the  common  cause ;  but,  on  the  con 
trary,  will  occasion  so  thorough  an  investigation  of  the 
several  things,  as  will  correct  many  abuses. 

It  is  my  indispensable  duty  upon  this  occasion,  to  in 
form  your  excellency  without  consulting  either  of  my 
colleagues,  that  the  honourable  Arthur  Lee  was  as  long 
ago  as  1770  appointed  by  the  house  of  representatives  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay,  of  which  I  had  then  the  honour 
to  be  a  member,  their  agent  at  the  court  of  London,  in 
case  of  the  death  or  absence  of  Dr.  Franklin.  This  ho 
nourable  testimony  was  given  to  Mr.  Lee,  by  an  assem- 


158  LIFE   OF 

bly  in  which  he  had  no  natural  interest,  on  account  of 
his  inflexible  attachment  to  the  American  cause,  and  the 
abilities  of  which  he  had  given  many  proofs  in  its  de 
fence.  From  that  time  to  the  year  1774  he  held  a  con 
stant  correspondence  with  several  of  those  gentlemen 
who  stood  foremost  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  against 
the  innovations  and  illegal  encroachments  of  Great  Bri 
tain.  This  correspondence  I  had  an  opportunity  of  see 
ing  ;  and  I  assure  your  excellency,  from  my  own  know 
ledge,  that  it  breathed  the  most  inflexible  attachment  to, 
and  the  most  ardent  zeal  in,  the  cause  of  his  country. 
From  September  1774  until  November  1777,  I  had  the 
honour  to  be  in  congress,  and  the  opportunity  of  seeing 
his  letters  to  congress,  to  their  committees  and  to  indi 
vidual  members.  Through  the  whole  of  both  those  periods 
he  communicated  the  most  constant  and  certain  intelligence, 
which  was  received  from  any  individual  within  my  know 
ledge.  And  since  I  have  had  the  honour  of  being  joined 
with  him  here,  I  have  ever  found  in  him  the  same  fidelity 
and  zeal ;  and  I  have  not  a  glimmering  of  suspicion  that 
he  ever  maintained  an  improper  correspondence  in  Eng 
land,  or  held  any  conference  or  negotiation  with  any  body 
from  thence,  without  communicating  it  to  your  excellen 
cy  or  to  his  colleagues.  9  am  confident  therefore  that 
every  insinuation  and  suspicion  against  him,  of  infidelity 
to  the  United  States,  or  to  their  engagements  with  his 
majesty,  are  false  and  groundless,  and  that  they  will  as 
suredly  be  proved  to  be  so. 

The  two  honourable  brothers  of  Mr.  Lee,  who  are 
members  of  congress,  I  have  long  and  intimately  known  ; 
and  of  my  own  knowledge  I  can  say  that  no  men  have 
discovered  more  zeal  in  support  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
United  States,  and  in  promoting,  from  the  beginning,  a 
friendship  and  an  alliance  with  France.  There  is  noth 
ing  of  which  I  am  more  firmly  persuaded,  than  that  every 
insinuation  that  is  thrown  out  to  the  disadvantage  of  the 
two  Mr.  Lees  in  congress,  is  groundless. 

It  would  be  too  tedious  to  enter  at  present  into  a  more 
particular  consideration  of  that  address.  I  shall  there 
fore  conclude  this  letter,  already  too  long,  by  assuring 


ARTHUR    LEE.  159 

your  excellency  that  I  am,  with  the  most  entire  consid 
eration,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
To  his  excellency  the  Count  de  Vergennes." 

Some  months  after  Mr.  Adams,  thus  unsolicited  by 
Mr.  Lee,  had  written  the  above  manly  letter  to  the 
Count  Vergennes,  Mr.  Lee  requested  of  Mr.  Adams, 
previously  to  the  departure  of  the  latter  from  France  for 
the  United  States,  to  state  his  opinion  of  the  character 
of  his  conduct  and  services,  while  they  were  joined  in 
the  commission  to  the  court  of  Versailles.  In  comply 
ing  with  Mr.  Lee's  request,  Mr.  Adams  wrote  to  Mr. 
Lee  the  following  characteristic- and  interesting  letter. 

"  L'OniEN-r,  June  9,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favours  of  the  4th  and  5th  are  now 
before  me  ;  that  of  March  29th  I  have  answered,  if  I 
ever  received  it,  for  I  have  answered  every  one  I  have 
received  from  you,  but  not  having  my  papers  at  hand 
cannot  be  particular.  I  thank  you  for  the  MS.  and  the 
pamphlet. 

I  am  happy  to  hear  from  you  and  from  all  others,  so 
agreeable  a  character  of  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  and 
Monsieur  Marbois,  the  last  of  whom  I  have  had  the  plea 
sure  to  see.  I  wish  it  were  in  rny  power  to  do  more  for 
Mr.  Ford,  and  to  take  him  with  me,  but  the  frigate  will 
be  so  crowded  that  I  fear  it  will  be  impossible.  The 
declarations  of  the  northern  powers  against  England,  to 
stop  their  merchant  vessels,  and  arming  to  support  their 
rights,  are  important  events.  The  displacing  Mr.  Paine 
is  a  disagreeable  and  an  alarming  one. 

It  is  with  no  small  astonishment  I  learn  by  your  letter 
of  the  5th,  that  by  advices  from  America  since  your  last 
to  me,  your  enemies  are  determined  to  impeach  your  at 
tachment  to  our  country  and  her  cause.  Your  request 
that  I  would  give  my  opinion  on  that  subject,  from  the 
knowledge  I  have  had  of  your  conduct  while  wre  acted 
together  in  the  commission,  can  meet  with  no  objection 
from  me. 


160  LIFE    OF 

But  I  hope  I  need  not  inform  you  that  my  opinion  on 
this  point  is  no  secret  at  Versailles,  at  Nantz,  or  else 
where.  I  enclose  a  copy  of  a  letter,  I  did  myself  the 
honour  to  write  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  some  time 
ago,  which,  for  any  thing  I  know,  is  communicated  to  all 
the  court.  The  answer  shows  it  was  received.  1  had 
my  reasons  then  for  keeping  it  to  myself,  which  exist  no 
more.  I  would  transcribe  the  whole  correspondence,  if 
it  were  in  my  power,  but  I  have  not  time.  It  is  suffi 
cient  to  say,  that  it  was  conducted  by  his  -excellency 
with  the  most  obliging  politeness.  It  is  my  duty  now 
to  furnish  you  with  a  copy,  lest  any  accident  should  be 
fall  me,  which  is  by  no  means  improbable.  I  thought 
then,  and  am  now  confirmed  in  that  opinion  more  and 
more,  that  it  was  my  duty  to  communicate  my  senti 
ments  to  the  court  upon  that  very  extraordinary  occa 
sion  ;  and  from  regard  to  my  own  reputation,  I  am  glad 
you  have  given  me  an  opportunity  of  furnishing  you  with 
evidence,  that  I  did  that  part  of  my  duty,  so  far  forth.  The 
letter  was  written,  sent  to  Versailles,  and  received  by  his 
excellency,  before  the  arrival  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Fay- 

ette,  his  aid  de  camp,  or  Dr.  ,  that  is  before  the 

news  reached  Passy,  of  the  new  arrangement. 

But  lest  the  letter  shoufcl  not  be  sufficient,  I  shall  en 
close  another  certificate,  not  without  a  heartfelt  grief 
and  indignation,  that  malice  should  be  so  daring  and  bar 
barous,  as  to  make  either  such  a  letter  or  such  a  certifi 
cate  from  me  necessary  or  even  pardonable.  Your  hint, 
that  I  must  correct  some  things  that  are  amiss,  extorts 
from  me  an  involuntary  sigh !  I  shall  be  in  a  situation, 
critical  and  difficult  without  example  ;  my  own  character 
at  stake  from  various  quarters,  and  nothing  to  support  me 
but  truth  and  innocence  ;  and  you  need  not  be  informed, 
these  are  not  always  sufficient.  I  have  little  expectation 
of  doing  good  :  God  grant  I  may  do  no  harm.  I  shall 
not  designedly.  But  I  suppose  congress  mean  to  exam 
ine  me  as  a  witness,  and  I  must  tell  the  truth,  the  whole 
truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  far  as  I  know  it. — 
If  the  task  should  end  here,  I  shall  not  be  much  embar 
rassed,  but  if  they  proceed  to  demand  of  me  opinions  and 


ARTHUR    LEE.  161 

judgment  of  men  and  things,  as  there  is  reason  to  expect 
they  will,  although  I  hope  they  will  not,  what  will  be  the 
consequence  ? 

Upon  the  whole,  truth  must  be  my  shield,  and  if  the 
shafts  of  interested  malice  can  pierce  through  this,  they 
shall  pierce  me. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  highest  respect,  dear 
sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

To  the  Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 

It  has  been  said  that  Mr.  Lee  had  resolved  to  incur 
that  enmity  and  opposition  of  public  defaulters  and  their 
friends,  both  in  France  and  in  the  United  States,  which 
he  knew  would  follow  a  fearless  performance  of  his  duty. 
Two  of  his  letters,  written  at  different  periods,  one  ad 
dressed  to  the  corresponding  committee  of  congress,  and 
the  other  to  a  friend  in  Virginia,  will  exhibit  sufficiently 
for  the  present  purpose  of  his  biographer,  the  conduct  of 
of  those  whom  he  had  offended,  in  the  course  of  his  offi 
cial  duties.  The  letter  to  the  committee  will  be  found 
in  Mr.  Lee's  correspondence  with  congress,  in  the  6th 
No.  of  the  Appendix,  dated  1st  June  1778.  His  letter 
to  his  friend  in  Virginia  is  here  inserted.  Both  letters 
contain  much  more  agreeable  matter  than  that  which  re 
lates  to  the  immediate  subject  here  referred  to. 

"PARIS,  Dec.  13th,  1778. 

To  Theodoric  Bland,  Esq. 

My  dear  friend, — On  the  9th  of  this  month  I  received 
yours  of  the  19th  July.  If  a  Mr.  Archer  gets  safely  to 
America  you  will  receive  a  letter  by  him  which  will 
prove  that  you  live  not  only  in  my  memory  but  in  my 
warmest  friendship.  It  gives  me  the  greatest  pleasure 
to  find  that,  notwithstanding  the  long  absence  and  in 
terval  of  our  correspondence  we  harmonize  in  the  same 
wish  to  renew  it. 

I  should  have  been  very  much  surprised  if  either  you 
or  I  had  rested  in  retirement  while  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  our  country  was  in  issue.  We  have  acted  exactly 

VOL.  i.  21 


162  LIFE    OF 

conformable  to  the  principles  we  always  avowed  and 
actually  felt.  For  myself  there  never  was  a  moment 
since  I  could  distinguish  between  good  and  bad,  that  I 
would  not  have  stood  forth  in  opposition  to  arbitrary 
power,  whatever  shape  it  assumed.  I  believe  the  same 
of  you  ;  and  the  similarity  of  our  sentiments  have  knit 
me  to  you,  with  an  esteem  that  can  never  vary. 

I  observe  that  of  the  misfortunes  that  have  happened 
to  our  troops,  nine  out  of  ten  have  arisen  from  want  of 
vigilance.  I  am  the  more  surprised  at  this  because  I  be 
lieve  there  never  was  a  soldier  of  more  circumspection 
than  your  commander  in  chief.  It  seems  the  fate  of 
poor  Col.  Baylor  and  his  troops  was  owing  to  his  being 
surprized.  This,  I  hope,  is  the  last  mishap  that  will 
befal  you.  Some  foreign  officers  who  have  returned 
speak  highly  of  the  discipline  of  your  army,  and  the 
enemy  seem  to  have  no  superiority  to  boast  of.  Even  at 
London  they  despair  of  any  conquest,  and  are  for  deso 
lating  out  of  revenge  what  they  can  neither  conquer  nor 
retain. 

I   see  by  the  public  prints  with  you  that  my  quondam 
colleague  is  assuming  all   the  merit  of  what  has  been 
done  here,  and  I  know  is  forming  a  faction  against  your 
friend.     I  should  never  have  opened  my  lips  on  this  sub 
ject,  did  not  their  assuming  merits  which  they  do  not  de 
serve,  make  it  an  act  of  duty  to  state  the  facts.     So  far  i 
then  were  my  colleagues  from  having  any  peculiar  merits  J 
in  the  treaties,  that  it  was  with  the   greatest  difficulty  I  i 
persuaded  them  to  insist  on  the  acknowledgment  of  our ; 
independence  and  recognition  of  our  sovereignty.    These,' 
were  proposed  by  your  friend,  evaded  by  his  colleagues,  \ 
and  only  admitted  after  being  re-urged  in  a  manner  that 
made  them  apprehend  the  consequences  of  an  opposition 
they  could  not  justify.     It  was  also  in  spite  of  the  opin 
ion,  reasonings  and  even  remonstrances  of  your  friend, 
that  they  would  insert  two  articles  of  the  treaty  which 
were  unanimously  condemned  by  congress,  and  have  been 
expunged    here.      After   this   one  would   imagine  they 
might  have  been  contented  with  an  equal  share  of  praise, 
when  in  truth  their  conduct  merited  censure.    They  will 
force  me  one  day  or  other  to  bring  the  proofs  of  these 


ARTHUR    LEE.  163 

things  before  congress  and  the  public,  when  I  am  sure 
they  will  shed  some  of  their  borrowed  plumes. 

I  look  forward  with  hope  to  the  time  when  a  peace 
able  establish  mentof  what  we  are  contending  for,  will 
permit  us  to  retire  to  the  private  walks  we  have  been 
forced  to  quit.      To  the  enemies  who  have  risen    up 
against  me  personally,  it  seems  my  place  is  an  object  of 
envy.     I  tell  you,  my  friend,  I  have  experienced  more 
cares  and  anxieties  in  two  years'  occupation  of  it  than  in 
all  my  life  besides.    You  may  therefore  guess  that  when 
the  public  shall  think  my  services  no  longer  necessary  I 
shall  not  repine  at  being  dismissed.    But  it  is  not  a  little  , 
unpleasant  to  be  deprived  of  that  praise  that  constant  toil ' 
and  assiduity  in  the   public  service  have  deserved,  and  j 
submit  to  be  traduced  by  those  who,  instead  of  consulting! 
the  public  interest  when  in  office,  have  made  immense' 
private  fortunes  for  themselves  and   their  dependants ; 
who  are  occupied  in  two  things  only,    their  own  gain 
and  the  abuse  of  every  one  who  will  not  sacrifice   the 
public  to  their  views.      Mr. is    generally  under 
stood  to  have  made  £60,000  while  he  was   employed 
here,  and  Dr.  Bancroft  his  clerk,  from  being  penniless, 

keeps  his ,  his  house,  and  his  carriage.     Mr. 

from  being  a  clerk  in  a  sugar-bake  house  in  London,  is 
become  a  capital  merchant  here,  loading  a  number  of 
ships  on  his  own  account,  while  gentlemen  of  the  first 
fortunes  in  America  cannot  get  remittances  on  credit  for 
their  subsistence.  These  things  are  notorious,  and 
there  are  no  visible  sources  of  this  prosperity,  but  the 
public  money,  and  state  secrets  to  trade  upon.  It  may 
be  useful  to  you  to  know  these  things  as  they  concern 
the  public.  My  opposition  to  these  proceedings  have 
made  all  that  are  concerned  in  them  my  bitter  enemies.  A 

I  am  afraid  the  objection  of  religion  is  an  insur 
mountable  bar  to  your  scheme  of  putting  your  nephew  in 
the  French  navy.  I  know  it  was  so  to  the  admission  of 
my  nephew  into  the  Ecole  militaire  here.  But  I  will 
make  particular  enquiry  and  let  you  know.  Remember 
me  to  our  common  friends,  and  believe  me  to  be  with 
sincerest  friendship,  yours,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


164  LIFE    OF 

Mr.  Lee  having  determined  to  return  to  the  United 
States,  sailed  from  France  in  the  month  of  August  1780, 
and  arrived  in  Boston  in  the  month  of  September.  He 
was  received  with  most  flattering  marks  of  respect  and 
gratitude  by  the  people  of  Massachusetts  and  with  the 
warmest  greetings  of  his  friends  in  Boston.  He  had 
the  gratification  of  finding  around  him  on  all  occasions 
the  most  distinguished  and  approved  whigs.  During  his 
stay  in  Boston,  though  that  was  short  and  his  time  con 
tinually  occupied  by  public  and  private  invitations,  he 
wrote  a  long  and  earnest  letter  to  the  Baron  de  Breteuil 
one  of  the  most  influential  members  of  the  French  min 
istry,  pressing  upon  him  the  necessity  to  the  common 
cause  of  aiding  the  United  States  with  a  loan  of  specie  ; 
thus  continuing  to  exhibit  at  all  times  a  ceaseless  anxiety 
for  the  public  interest,  and  to  make  exertions  for  its  ad 
vancement,  the  motives  of  which  cannot  be  impeached 
with  a  desire  of  gaining  applause,  since  they  were  made 
in  private  modes  altogether  secluded  from  the  public  eye. 
The  letter  to  the  Baron  de  Breteuil  will  be  found  in  the 
Appendix,  No.  8. 

After  remaining  a  short  time  in  Boston,  Mr.  Lee  pro 
ceeded  to  Philadelphia.     On  every  part  of  his  journey 
thither  he  was  honoured  by  the  purest  patriots   of  the 
day,  and  by  popular  applause.     From  Boston  he  carried 
with  him  letters  of  introduction  from  eminent  men,  dis 
tinguished   for  their  public  services  and  for  their  learn 
ing  to  men  of  similar  distinction  in   the  different  states 
through  which  he  passed.     Among  his  MSS.  of  this  de 
scription,  the  author  has  found  several  letters  from   Dr. 
Cooper,  a  distinguished  scholar  and  divine.    As  these 
letters  were  written  by  eminent  and  disinterested  men, 
at  a  time  when  Mr.  Lee  had  been  attacked  in  the  pub 
lic  journals  of  the  time,  by  a  faction  containing  some 
persons  who  had  been  regarded  as   patriotic,   they  are 
more  valuable  than  ordinary  letters  on  common  occasions, 
because  they  show  the  estimate  formed  of  his  character 
and  services  by  them.     With  this  view  of  their  value 
some  of  them  are  here  inserted  with  a  hope  that  they 
will  thus  be  preserved.     The  author  has  selected  from 


ARTHUR    LEE. 


165 


the  letters  of  the  description  mentioned  one  of  the  pat 
riot  Elbridge  Gerry,  and  the  letters  of  Dr.  Cooper, 
which  are  remarkable  for  their  elegance  of  style  and 
felicitous  variation  in  the  expression  of  similar  ideas  and 
sentiments. 

"  BOSTON,  Sept.  21, 1780. 

Sir, — This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  the  Hon.  Mr. 
Lee,  who  has  lately  arrived  here  from  France  in  the  Alli 
ance  frigate,  and  purposes  to  set  off  this  morning  to  the 
southward.  During  his  short  stay  in  this  city  he  has 
confirmed  such  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  this  state 
as  have  had  the  pleasure  of  his  acquaintance,  in  their 
opinion  of  his  zeal,  integrity,  and  abilities  in  the  common 
cause;  and  they  have  endeavoured  to  show  him  every 
mark  of  their  esteem  and  respect.  But  as  your  excellen 
cy's  knowledge  of  this  gentleman's  character  renders  it 
needless  to  speak  of  his  merit,  I  shall  only  add,  that  he 
will  be  able  to  give  every  useful  information  respecting 
the  state  of  our  foreign  affairs,  and  many  useful  hints  of 
measures  necessary  to  be  adopted  by  the  states. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  with  the  highest  esteem 
and  respect  your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

E.  GERRY. 

His  excellency  George  Clinton." 

"  BOSTON,  Sept.  19th,  1780. 

My  Dear  Sir, — This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  the 
Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  who  lately  arrived  here  from  France, 
and  is  now  going  to  Philadelphia. 

I  need  not  mention  to  you  the  political  or  literary  ac 
complishments  of  this  gentleman,  by  which  he  has  attract 
ed  such  esteem  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  America;  the 
early  and  decided  part  he  took  in  favour  of  our  liberties ; 
his  important  public  employments ;  or  the  zeal  and  firm 
ness  with  which  he  has  served  the  United  States.  To 
these  things  you  are  no  stranger.  But  the  opportunity  of 
knowing  a  gentleman  of  whose  distinguished  reputation 
you  were  before  acquainted,  and  of  paying  any  offices  of 
friendship  to  such  a  friend  of  our  country,  must  be  highly 
pleasing  to  you. 


166  LIFE    OF 

I  am  sir,  with  much  respect  aud  affection,  your  obedi 
ent  servant,  SAMUEL  COOPER. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Elliot." 

"  BOSTON,  Sept.  19,  1780. 

My  Dear  Sir, — You  will  receive  this  from  the  hand  of 
the  Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  who  lately  arrived  here  from  France, 
and  will  pass  through  New-Haven  on  his  way  to  Phila 
delphia.  To  one  so  well  acquainted  with  those  great 
characters  who  have  stood  forth  in  the  American  cause, 
and  whose  distinguished  political  and  literary  abilities 
have  defended  and  advanced  it,  I  need  only  mention  the 
name  of  Dr.  Lee.  You  know  all  the  rest ;  and  how  much 
our  country  is  indebted  to  the  uncommon  services  of  this 
gentleman.  Should  he  find  an  opportunity,  it  will  give 
him  great  pleasure  to  visit  that  seat  of  learning  over 
which  you  so  honourably  preside. 

Wishing  it  prosperity,  and  the  most  brilliant  success  to 
all  your  exertions  for  the  promotion  of  knowledge  and 
virtue,  I  am  sir,  with  much  respect  and  affection,  your 
most  obedient  humble  servant,  SAMUEL  COOPER. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Stiles."* 

"  BOSTON,  Sept.  19,  1780. 

My  Dear  Sir, — The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  who  not  long 
since  arrived  here  from  France,  will  probably  pass  through 
Middletown  on  his  way  to  Philadelphia. 

The  bare  mention  of  this  gentleman's  name  must  im 
mediately  recall  to  your  mind  his  steady  patriotism,  his 
important  public  employments,  and  the  long  series  of  ser 
vices  which  from  the  commencement  of  our  troubles  his 
distinguished  literary  and  political  abilities  have  rendered 
to  the  cause  of  America. 

You  will  be  highly  pleased,  I  am  persuaded,  with  an 
opportunity  of  conversing  with  this  gentleman,  and  of 
rendering  any  offices  of  friendship  to  such  a  friend  of  our 
country. 

Wishing  you  and  your  family  all  good  things,  I  am  dear 

*  The  venerable  President  at  this  time  of  Yale  College  ;  one  of  the  profoundest 
scholars  and  writers  of  any  country. 


ARTHUR    LEE. 

sir,  with  great  respect  and  friendship,  your  humble  ser 
vant,  SAMUEL  COOPER.'* 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Huntington." 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Lee  arrived  in  Philadelphia  he  request 
ed  of  congress  permission  to  address  that  body,  in  vindi 
cation  of  his  character  and  conduct  from  the  charges 
which  had  been  publicly  made  against  him,  and  which 
derived,  as  he  thought,  some  weight  or  appearance  of 
credibility  from  the  fact  that  he  had  been  left  out  of  the 
late  missions  to  Europe.  The  congress  resolved  that  no 
charge  against  him  had  been  entertained  by  them,  and 
that  it  was  never  intended  to  fix  the  least  censure  on  any 
part  of  his  public  conduct.f  The  author  has  in  his  posses 
sion,  in  the  handwriting  of  Mr.  Lee,  an  able  and  elaborate 
speech  which  he  prepared  with  a  view  to  deliver  it  before 
congress.  He  meets  all  the  criminations  of  his  enemies, 
(of  the  nature  of  which  the  reader  has  some  idea)  and  con 
futes  them  by  irresistible  arguments,  and  ample  and  au 
thenticated  proofs  of  their  falsehood.  He  had  prepared 
the  evidence  in  an  arrangement  suited  to  that  of  the 

O 

speech.  This  evidence  consists  of  documentary  testi 
mony.  Wherever  the  least  doubt  could  be  entertained  of 
the  genuineness  of  the  copy,  he  has  procured  the  attesta 
tion  of  disinterested  and  well  known  persons.  The 
greater  number  are  examined  and  attested  by  John  Ad 
ams.  This  speech,  and  the  documents  attached  to  it, 
are  not  deposited  with  the  other  papers  of  Mr.  Lee  in  the 
library  of  Cambridge  University,  but  are  carefully  preserv 
ed  by  the  author.  The  many  subsequent  and  honourable 
testimonials  given  by  the  congress  and  the  public  to  the 
patriotism  and  integrity  of  Mr.  Lee,  render  it  unnecessa- 

*  The  above  letters,  and  the  characters  to  whom  they  were  addressed,  afford  a 
pleasing  evidence  of  what  is  generally  known,  that  the  Christian  ministers  of  Ame 
rica  in  the  revolutionary  time  were  ardent  patriots  and  decidedly  and  universally 
friends  to  civil  and  religious  freedom.  The  author,  who  is  honoured  with  an  exten 
sive  and  intimate  friendship  with  many  of  all  denominations,  can  testify  how  ground 
less  are  the  charge  and  the  fears  (generally  the  offspring  of  ignorance  and  wicked 
ness  combined)  expressed  by  men  of  the  world,  and  particularly  by  a  certain  class 
of  politicians  so  called,  that  the  Christian  clergy  are  aiming  at  temporal  power,  and 
are  attached  to  arbitrary  systems. 

t  See  Journals  6th,  p.  246. 


168  LIFE    OF 

ry  to  insert  here  this  speech  and  its  accompanying  papers. 
The  author  however  cannot  refrain  from  inserting  the 
exordium  of  the  speech,  as  it  contains  a  grateful  tribute 
of  homage  from  an  American  patriot  (who  had  enjoyed 
an  opportunity  of  knowing  from  personal  observation  the 
truth  of  what  he  said)  to  the  character  of  our  ally  of  the 
revolution,  the  generous,  the  amiable,  and  the  unfortu 
nate  Louis,  of  France.  The  speech  begins  with  a  con 
ciseness  and  energy,  worthy  of  the  occasion  and  subject 
which  the  author  was  contemplating.  Quintilian  would 
have  selected  it  as  a  model. 

"  Mr.  President, — I  return  to  you,  in  consequence  of  the 
resolution  with  which  I  engaged  in  this  cause,  to  see  the 
liberty  of  my  country  established,  or  to  perish  in  her  last 
struggle. 

When  I  took  leave  of  the  court  of  Versailles  as  one  of 
your  former  commissioners,  his  excellency  the  Count  de 
Vergennes  presented  me  with  a  gold  enamelled  snuff-box, 
containing  the  picture  of  the  king  of  France,  set  with 
diamonds.  The  minister  accompanied  it  with  an  assur 
ance  that  he  delivered  it  to  me  as  a  mark  of  the  esteem 
of  his  sovereign.  In  my  judgment  no  period  ever  produc 
ed  a  prince  whose  esteem  was  more  valuable.  His  por 
trait  is  engraven  on  my  mind  by  the  virtue  and  justice 
which  form  his  character  ;  and  gold  and  jewels  can  add 
nothing  to  its  lustre. 

This  testimony  of  his  majesty's  esteem,  however  flat 
tering  to  me,  I  received  with  a  resolution  of  holding  it 
at  your  disposal  only.  I  therefore  now  beg  leave,  agree 
ably  to  what  I  think  my  duty,  to  deposite  it  with  congress; 
for  I  esteem  it  of  dangerous  consequence,  that  any  re 
publican  should  receive  presents  from  a  foreign  prince, 
or  retain  them  without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  the 
republic.*  Still  more  dangerous  and  unbecoming  is  it  to 
measure  the  merits  of  those  employed  in  the  public  ser 
vice  by  them, or  to  make  their  characters  depend  on  com- 

*  It  is  highly  probable  that  this  sentiment  of  Mr.  Lee  was  adopted  into  that  arti 
cle  of  the  present  constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  prohibits  an  American 
citizen  holding  an  office,  from  accepting  titles  or  presents  from  foreign  princes. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  169 

plimentary  letters  and  praises  from  the  followers  of  the 
court  where  they  have  resided.  It  is  the  most  sure  of  all 
possible  methods,  to  make  them  subservient  where  they 
ought  to  be  independent,  and  lead  them  to  substitute  in 
trigue  in  the  place  of  a  due  discharge  of  their  duty,  or 
sacrifice  the  interests  of  their  country  to  the  inclinations 
of  a  foreign  minister.  If  they  do  their  duty  to  their 
country,  their  constituents  ought  best  to  know  it ;  and 
the  reward  they  are  pleased  to  bestow  upon  them,  is  the 
sole  and  sufficient  recompense  becoming  the  dignity  of  a 
free  citizen  to  possess." 

Mr.  Lee,  instead  of  being  called  by  congress  to  vindi 
cate  himself  from  the  charges  which  had  been  so  falsely 
and  undeservedly  made  upon  him,  was  requested  by  a 
vote  of  that  body,  to  lay  before  them  all  the  information 
he  possessed,  respecting  the  foreign  affairs  of  the  United 
States.  This  vote  was  made  known  to  him  in  a  respect 
ful  letter  from  the  president.  It  may  be  proper  to  state 
that  Mr.  Lee  accounted,  to  the  satisfaction  of  congress, 
and  of  the  state  of  Virginia,  for  all  sums  of  money  which 
had  been  received  or  loaned  by  him,  for  the  public  service. 

Mr.  Lee  now  returned  to  private  life.  He  was  not 
long  permitted  to  remain  in  its  quiet  and  soothing  scenes 
and  enjoyments.  In  the  spring  of  the  year  '81  he  was 
elected  by  the  freeholders  of  Prince  William  County,  in 
his  native  state,  a  delegate  to  the  assembly  of  Virginia.* 
By  this  assembly  he  was  elected,  in  December  of  that 
year,  a  deputy  to  the  general  congress.  In  this  illus 
trious  body,  he  served  from  February  '82,  until  the  year 
'85.  During  this  period,  he  served  throughout  its  long 
sessions,  with  punctuality  and  diligence.  It  is  believed  that 
he  seldom  took  part  in  the  debates ;  but  he  acted  with 
ability  and  efficiency  on  most  of  its  important  committees. 
Whenever  he  did  address  the  house,  his  speeches  were 
clear  and  argumentative  ;  vigorous  in  their  style,  and  full 
of  philosophic  reflections  and  useful  information. 

*  This  was  not  the  county  of  his  nativity  or  residence  ;  but  he  was  eligible,  be 
ing  a  landholder  in  it.  A  resident  of  Virginia,  being  a  freeholder  in  any  county, 
was  eligible  to  represent  it,  though  not  an  inhabitant  of  it. 

VOL.   i.  22 


170  LIFE  OF 

Before  the  reader  is  made  acquainted  with  the  last  ser 
vices  of  Mr.  Lee  as  a  public  man,  the  author  begs  per 
mission  to  refer  in  this  place  to  a  subject,  which  he  has 
in  another  part  of  this  memoir  promised  to  recur  to.  It 
has  been  stated,  that  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Lee  had 
been,  for  several  years  of  their  acquaintance  and  service 
together  as  public  men,  attached  to  each  other  by  the 
ties  of  a  friendship,  cemented  by  mutual  admiration,  con 
genial  political  sentiments  and  views,  and  by  scientific 
taste  and  acquirements,  but  had  become  estranged  from 
each  other  to  the  regret  of  their  common  friends.  The 
cause  of  this  requires  some  explanation,  because  many 
references  to  this  circumstance  are  contained  in  the  wri 
tings  of  Mr.  Lee  which  could  not  be  omitted,  and  be 
cause  the  reader  will  find  such  men  as  Sir  Wm.  Jones 
regretting  the  separation  of  these  citizens. 

The  separation  between  Mr.   Lee  and  Dr.  Franklin 
was  caused  by  the  insidious  acts  of  those  public  agents, 
whose  unfaithfulness  Mr.  Lee  had  been  impelled  by   a 
j     sense  of  duty  to  expose.     Some  of  them  had  been  ac- 
/ 1    quainted  with  Dr.  Franklin  in  America,  and  had  enjoyed 
I    his  confidence,  which  they  then  deserved.     Dr.  Franklin 
f     was  by  nature,  of  an  easy  and  confiding  disposition  ;  and 
'      age  had  added  to  this  inherent  indisposition  to  doubt  and 
contention.     At  the  time  of  his  going  to  France,  he  had 
attained  an  advanced  age.     The  reader  will  remember 
that  he  declined  the  mission  to  Spain,   to  which  he  had 
been  appointed  by  congress  shortly  after  his  arrival  in 
France,  "  on  account  of  his  infirmities."     He  was  now 
therefore  indisposed  to  action,   and  to  those  duteis  the 
performance  of  which  required  activity  and  vigilance. 
The  immunities  and  privileges  of  age  were  cheerfully  ex 
tended  to  him  by  his  younger  colleagues.     Hence  the 
frauds  and  irregular  proceedings  of  agents,  who  did  not 
act  immediately  under  his  eye,  were  not  so  soon  descried, 
nor  so  clearly  seen  by  him  as  by  Mr.  Lee,  whose  vigour 
and  health,  yet  unimpaired  by  years,   permitted  him  to 
undertake   the  more  minute  and  laborious  duties  of  the 
commission,  and  whose  active  habits  led  him  through  a 
more  enlarged  sphere  of  action  and  investigation.     The 


ARTHUR    LEE.  171 

charges  of  Mr.  Lee  were  denied ;  and  his  suspicions, 
which  afterwards  were  proved  to  be  well-founded,  were 
declared  to  Dr.  Franklin  to  be  the  suspicions  of  a  petu 
lant  and  unamiable  temper.  He  permitted  his  mind  to 
be  affected  by  these  representations  ,-  and  being  disinclin 
ed  to  laborious  examinations  of  accounts,  and  to  a  scru 
tiny  into  the  conduct  of  others,  which  would  necessarily 
offend  them,  and  thus  ruffle  the  "  even  tenor  of  his  way," 
he  at  length  lent  a  doubtful  ear  to  Mr.  Lee,  while  he 
turned  a  willing  one  to  those,  whose  object  and  policy 
induced  them  to  wish  to  avoid  the  control  of  his  ener 
getic  colleague.  His  kind  and  unsuspecting  disposition 
was  imposed  upon  and  deceived.  He  became  cold  and 
distant  in  his  manners  towards  Mr.  Lee ;  and  gave  a  de 
gree  of  countenance  to  defaulting  agents,  which  proved 
injurious  to  the  public  interests.  Mr.  Lee  resented  this 
conduct  on  the  part  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  openly  and 
fearlessly  stated  its  consequences  to  the  United  States. 
A  rupture  at  last  took  place  ;  and  their  broken  friendship 
was  never  repaired. 

In  the  year  1784,  while  Mr.  Lee  still  remained  in 
congress,  he  was  appointed  by  that  body  one  of  a  com 
mission  to  make  treaties  with  all  the  tribes  of  Indians  on 
the  northern  and  north-western  frontiers  of  the  United 
States.  He  kept  a  regular  journal  of  his  travels  from 
Philadelphia  to  the  lakes  and  Fort  Stanwix,  through  the 
western  part  of  Pennsylvania.  He  examined  the  coun 
try  through  which  he  passed  with  the  eye  of  a  statesman 
and  a  philosopher.  He  traces  the  course  of  its  rivers, 
and  their  possible  connexions  ;  and  describes  the  various 
soils,  productions  and  minerals,  which  his  time  and  duties 
permitted  him  to  ascertain. 

He  turned  his  acute  and  active  mind,  at  this  time,  very 
earnestly  to  the  study  of  the  origin,  languages,  customs 
and  character  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  North  Ame 
rica.  To  aid  his  investigation  of  this  interesting  subject, 
he  obtained  the  acquaintance  and  correspondence  of  sev 
eral  learned  Moravian  scholars  at  Betlehem  and^Leditz, 
in  Pennsylvania,  who  had  at  a  very  early  period  of  the 
settlement  of  that  state,  been  sent  by  the  pious  and  be- 


172  LIFE    OF 

nevolent  sect  of  Christians,  to  which  they  belonged,  as 
missionaries  among  the  Indians.  From  one  of  those  ex 
cellent  men,  he  obtained  a  learned  essay  on  the  origin, 
customs,  religion  and  language  of  the  Algonquin  and  Iro- 
quois  races.  This  learned  Moravian,  who  had  long  and 
profoundly  studied  these  subjects,  had  been  convinced, 
particularly  by  the  similarity  of  languages,  in  their  roots 
especially,  that  our  Indians  are  descendants  of  the  lost 
tribes  of  the  Jews,  whose  ancestors  at  some  remote  pe 
riod  he  supposed,  had  crossed  over  the  Straits  of  Behr- 
ing  from  Asia.*  Some  additional  interest  was  imparted 
to  this  journey  of  Mr.  Lee,  by  the  presence  of  our 
national  favourite  and  friend,  Lafayette,  who,  with  his 
characteristic  zeal  for  our  country,  accompanied  the  com 
missioners,  to  assist  them  by  the  influence  of  his  name, 
in  conciliating  their  red  brothers.  The  reader  will  find 
in  the  Appendix,  No.  9,  a  letter  on  this  subject  from  La 
fayette,  and  Mr.  Lee's  answer. 

Mr.  Lee  remained  at  Fort  Stanwix  during  an  entire 
winter,  amid  the  intense  cold  of  that  region.  Early  in 
the  ensuing  spring  he  commenced  friendly  "  talks"  with 
the  Indians,  and  concluded  treaties  with  most  of  the 
hostile  or  undecided  tribes.  He  has  left  many  of  his 
speeches  made  on  these  occasions,  which  are  happily 
adapted  to  the  character  of  their  minds,  in  the  simplicity, 
energy  and  conciseness  of  their  style.  His  services  were 
highly  satisfactory  to  congress  and  to  the  country. f 

On  the  return  of  Mr,  Lee  to  his  seat  in  congress  he 
was  appointed  to  one  of  the  most  important  and  con 
fidential  posts  in  their  disposal — a  seat  at  the  board  of 
treasury.  The  financial  affairs  of  the  United  States  had 
become  complex  and  confused.  Congress,  by  an  ordi 
nance  passed  in  May  1784  put  the  department  of  fin 
ance  into  commission.  The  commission,  consisting  of 
three  persons,  was  styled  "  the  Board  of  Treasury. "f 
Every  reader  who  has  attended  to  the  fiscal  concerns  of 

*  Whoever  reads  with  attention  the  account  of  Long's  Expedition,  will  find  this 
opinion  strongly  corroborated. 

t  Only  a  part  of  Mr.  Lee's  Journal  has  been  preserved.  Extracts  from  it  will 
be  found  in  the  Appendix,  No.  11. 

t  See  Journals,  vol.  ix.  p.  255. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  173 

the  "  Old  Confederation,"  will  readily  comprehend  the 
importance  and  the  difficulties  of  the  duties  and  opera 
tions  of  this  board.  Mr.  Lee  served  in  the  capacity  of 
a  commissioner  of  the  board  of  treasury,  from  the  year 
1784  to  1789,  with  the  diligence  and  efficiency  which 
had  distinguished  him  in  every  previous  public  employ 
ment.  In  the  year  1787  a  committee  was  appointed  by 
congress  to  consider  what  offices  in  the  civil  department 
had  become  unnecessary.  Upon  the  report  of  this  com 
mittee  it  was  resolved  unanimously  "  that  Samuel  Os- 
good,  Walter  Livingston  and  Arthur  Lee,  commissioners 
of  the  board  of  treasury,  appointed  in  pursuance  of  an 
ordinance  of  congress,  passed  May  28th,  1784,  for  putting 
the  department  of  finance  into  commission,  with  all  the 
powers  and  duties  appertaining  to  the  said  board  of  com 
missioners  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  continued  to  the 
10th  November  1789."*  During  the  continuance  of  Mr. 
Lee  at  the  board  of  treasury,  he  was  appointed  in  Oc 
tober  1786,  by  a  joint  ballot  of  the  senate  and  house 
of  delegates  of  Virginia  one  of  a  commission  to  revise 
the  laws  of  that  commonwealth.  He  aided  greatly  the 
labours  of  those  with  whom  he  was  associated  in 
this  important  task.  In  November  1789,  the  board  of 
treasury  was  dissolved  by  force  of  the  resolution  of 
September  1787.  Mr.  Lee  then  retired  to  private  life. 
But  the  situation  of  the  affairs  of  the  country  did  not 
permit  his  mind  to  abstract  its  attention  and  anxieties 
from  them.  The  plan  of  the  present  federal  constitution 
about  this  time  occupied  the  intense  consideration  of 
politicians,  and  excited  the  hopes  and  fears  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Lee  performed  the  part  of 
a  wise  citizen,  and  deeply  and  solemnly  investigated  the 
theory,  principles  and  provisions  of  this  celebrated  in 
strument.  "He  viewed  it  with  jeatousy,  and  in  common 
with  many  of  the  ablest  patriots  of  that  day,  considered 
it  as  the  basis  of  a  consolidated  government.  He  op 
posed  its  .adoption.  Hjs~  opposition  to  it  however  was 
not  the^result'of  prejudice,  nor  inconsideration.  He  in 
vestigated  it  with  calmness,  and  with  an  honest  desire  to 

*  Journ.  xii.  p.  142. 


174  LIFE    OF 

reach  a  just  conclusion  on  a  subject  of  the  highest  im 
portance  to  a  citizen,  and  of  lively  interest  to  a  friend  of 
human  rights  and  of  the  liberty  of  mankind. 

Although  the  conclusion  of  his  reflections  was  adverse 
to  the  constitution  in  its  original  form,  it  is  known  that 
his  dislike  to  the  federal  constitution  greatly  abated  if  it 
were  not  entirely  removed,  by  the  amendments  he  lived 
to  see  adopted. 

One  of  the  most  abundant  sources  of  enjoyment 
which  contributed  to  his  pleasures  in  private  life,  was  his 
correspondence  with  his  political,  literary  and  scientific 
friends  in  America  and  Europe.  Among  these  were 
many  distinguished  men  in  England,  Burke,  Barre,  Wind- 
ham,  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  Sir  William  Jones,  and 
the  Earl  of  Buchan,  in  Scotland  ;  on  the  continent,  the 
Marquis  of  Rosignan,  Baron  de  Breteuil,  Count  de  Mous- 
teir,  Abbes  D'Arnou  and  Raynal,  the  Duke  of  Rochefou- 
cault,  and  other  persons  of  literary  and  political  eminence. 
He  enjoyed  the  correspondence  of  most  of  the  distin 
guished  men  of  the  United  States.  The  correspondence 
of  such  men  soothed  his  spirits  and  cheered  and  relieved 
the  disquietudes,  anxieties,  and  labours  of  his  political 
career,  and  imparted  rich  enjoyments  to  the  pleasures  of 
private  life.  With  many  of  them  he  continued  to  corres 
pond  until  his  death,  and  received  the  frequent  and  grate 
ful  assurance  of  their  respect  and  friendship.*  In  the 
9th  and  10th  Nos.  of  the  Appendix,  the  reader  will  find 
the  letters  of  many  of  the  most  eminent  men  of  their 
day,  which  time  and  accident  have  left.  An  interest 
ing  letter  in  which  Mr.  Lee  renewed  his  correspond 
ence  with  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  after  peace  be 
tween  the  two  nations  had  removed  the  seeming  impro 
priety  of  intimate  intercourse,  is  here  inserted. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  July  23d,  1783. 

To  the  Earl  of  Shelburne. 

My  Lord, — Among  the  blessings  of  pe^ice  I  number 
that  of  being  able  to  renew  my  correspondence  with  a 

*  The  remaining  letters  of  Mr.  Lee  to  his  American  and  foreign  correspondents 
arc  found  in  No.  8,  Appendix, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  175 

nobleman  I  so  much  respect  and  esteem.  For  that  peace, 
honourable  to  America,  and  as  much  so  in  my  judgment 
for  England  as  the  actual  situation  of  things  could  give 
any  colour  of  reason  to  expect,  your  country  and  Ame 
rica  are  indebted  to  your  lordship's  wisdom  and  firmness. 

Upon  my  word,  my  lord,  did  I  not  know  so  much  of 
the  politics  of  St.  James'  and  St.  Stephens',  I  should  be 
lost  in  wonder  at  the  vote  in  the  house  of  commons 
and  the  treatment  your  lordship  has  received.  But  I 
shall  never  forget  Lord  Chatham's  expression,  c  I  was 
duped  and  deceived.'  The  outrageous  wickedness  of  vis 
iting  upon  your  conclusion  of  the  war,  the  evils  which 
the  folly  of  its  commencement,  and  the  rapacity,  cruelty 
and  profusion  of  the  conduct  of  it  produced,  sprung  from 
the  same  source  with  the  deception  practised  upon  Lord 
Chatham,  which  he  so  emphatically  detailed  in  the  house 
of  peers. 

I  always  judged  that  the  author  of  those  measures, 
who  cannot  be  said  to  cover  himself  with  the  majesty  of 
darkness,  though  he  meant  the  subjugation  of  America, 
would  in  fact  conduct  her  to  independence.  I  judged, 
too,  that  he  would  in  the  end,  bring  himself  to  ruin. 
Nothing,  surely,  can  more  accelerate  this  event,  than  in 
troducing  again  into  high  office  the  ostensible  minister  of 
those  pernicious  measures.  For  as  to  his  whig  colleagues, 
their  reign  is  short ;  and  their  fall  will  assuredly  be  un- 
pitied. 

Of  the  people  of  England,  on  whom  in  fact  the  sal 
vation  of  their  country  depends,  it  may  be  said,  that  "  al- 
iquando  redit  in  prcccordia  virtus."  They  have  given 
some  proofs  of  this ;  and  perhaps  the  last  one  will  bring 
due  punishment  upon  the  author  of  their  near  approach 
to  humiliation  and  ruin  ;  an  humiliation  and  ruin  which, 
had  not  your  lordship  interposed,  would  at  this  moment 
have  been  consummated. 

I  have  flattered  myself  that  your  lordship  has  felt 
some  anxiety  about  my  situation,  under  the  various  at 
tacks  that  have  been  made  upon  me.  They  all  origin 
ated  with  the  minister,  whose  politics  so  much  overshot 
themselves  in  the  late  negotiation  for  peace,  and  who 


176  LIFE    OF 

was  determined  on  my  removal,  as  one  who  could  not 
be  bent  to  his  purposes.  He  found,  however,  my  succes 
sor  as  stubborn ;  and  this  country  owes  immortal  grati 
tude  to  that  gentleman's  firmness,  spirit  and  integrity. 
Yet  an  attempt  was  made  to  sacrifice  him,  for  this 
very  service  ;  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  defending  him 
against  those  men,  with  whom  he  cooperated  in  effecting 
my  removal.  I  am  now  elected  into  congress,  for  the 
third  and  last  year  I  am  capable  of  sitting  there,  by  the 
confederation.  I  shall  then  retire  into  private  life,  with 
the  satisfaction  of  dwelling  under  that  constitution  which 
I  have  laboured  to  assist  in  rearing  to  liberty,  virtue  and 
public  happiness. 

But  I  am  afraid  politicians  have  been  too  sanguine  in 
their  expectations  from  systems  of  government.  Corrup 
tion  and  intrigue  seem  inseparable  from  them  all;  and 
these  are  promoted  or  restrained  more  by  the  genius  of 
the  people,  than  by  forms  of  government,  or  the  operation 
of  laws.  Indeed  it  does  not  seem  so  unwise  now,  as  it 
once  did,  in  Mr.  Pope,  to  say, 

"  For  forms  of  government  let  fools  contest  ; 
That  which  is  best  administer'd,  is  best." 

Nor  would  I  promise  that  a  little  more  experience  will 
not  make  me  a  convert  to  his  opinions. 

You  used  to  say,  my  lord,  that  you  would  send  Lord 
Fitzmaurice  to  make  the  tour  of  America.  Such  a  tour, 
I  conceive,  would  be  both  interesting  and  instructive. 
Nature  has  displayed  her  powers  in  the  sublime  and 
beautiful  far  more  in  America  than  in  Europe,  and  the 
progress  of  art,  considering  the  time  it  has  had  to  operate, 
is  astonishing.  I  shall  next  year  be  at  liberty  to  accom 
pany  Lord  Fitzmaurice  in  such  a  tour,  and  should  take  a 
vast  deal  of  pleasure  in  doing  it. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  profound  respect  and  re 
gard,  your  obedient  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

The  homage  of  scientific  and  literary  men  added  a 
charm  to  all  other  pleasures  Mr.  Lee  had  the  happiness 
to  enjoy.  They  regarded  him  as  shedding  as  much  lus- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  177 

tre  on  the  intellectual  and  literary  character  of  his  coun 
try,  as  his  genius  and  patriotism  had  reflected  upon  its  po 
litical  history.  At  different  times  after  his  return  to 
America,  various  literary  honours  were  bestowed  upon 
him.  The  degree  of  LL.D.  was  conferred  on  him  by 
the  university  of  Cambridge ;  and  he  was  constituted  a 
member  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences. 
He  was  also  elected  an  honorary  member  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society.  The  following  letter  from  James 
Bowdoin,  once  governor  of  Massachusetts,  (in  honour  of 
whom  a  flourishing  and  respectable  college  in  Maine  is 
called)  acquaints  Mr.  Lee  of  the  two  diplomas  first  men 
tioned. 

.    "  BOSTON,  Jan.  31st,  1782. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  that  at 
a  meeting  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences, 
you  were  yesterday  elected  by  an  unanimous  vote  a 
Fellow  of  the  Academy.  You  will  give  me  leave  to  con 
gratulate  that  society  on  the  accession  of  so  valuable  a 
member. 

I  communicated  to  them,  at  the  next  meeting  after  1 
received  it,  the  letter  you  some  time  ago  favoured  me 
with,  relative  to  the  progress  and  effects  of  lightning  up 
on  a  house  in  Philadelphia.  They  were  much  pleased 
with  it,  and  would  be  glad  to  be  favoured  with  other  com 
munications. 

I  have  the  pleasure  also  to  inform  you  that  the  corpo 
ration  of  our  university  at  Cambridge  has  conferred  on 
you  the  degree  of  LL.D. ;  and  a  diploma  will  be  sent 
you  the  first  opportunity. 

The  letter  I  wrote  you  last  February  or  March,  en 
closed  in  one  to  Mr.  President  Huntington,  it  does  not 
appear  you  have  received.  I  imagine  it  miscarried,  and 
has  probably  found  its  way  to  New-York;  several  mails 
having  been  taken  and  carried  thither  about  that  time. 
The  military  gentry  there,  by  encouraging  the  filching  of 
mails,  have  been  themselves  taken  in.  Some  of  the  in 
tercepted  letters,  written  with  a  design  to  fall  into  their 
hands,  corroborated  by  corresponding  manoeuvres  of  the 

VOL.  i.  23 


178  LIFE  OF 

allied  army,  have  totally  deceived  them  as  to  the  object 
of  its  operations.  Hence  the  capture  of  Cornwallis, 
and  the  happy  consequences  we  may  expect  from  that 
important  event ;  so  important  that  you  will  not  think  it 
out  of  time  even  now  to  congratulate  you  upon  it,  which 
I  do  most  fervently ;  and  am  with  sincere  esteem  dear 
sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

JAMES  BOWDOIN. 

The  ladies  and  Mr.  Temple  who  arrived  here  last  fall, 
present  their  most  respectful  compliments  to  you. 
The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 

Shortly  after  Mr.  Lee  received  the  letter  of  Mr.  Bow- 
doin,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Joseph  Willard,  the  learned  president 
of  Cambridge  University,  and  corresponding  secretary 
of  the  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  by  the  direction  of 
these  institutions  informed  Mr.  Lee  that  the  degrees  just 
mentioned  had  been  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  universi 
ty  and  academy.  To  the  letter  of  the  president  he  re 
turned  this  answer. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  20th,  1782. 

Reverend  Sir, — I  had  yesterday  the  honour  of  receiving 
from  the  hand  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Elliot,  your  very  obliging  let 
ter  of  the  28th  ult.,  together  with  a  diploma  for  an  hono 
rary  Doctorate  of  Laws  from  the  university  over  which 
you  preside  with  so  much  deserved  reputation. 

I  beg  sir,  you  will  be  assured,  and  that  you  will  as 
sure  the  visiters  and  fellows  of  the  university,  that  I 
have  the  highest  sense  of  the  honour  they  have  confer 
red  upon  me.  Laudari  a  laudatis  viris  would  be  flatter 
ing  to  a  person  infinitely  less  deserving  of  praise  than  I 
can  possibly  think  myself.  It  was  with  peculiar  pleasure 
I  read  a  diploma,  conceived  in  language  pure  and  elegant 
enough  to  have  flowed  from  an  ancient  pen. 

Liberty  and  letters  sir,  are  so  inseparably  connected, 
that  a  lover  of  the  one  cannot  but  see  with  sincere  satis 
faction  the  cultivation  and  prosperity  of  the  other.  It  is 
to  the  light  which  literature  had  diffused  that  we  owe 
the  assertion  of  our  liberties,  and  to  the  continuance  of 


ARTHUR  LEE.  179 

the  same  we  must  owe  their  establishment  and  perma 
nency.  The  eminent  share  which  the  university  of  Cam 
bridge  had  in  diffusing  these  salutary  lights,  by  her  ex 
ample  and  instructions,  has  made  her  proportionally  re 
spected  ;  and  a  perseverance  in  the  same  course  will  ren 
der  her  an  honour  and  blessing  to  these  United  States. 
For  an  institution  of  such  utility  it  is  patriotism  to  pray, 
esto  perpetua. 

The  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  hath 
done  me  great  honour  in  admitting  me  into  their  society, 
instituted  for  the  best  of  purposes  by  gentlemen  capable 
of  fulfilling  them.  I  entreat  you  sir,  to  lay  before  them 
the  due  sense  I  have  of  the  favour  with  which  they  have 
distinguished  me,  and  to  assure  them  that  I  shall  ever 
be  happy  in  contributing  every  thing  within  the  compass 
of  my  poor  abilities,  to  promote  the  valuable  object  of  the 
institution. 

Do  me  the  favour  sir,  of  accepting  my  thanks  for  the 
very  polite  and  obliging  manner  in  which  you  have  signi 
fied  the  proceedings  of  the  university  and  of  the  acade 
my,  and  my  best  wishes  for  your  health  and  prosperity. 

I  have  the  honour  of  being,  reverend  sir,  with  the  ut 
most  respect  and  esteem,  your  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  the  Rev.  Joseph  Willard,  President  of  the 

University  of  Cambridge,  and  Secretary  of  the 

American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences." 

The  following  letter  contains  the  homage  of  an  Ame 
rican  scholar  and  historian.* 

"  Sir, — By  Col.  Lee  I  do  myself  the  honour  of  present- 
ing  to  you  my  academical  exercise. 

The  liberty  of  prefixing  your  name  will  I  trust  be  ex 
cused,  when  we  reflect  with  what  ardour  writers  of  eve 
ry  denomination  search  for  particular  personages,  whose 
names  are  most  calculated  to  give  dignity  to  their  per 
formances,  or  credit  to  themselves. 

*  Dr.  Ramsay. 


180  LIFE     OF 

To  secure  these  advantages  I  sought  a  character  whose 
public  offices  had  equalled  his  private  merits  ;  and  in  ob 
taining  this  object  I  have  had  recourse  to  the  reports  of 
the  best  established  medical  society  in  Edinburgh,  where 
your  name  stands  sir,  as  an  illustrious  monument  of  your 
professional  claims ;  and  in  the  more  extensive  field  of 
public  merit  none  so  justly  attracted  my  attention  as 
yours,  independent  of  the  emotions  of  gratitude  for  the 
singular  services  rendered  my  nearest  connexion  when  so 
much  needing  the  hand  of  friendship  as  the  unfortunate 
situation  of  Dr.  Boush  required,  when  in  France. 

The  work  in  itself  scarcely  merits  your  attention. 
The  printer  has  added  many  errors  to  bad  language  ; 
some  of  which  are  corrected,  others  not ;  but  if  it  receive 
your  acceptance  it  will  amply  compensate  every  incon 
venience  my  feelings  have  sustained  from  its  imperfec 
tion. 

With  the  sincerest  wishes  for  your  health  and  happi 
ness,  I  am  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

JAMES  RAMSAY. 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee. 

Norfolk,  July  16th,  1788." 

At  the  expiration  of  the  period  during  which  the  fin 
ancial  department  of  the  confederation  had  been  contin 
ued  in  commission  by  the  resolution  of  September  1787, 
Mr.  Lee  finally  retired  from  public  life. 

He  had  long  sighed  for  the  peaceful  pleasures  and  the 
quiet,  though  active  employments  of  agricultural  life. 
He  contemplated  with  pleasing  anticipations,  the  oppor 
tunity  he  would  enjoy  of  applying  his  mind  to  the  im 
provement  of  the  science  and  practice  of  agriculture  in 
his  native  state.  He  had  not  been  inattentive  to  their 
progress  in  England,  and  in  many  parts  of  Europe 
through  which  he  had  travelled.* 

With  a  view  to  gratify  his  feelings  and  his  taste  for 
rural  occupations  and  pleasures,  he  purchased  a  farm  in 
the  county  of  Middlesex,  and  resided  near  a  village 

*  While  Mr.  Lee  resided  in  London  he  was  made  a  member  of  the  Society  of 
Arts  and  Agriculture. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  181 

called  Urbana,  on  the  banks  of  the  River  Rappahannoc, 
in  Virginia.  Here  he  had  hoped  to  exhibit  a  useful  ex 
ample  of  industry  and  of  successful  husbandry.  His  taste 
had  devised  many  plans  to  ornament  the  grounds  around 
his  mansion,  to  please  the  eye  of  the  guest  who  should 
enjoy  its  simple,  but  elegant  and  cordial  hospitality.  In 
assisting  to  execute  a  part  of  his  intended  improvements, 
he  was  beguiled  into  a  forgetfulness  of  the  danger  of  ex 
posure  in  an  unhealthy  season  of  the  year.  He  assist 
ed  with  his  own  hands  in  planting  out*  an  orchard  of  select 
fruits,  during  a  cold  and  rainy  day  in  the  month  of  De 
cember.  He  was  seized  by  a  violent  pleurisy,  which 
baffling  his  skill,  and  that  of  his  physician,  proved  fatal. 
He  died  on  the  12th  of  December,  in  the  year  of  Him, 
who  is  "  the  resurrection  and  the  life,"  1792,  in  the 
fifty-second  year  of  his  age. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Lee  caused  a  considerable  sensation 
throughout  the  United  States.  An  extensive  circle  of  re 
lations  and  friends  who  had  loved  him  for  his  virtues  no 
less  than  they  had  admired  him  for  his  genius  and  ac 
quirements,  sincerely  mourned  at  this  event.  The  ablest 
and  purest  patriots  of  the  revolution  who  survived  him, 
deeply  sighed ;  and  deplored  the  loss  of  one  of  themselves ! 

Genius,  science  and  literature,  offered  to  his  memory 
tributes  of  their  respect  and  veneration.  They  have 
long  since  performed  a  part  of  the  office  of  his  biog 
rapher  ;  and  have  concisely  and  justly  thus  portrayed 
his  public  character,  "  The  scholar,  the  writer,  the  phi 
losopher,  and  negotiator."* 

Mr.  Lee  was  well  entitled  to  the  character  of  a  schol 
ar.  Throughout  his  life  he  read  with  ease  the  most  dif 
ficult  authors  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  tongues.  He  spoke 
and  wrote  not  only  correctly,  but  with  force  and  elegance, 
the  French,  Spanish  and  Italian  languages.  He  was 
perfectly  familiar  with  the  finest  writers,  in  prose  and 
verse,  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome,  and  of  modern  Italy, 
of  Spain  and  France,  and  quoted  from  them  with  readi 
ness  and  felicity. 

*  See  American  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  ii.  Article,  "  American  Biography." 


183  LIFE    OF 

Of  his  style  as  a  writer,  men  of  taste  and  literature 
had  formed  a  flattering  opinion  ;  the  reader  can  form  his 
own  judgment  from  his  writings. 

He  was  not  only  a  scholar,  but  a  man  of  learning. 
His  attainments  in  physical  science  were  various,  exten 
sive  and  profound. 

He  was  a  thoroughly  read  physician ;  a  learned  coun 
sellor,  and  an  eloquent  and  ingenious  advocate. 

He  was  a  profound  politician,  and  a  skilful  diplomatist. 
To  what  merit  he  was  entitled,  and  to  what  fame  he  had 
attained  in  these  characters,  the  reader  has  learned  from 
the  attestations  of  his  contemporaries.  He  can  form  his 
own  judgment  of  their  truth  and  justice. 

The  history  of  the  private  life  of  Mr.  Lee  does  not  al 
low  to  his  biographer  the  pleasing  duty  of  presenting  him 
as  an  example  of  matrimonial  arid  parental  tenderness. 
Mr.  Lee  never  married.  This  circumstance  was  al 
ways  a  source  of  regret  to  himself,  and  of  surprise  to 
his  friends ;  for  he  was  a  person  of  great  sensibility,  and 
of  an  ardent  and  affectionate  disposition.  He  was  an 
enthusiastic  admirer  of  the  female  sex  ;  and  was  always  a 
favourite  with  them.  In  one  of  his  journals  he  thus  states 
the  reasons  why  he  had  never  enjoyed  the  sympathies  of 
married  life.  "  With  my  sentiments  of  love  and  mar 
riage,  I  am  not  likely  to  find  a  wife.  An  Emma,  an 
Eloise,  or  a  Constantia,  would  alone  answer  the  high, 
enthusiastic  ideas  I  possess  of  wedded  love.  I  am  afraid 
I  should  regard  any  one,  unactuated  by  their  ardent  and 
absolute  sentiments  of  love,  as  a  house-keeper ;  not  as  the 
wife  of  my  bosom,  from  whose  glowing  tenderness  love 
would  '  light  his  constant  lamp,'  <  would  reign  and  rev 
el.'  I  am  convinced  that  love  is  the  most  cordial  drop 
that  heaven  has  poured  into  the  cup  of  man.  But  as  it 
is  precious,  it  is  rare.  I  have  seen  ladies  whom  I  sin 
cerely  loved  ;  but  the  tempest  of  my  fortune  bore  me 
from  them  before  I  had  time  to  know  their  real  disposi 
tions,  or  woo  them  '  to  approve  my  pleaded  reason  ;' 
for  they  were  like  Eve,  'endued  with  a  conscience  of 
their  worth,'  that  would  be  wooed,  and  not  unsought  be 


won." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  183 

The  person  of  Mr.  Lee  was  above  the  middle  size, 
and  finely  proportioned.  The  features  of  his  face  were 
striking  and  handsome.  A  large  and  radiant  blue  eye 
cast  a  lustre  over  his  expressive  features.  His  manners 
were  elegant,  and  his  conversation,  according  to  the  occa 
sion,  was  gay  and  brilliant,  or  "  solemn  and  severe." 

Mr.  Lee  was  a  sincere  friend  and  affectionate  rela 
tion,  a  kind  master,  a  just  and  benevolent  citizen.  The 
reader  will  add,  he  was  indeed  a  patriot.* 

*  The  author  has  often  been  told  by  a  near  relation,  who  intimately  knew  Mr, 
Lee,  a  trait  of  his  character.  He  was  rigid  and  exact  in  requiring  white  hired  ser 
vants,  whom  he  had  in  his  service,  when  abroad,  to  perform  their  duties  ;  but  to 
his  slaves  he  was  kind  and  indulgent  to  a  fault.  He  could  demand  from  a  free 
man  the  performance  of  his  contract ;  but  he  could  command  from  the  slave 
scarcely  any  service  he  did  not  choose  to  perform. 


LITE 


OF 


ARTHUR   LEE. 


APPENDIX   I. 

Early  letters  of  Arthur  Lee,  written  principally  from  the  year  1767  to  his  departure 
from  London  in  1776,  on  British  and  American  politics  during  that  period. 

"  LONDON, ,  1767. 

THOUGH  my  dear  brother's  solicitude  about  my  not  fre 
quently  and  freely  writing  to  him  is  exceedingly  pleasing 
to  me,  as  it  shows  me  he  values  my  love  as  highly  as  I 
prize  his,  yet  I  cannot  acquiesce  in  the  justice  of  his 
complaint.  For  considering  the  great  attention  due  to 
the  study  in  which  I  am  now  engaged,  and  the  many 
friends  to  whom  I  am  bound  to  write,  great  indulgence 
should  be  granted  to  me,  both  in  point  of  the  frequency 
and  length  of  my  letters.*  Neither  indeed  does  the  state 
of  things  furnish  matter  for  much  writing.  The  little 
detail  of  politics  is  too  despicable  to  slander  even  your 
leisure  hours  with  ;  and  there  is  no  probability  of  any 
change  in  men  or  measures  with  us. 

You  will  see  by  the  last  resolution  of  the  bill  of  rights, 
which  I  desired  our  brother  to  send  you,  what  hope  we 
entertain,  and  what  plan  we  have  adopted  to  obtain  a 
redress  of  grievances.  You  will  know  the  author  by 
the  style.  If  the  people  cannot  be  roused  to  take  some 
effectual  measures  at  the  next  general  election,  "actum 
est  de  libertate."  Mrs.  McCauley  has  written  to  me,  ap- 

*  Mr.  A.  Lee  was  at  this  time  a  student  of  law.  He  became  a  conspicuous  and 
successful  advocate,  and  was  in  habits  of  intimacy  with  Dunning  and  Glynn,  and  was 
often  engaged  in  cases  with  them.  He  had  studied  medicine  in  Edinburgh,  and  gradu 
ated  with  the  botanical  prize. 

VOL.  i.  24 


186  LIFE  OF 

proving  highly  of  the  proceedings  of  the  bill  of  rights.     I 
am  under  some  apprehension  of  having  lost  the  patron 
age  of  Lord  Shelburne  and  Col.  Barre,  by  the  part  1 
have  taken  in  the  proceedings.    Their  tools  conducted  the 
attempt  to  dissolve  the  society,  and  destroy  Mr.  Wilkes, 
whether  by  their  particular  direction  I  do  not  know.     But 
as  I  voted  against  them,  and  as  their  failure  has  totally 
sacrificed  the  popularity  of   Lord  Shelburne,  it  is  not 
improbable    that   he    will   consider   me    as   a    partisan 
against  him,  and  therefore  not   entitled   to  his  favour. 
They  are  both  abroad  at  present ;   when  they  return, 
your  presents  shall  be  delivered.     But,  whatever  may 
happen,  I  shall  be  satisfied  with  having  acted  honestly. 
The  public  cause,  and  particularly  that  of  America,  which 
induced  me  to  engage  in  the  society,  was  the  mover  of 
my  conduct.     Townshend  is  an  opinionated,  over-grown 
school-boy  ;  Home  is  a  malevolent,  vain,  petulent,  impu 
dent  priest.     The  former,  in  his  conceit  and  folly,  thought 
he  could  lead  the  city ;  the  other,  in  his  vanity  and  knav 
ery,  conceived  that  his  abilities  were  equal  toTownshend's 
ambition,  and  that  he  should  be  rewarded.     The  event 
has  shown  how  weak  their  judgment  was,  and  how  im 
potent  their  endeavours  were  when  separated  from  those 
who  gave  them  weight  and  importance  with  the  people. 
They  never  appear  in  public  without  being  hissed;  and 
at  a  late  meeting  of  the  livery,  there  were  but  five  who 
voted  for  recommending  Mr.  Townshend  to  the  common 
hall,  as  lord  mayor  for  the  ensuing  year.     Lord  Shelburne 
suffers  for  all  their  follies,  and  has  therefore  lost  his  popu 
larity  in  the  city.     Expecting  redress  only  from  the  peo 
ple,  I  am  determined  to  stand  with  them,  however  my 
particular  interest  might  advise  a  different  course.     You 
know  by  experience  how  little  profit  and  how  much  ob 
loquy  attends  such  a  principle ;  but  you  know  too,  how 
much  satisfaction  springs  from  a  conviction  of  its  recti 
tude.     The  present  lord  mayor  and  alderman  Bridges 
will  be  returned  by  the  livery ;  and  if  the  aldermen  choose 
Bridges,  he  will  constitute  the  other  his  locum  tenens ;  so 
that  popular  councils  will  still  prevail  in  the  city.     Crosby 
is  a  plain,  determined  man,  who  courts  no  great  man,  and 


ARTHUR  LEE.  187 

looks  to  the  people  for  approbation  and  support.  He  will 
be  returned  next  year  with  Wilkes,  so  that  the  aldermen 
will  have  little  to  choose  between  them,  and  the  liberties 
of  the  city  will  be  upheld.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you 
for  your  present,  duck  and  brandy.  She  appears  very 
disconsolate  without  a  mate.  The  partridges  were  by 
mismanagement  let  loose  at  sea,  and  perished  in  the 


ocean.  * 


The  chief  political  object  in  Europe  at  present  is  Rus 
sia,  unless  a  cession  of  what  she  has  conquered  should 
procure  the  Turk  an  ignominious  peace.  The  revolt  of 
Egypt  will  probably  oblige  the  Ottoman  to  sheathe  the 
Russian  sword  at  any  price.  Whether  the  encouraging 
of  so  tremendous  a  power,  and  especially  the  promoting 
of  the  Zarina's  wish  of  establishing  a  large,  disciplined, 
and  formidable  navy,  be  sound  policy  in  us,  to  me  is 
doubtful.  We  may  be  cherishing  a  serpent,  which  will 
strike  us  to  the  heart.  1  do  not  think  it  in  the  least  pro 
bable  that  any  change  will  take  place  in  the  administra 
tion,  unless  in  consequence  of  a  war.  That  is  an  event 
which  the  endeavours  of  the  present  men,  seconded  by 
the  disturbances  and  inability  of  France,  will  place  at  a 
great  distance.  The  present  men  do  the  king's  business 
better  than  any  others  he  could  find  ;  why  then  should 
he  change  them?  Most  assuredly  it  must  be  the  neces 
sity  of  the  last  extremity  which  will  move  him  to  admit 
a  single  man  of  virtue  within  the  circle  of  his  throne. 
An  impeaching  parliament  might  be  a  more  effectual 
remedy  than  a  war  ;  but  there  is  still  less  expectation 
of  this  than  of  that.  The  lords  Chatham  and  Shelburne 
will  then  only  come  in,  when  it  is  necessary  to  cultivate 
the  people,  to  support  a  war,  or  to  soothe  the  rage  of  an 
impeaching  house  of  commons,  &c.  &c. 

Very  melancholy,  my  dear  brother,  is  the  prospect  of 
our  affairs,  and  little  apparent  hope  that  any  attention 
will  be  paid  to  the  just  rights  of  America.  The  present 
ministry,  arbitrary  and  anti-American  as  they  are,  have 
for  their  opponents  men  who  for  the  most  part  are  des- 

*  Mr.  A.  Lee  was  making  a  collection  of  the  natural  productions,  &c.  of  Ame 
rica. 


188  LIFE    OF 

potie  in  their  views,  and  who  found  their  opposition  upon 
the  inefficacious  and  pusillanimous  lenity  of  the  present 
proceedings  against  the  colonies.  As  the  views  of  the 
court  are  unquestionably  despotic  on  the  American  ques 
tion,  it  is  sure  that  those  who  talk  in  the  most  absolute 
style  are  the  most  agreeable.  Temple  and  Grenville  are 
the  men  I  mean,  with  my  lord  Egremont,  whose  princi 
ples  are  as  inconsistent  with  liberty  as  fire  with  water. 
The  present  administration  is  weak,  because  they  acted 
as  oppressors ;  but  should  this  new  set  come  in,  being  re 
garded  as  patriots,  they  will  have  the  stronger  support  in 
subverting  the  constitution  of  America. 

So  circumstanced  here,  the  cause  of  American  liberty 
would  be  desperate  indeed,  if  it  find  not  a  firm  support  in 
the  virtuous  and  determined  resolution  of  the  people  of 
America.  This  is  our  last,  our  surest  hope,  this  is  our 
trust  and  refuge.  To  encourage  and  invigorate  this  spirit 
must  be  the  constant  endeavourof  every  patriot,  si  patrice 
volumus,  si  nobis  vivere  cari. 

The  Rockingham  party  have  refused  to  take  lead  in 
obtaining  the  repeal  of  the  duty  acts.  The  merchants 
are  very  averse  to  present  any  petition  to  parliament  for 
that  purpose,  because  it  is  disagreeable  to  the  ministry. 
Possibly  they  may  be  stirred  up  before  the  holydays  are 
over.  They  do  not  feel  enough.  My  lord  Shelburne 
and  his  adherents  are  the  wisest  and  soundest  supporters 
of  America  ;  but  I  doubt  whether  they  will  be  willing  to 
take  the  lead.  In  a  few  days  I  go  to  lord  Shelburne's 
country  seat  by  express  invitation,  to  spend  some  time  ; 
while  there,  1  hope  to  animate  him  to  a  more  vigor 
ous  advocation  of  our  cause.  The  house  of  lords  have 
passed  several  resolves,  very  violent  against  all  the  pro 
ceedings  at  Boston,  and  voted  an  address  to  his  majesty 
against  the  treasonable  practices  suspected  there,  and  to 
bring  the  authors  of  them  over  here  for  trial.  The  justice 
of  this  they  found  on  a  statute  of  Henry  seventh,  which 
by  a  resolve  of  the  house  they  extend  to  America.  I  will 
not  anticipate  your  reflections  on  this  proceeding.  They 
were  sent  down  to  the  commons,  and  their  concurrence 
desired ;  but  they  have  deferred  the  consideration  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  189 

them  until  after  the  holydays.  To  pave  the  way  for 
these  measures,  a  very  partial  presentment  of  papers  was 
made  to  the  house  by  the  ministry ;  all  the  incendiary 
letters  of  Governor  Bernard,  with  the  most  trifling  oc 
currences  of  the  "  sons  of  liberty,"  down  to  their  drink 
ing  the  health  of  Paoli  and  the  Corsicans ;  but  the  par 
agon  of  impudence  and  malevolence  was  a  letter  from 
the  commissioners  at  Boston,  full  of  misrepresentations 
and  invective.  Nothing  was  read  on  the  other  side,  but 
the  Boston  petition ;  and  this  will  be  forever  the  treat 
ment  of  Americans  here ;  from  whence  therefore  they 
are  to  expect  neither  justice  nor  favour.  The  public 
liberty  here  has  gained  a  signal  victory  over  court  despot 
ism,  in  the  election  of  sergeant  Glynn,  Wilkes's  friend 
and  advocate,  for  this  county,  against  all  the  influence  of 
Beauchamp  Proctor,  with  an  hired  mob,  bribery  and  min 
isterial  influence.  The  party  of  Mr.  Wilkes  is  strong  in 
the  house  of  commons.  His  having  published  the  letter 
you  will  receive  with  this,  prefaced  by  some  strong  ani 
madversions  on  the  detestable  intention  of  its  authors, 
has  increased  the  hatred  of  the  ministry  to  absolute  rage  ; 
in  consequence  of  which  they  procured  a  vote  in  the 
house  of  lords,  branding  it  as  a  seditious  and  inflamma 
tory  libel,  with  a  conference  to  invite  the  concurrence  of 
the  commons;  but  this  they  could  not  obtain,  and  there 
fore  they  adjourned  the  question  until  after  the  holydays, 
when  it  will  be  abandoned.  Then  too,  a  petition  he  has 
presented,  praying  to  be  permitted  to  prosecute  Philip 
Carteret  Webb,  guilty  of  bribery  and  perjury,  with  the 
public  money,  and  to  have  the  lords  Sandwich  and  March 
examined  touching  the  matter,  is  ordered  to  be  heard. 
The  commons  sent  a  message  to  the  lords,  desiring  that 
those  peers  might  attend  in  their  house,  which  was  voted 
a  breach  of  privilege.  The  conference  was  held,  but  the 
commons  were  firm,  and  the  two  lords  were  permitted 
to  attend.  I  have  dined  with  Wilkes,  in  the  King's 
bench.  He  speaks  very  warmly  of  America,  and  highly 
applauds  their  proceedings.  The  Farmer's  letters  are 
much  read  here,  but  to  little  purpose,  though  universally 
admired,  and  no  answer  attempted.  They  continue  of 


190  LIFE    OF 

the  same  opinion,  without  a  single  reason  for  it,  and  con 
tinue  in  obstinacy  what  the}7  began  in  ignorance.  Lord 
Hillsborough  told  me  he  was  both  greatly  pleased  and 
informed  by  them,  but  he  wished  Mr.  Dickinson  had  ac 
commodated  his  reasoning  to  the  necessity  of  a  supreme 
power.  I  observed  that  Mr.  Locke  had  executed  that 
with  great  perspicuity.  This  lord  is  affable  and  plausi 
ble  ;  has  a  routine  of  argument  which  he  uses  to  every 
one,  and  on  all  occasions,  without  giving  time  for  an  an 
swer.  He  appears  to  me  to  be  extremely  shallow,  and 
he  is  detested  in  Ireland  for  his  arbitrary  principles.  I 
send  you  with  this  a  number  of  the  North  Briton,  con 
taining  Wilkes's  letter,  the  Public  Advertiser,  and  two 
pamphlets  concerning  America.  I  have  written  on 
ly  two  pieces  published  in  the  Gazetteer,  giving  an  ac 
count  of  the  proceedings  at  Boston,  with  some  remarks 
on  them.  One  of  them  is  reprinted  in  the  Gentleman's 
Magazine  for  November.  I  am  meditating  two  pam 
phlets,  under  the  titles  of  an  Address  to  the  Merchants, 
and  a  Summary  of  the  Arguments  on  both  sides  of  the 
American  Question.  Whether  I  shall  finish  them  I  can 
not  determine.  The  load  of  prejudice  seems  almost  im 
movable,  and  pours  despair  on  all  our  attempts  to  bring 
this  country  to  reason. 

My  best  love  attend  you  all ; — my  cordial  good  wishes 
await  the  friends  of  liberty  and  their  transactions.  Once 
more  let  me  remind  you  that  no  confidence  is  to  be  re 
posed  in  the  justice  or  mercy  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  that 
American  liberty  must  be  entirely  of  American  fabric. 

Adieu,  my  dear  brother.  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  IPSWICH,  Sept.  18,  1769. 

My  Dear  Brother, — I  have  received  all  your  favours, 
but  none  with  more  pleasure  than  that  of  the  16th  July, 
which  assures  me  of  your  having  recovered  from  the  ef 
fects  of  that  terrible  fall.  God  grant  that  it  may  be  the 
last  bitter  drop  in  your  bitter  cup,  and  that  your  future  life 
may  be  one  uninterrupted  stream  of  happiness. 

Your  letter,  &c.  I  myself  presented  to  lord  Shelburne, 
at  his  own  house,  where  I  lately  spent  a  week  with  him. 
He  desires  me  to  return  his  thanks  for  them.  Grenville 


ARTHUR    LEE.  191 

has  had  the  art  of  turning  the  present  opposition  to  an  in 
famous  administration  somewhat  to  his  advantage ;  and 
by  uniting  with  Chatham,  Temple  and  Rockingham,  is 
aiming  at  a  resumption  of  that  power  which  he  so  much 
misused.  With  but  small  abilities,  he  has  much  art,  so 
that  no  man  has  more  influence  in  the  house  of  commons. 
He  is  endowed  with  a  perseverance  in  the  pursuit  of 
power  never  to  be  overcome,  and  capable  of  using  any 
artifice,  and  submitting  to  any  meanness  that  may  pro 
mote  his  ambitious  purposes.  Upheld  by  these  supports, 
nothing  prevents  his  promotion  but  the  unfeigned  piety 

of  the ,  with  whom  revenge  is  virtue.     The  affront 

given  by  him  to  a  certain  lady  in  the  regency  bill,  occa 
sioned  his  dismission,  and  will  in  all  probability  be  an 
insurmountable  bar  to  his  ambition.  So  far  is  her  vice 
a  virtue,  operating  the  good  of  the  nation  in  the  gratifi 
cation  of  her  malice.  Should  the  complaints  of  the  peo 
ple  prevail  on  the  king  to  dismiss  his  present  ministers, 
most  probably  lord  Chatham  will  be  applied  to  for  the 
formation  of  a  new  administration.  Here  then  will  be 
a  struggle  of  lord  Chatham  (as  he  has  certainly  united 
with  Grenville),  should  he  insist  on  his  admission.  That 
the  dowager's  enmity  would  prevail  over  lord  Chatham's 
influence  is  beyond  a  question ;  but  policy  may  induce 
her  to  dissemble  (a  virtue  not  yet  banished  from  St. 
James'),  and  Grenville  be  admitted.  Whether  Lord 
Shelburne  will  find  a  place,  or  accept  one,  I  cannot 
venture  to  conjecture.  I  think  his  virtues  and  abili 
ties  will  force  him  into  power,  whether  soon  or  among 
the  present  abandoned  crew,  I  cannot  determine.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  I  think  he  is  the  only  one  attached  to 
us  from  principle  ;  from  policy  there  are  many  against 
opposing  us  ;  as  Lord  Chatham,  Richmond,  and  Rock 
ingham.  Temple  and  Grenville  are  our  determined  foes; 
but  whether  they  will  not  think  it  policy  to  let  our  rights 
remain  unquestioned,  is  doubtful.  As  I  perceived  it  was 
likely  they  would  come  in,  if  at  all,  on  popular  grounds,  I 
have  laboured  much  to  make  the  cause  of  America  pop 
ular,  in  which  if  I  have  been  assisted  by  the  American 
agents,  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  of  having  succeeded. 


LIFE  or 

But  the  only  duty  an  American  agent  has  to  do,  is  to 
make  a  very  formal  and  humble  visit  to  White  Hall,  with 
any  paper  his  assembly  sends  him.     He  leaves  it  to  the 
pleasure  of  the  minister,  and  thinks  his  duty  is  done. 
'Tis  not  all  who  will  do  even  this  paltry  service  ;  and  Mr. 
Abercrombie  has  not   condescended  to  take  the  least 
notice  of  the  order  of  council  for  co-operating  with  the 
agent.     What  reason  has  America  to  expect  any  thing 
farther,  when  by  far  the  greater  number  of  her  agents 
are  unknown  here,   of   no  abilities,   no  rank,  or  if  of 
any,  of  a  bad  character ;    some  of  them  menials,  all  of 
them   servile  expectants.     Mr.  Jennings  intended  the 
picture  he  sent  you  as  a  present,  and  is  therefore  offend 
ed  that  it  is  mentioned  publicly  as  a  purchase  with  the 
subscription  money  which  is  still  in  his  hands.    As  there 
is  no  probability  of  getting  Lord  Camden'  to  sit,  I  could 
wish  the  subscribers  to  be  prevailed   on  to  order  Lord 
Shelburne's  to  be  sent,  in  gratitude  for  his  having  divided 
the  lords  in  favour  of  their  rights.     He  I  think  will  have 
no  objection  to  gratifying  us,  for  his  principles  remain 
unaltered.    You  will  see  our  agent  on  the  most  infamous 
list  of  voters  for  Colonels  Lutterel  and  Brentford,  than 
which  nothing  can  more  demonstrate  his  servile  depend- 
ance   on  administration  ;  when  applied  to  he  refused  to 
draw  up  for  the  tobacco  merchants  a  petition  against  the 
revenue  acts,  on  a  pretence  that  as  they  had  not  treated 
him  with  respect  he  would  not  have  any  thing  to  do  with 
them.    But  his  vote  will  explain  his  refusal.    Should  this 
conduct  have  any  influence  in  Virginia  to  his  prejudice, 
as  I  think  in  truth  it  ought,  I  need  not  tell  you  I  should 
be  happy  to  serve  in  his  place.     If  Mr.  Nicholas  would 
join  you,  one  would  imagine  the  point  would  be  carried. 
It  would  certainly  enable  me  to  get  into  parliament,  and 
by  that  method  promote  the  interest  not  only  of  Virginia 
but  of  all  America.    Had  I  been  in  this  character  a  year 
ago,  I  could  have  made  the  cause  of  America  the  cause 
of  Middlesex,  for  they  are  in  truth  the   same.     As  no 
thing  is  more  in  my  wish  than  this  cause,  I  should  like  to 
have  my  inclinations  seconded  by  my  situation,  which  as 
agent  of  the  assembly  would  be  certainly  effected. 
Your's  affectionately,  ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  193 

"  Bow  WOOD,  December  3d,  1769. 

Dear  Brother, — I  wrote  to  you  lately,  and  probably 
the  same  conveyance  will  bring  you  this  letter.  It  is 
with  much  pleasure  I  can  assure  you  that  Lords  Shel- 
burne,  Chatham,  and  Camden  are  determined  to  write 
once  more  in  supporting  the  cause  of  America  against 
the  present  weak  and  wicked  administration.  I  am  at 
present  at  Lord  Shelburne's  in  the  country,  and  you  may 
depend  on  what  I  say  concerning  our  friends.  Every 
day  makes  our  cause  more  popular,  and  I  think  the  min 
istry  will  find  the  opposition  too  strong  to  attempt  any 
forcible  measure ;  and  you  well  know  how  little  their 
artifices  will  avail  them.  I  have  endeavoured  by  mixing 
popular  subjects  here  with  that  of  America  to  bring  the 
signature  of  Junius  Americanus  into  estimation,  and  by 
that  means  to  gain  a  more  easy  ear  to  the  discussion  of 
American  grievances.  I  am  in  hopes  of  succeeding. 
Colonel  Barre  is  of  opinion  that  America  stands  on  ex 
cellent  ground,  and  need  not  be  in  the  least  apprehensive 
of  what  her  enemies  can  do.  I  have  just  heard  from  our 
brother  William  that  the  election  has  been  patriotic,  and 

that has  met  with  the  contempt  and  detestation  he 

merits.  My  heart  is  at  ease,  and  I  trust  we  must  be 
free.  I  think  myself  much  honoured  by  the  name  of 
Virginia,  and  feel  infinite  gratitude  to  the  people  at  large 
for  the  noble  spirit  with  which  they  have  resisted  all  the 
attempts  of  art,  and  honoured  the  cause  of  liberty. 

I  do  riot  know  any  thing  which  would  gratify  my 
wishes  more  than  the  agency  of  Virginia.  I  should  de 
vote  myself  with  so  much  cordiality  to  its  duties,  and 
obey  with  so  much  joy  the  commands  of  a  spirited  people 
asserting  their  rights. 

Farewell,  and  believe  me  as  I  am  ever,  yours  affection 
ately,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  BATH,  November  9th,  1769. 

My  Dear  Brother, — Col.  Barre  is  just  arrived  here, 
ai\d  informs  me  that  Governor  Bernard  is  to  be  before 
the  king  and  council,  agreeable  to  the  Massachusetts  pe- 

VOL.  i.  25 


194  LIFE    OF 

tition,  with  a  view  to  deceive  the  world  into  a  belief  of 
his  innocence,  not  to  make  any  enquiry  into  his  guilt. 
With  this  view  only  six  days  notice  is  given  to  the  agent 
to  summon  his  witnesses  three  thousand  miles  distant. 
The  wickedness  of  this  administration  can  be  equalled 
only  by  its  weakness.  For  must  it  not  be  most  egre 
gious  to  expect  the  world  will  be  deceived  by  so  infa 
mous  an  artifice.  The  agent  has  delivered  a  petition  to 
the  council  for  a  delay  ;  whether  that  will  succeed  I 
know  not,  but  it  will  render  their  injustice  more  glaring. 

He  is  an  upright,  spirited,  and  independent  old  man, 

and  therefore  most  obnoxious  to  Lord  H gh,  who  has 

made  some  mean  attempts  to  injure  him.  The  ministry 
have  so  affronted  the  Duke  of  Rutland  as  to  make  him 
resign.  It  is  expected  the  Marquis  of  Granby  will  fol 
low  him.  'Tis  well  they  are  so  rash,  as  abler  men  in 
these  times  of  corruption  might  endanger  our  liberties. 
I  find  my  health  better  than  when  with  you.  I  pray 
heaven  to  guard  you. 

Yours.     Adieu.  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"August  15,  1769. 

My  dear  brother's  favours  all  reached  me  in  due  time 
at  Bristol  Wells,  where  I  was  spending  the  summer 
season,  to  look  about  me,  and  form  acquaintances  which 
may  be  useful  hereafter.  The  ensuing  winter  I  mean  to 
spend  in  Bath,  where  I  now  am  ;  a  place  to  which  Dr. 
Fothergill  advised  me,  and  where  I  expect  his  patronage. 
Your  packet  for  Lord  Shelburne  I  shall  deliver  myself  in 
a  few  days,  at  his  country  seat  about  twenty  miles  off, 
where  I  am  to  spend  a  week.  I  have  not  been  in  Lon 
don  since  Johnston's  arrival,  and  as  Dr.  Fothergill  is 
probably  in  the  country,  I  reserve  your  letter  to  him  also 
to  deliver  myself,  as  I  shall  be  in  town  soon. 

My  last  letter  from  our  brother  F.  of  the  14th  June,  made 
me  exceedingly  unhappy,  as  it  brought,  an  account  of  the 
dreadful  accident  which  befel  you  about  that  time.  I 
flatter  myself  that  long  before  you  receive  this  you  vlill 
have  received  entire  relief  from  the  effects  of  that  mis 
fortune  ;  and  I  cannot  now  help  chiding  you  for  being  so 


ARTHUR    LEE.  195 

very  careless  of  a  life  on  which  the  happiness  of  so  many 
depend  ;  the  horses  were  notoriously  vicious,  and  the 
dastardly  temper  of  the  negroes  you  well  know.  How 
then  could  you  trust  yourself  so  absolutely  in  their  power 
as  to  injure  yourself  and  afflict  us  ?  for  heaven's  sake 
remember  that  you  are  accountable  to  your  country  and 
to  those  who  love  you  for  your  personal  safety,  which 
cannot  be  injured  without  very  great  detriment  and  dis 
quietude  to  them.  Heaven  shield  you  from  such  disas 
ters  for  the  future,  and  grant  you  for  the  great  share  of 
misery  you  have  already  suffered,  an  uninterrupted  series 
of  prosperity  and  health.  I  may  now  I  hope  congratu 
late  you  on  your  marriage  with  Mrs.  Pinkard  ;  the  small 
acquaintance  I  had  with  her  gives  me  great  reason  to 
believe  she  will  make  you  happy  ;  and  I  most  ardently 
pray  that  her  goodness  may  prevent  both  you  and  the 
poor  little  ones  who  survive,  from  feeling  the  loss  of  the 
tender  and  amiable  wife  and  mother  that  is  gone. 

The  resolutions  into  which  you  have  entered,  and 
which  I  perceive  South  Carolina  has  adopted,  are  in  the 
highest  degree  laudable,  and  you  may  depend  upon  it, 
will  work  your  salvation.  The  ministry  thinking  it  vain 
to  contend  against  such  virtue  as  they  are  now  convinced 
animates  America,  are  at  present  certainly  disposed  to 
conciliatory  measures.  But  they  are  far  from  being  yet 
brought  to  a  due  sense  of  what  in  justice  they  owe  to 
the  constitutional  rights  of  the  colonies.  You  have  com 
menced  those  measures  which  tend  to  their  conviction, 
and  I  make  no  question  you  will  persevere  till  that  im 
portant  purpose  is  fully  accomplished.  The  intent  of  the 
monitors  I  sent  you  being  entirely  fulfilled,  I  do  not  ask 
what  you  did  with  those  I  sent  you,  though  I  have  seen 
nothing  of  them  in  the  papers.  The  state  of  politics  at 
present  is  as  appears  to  me  exceedingly  complex.  As 
far  as  I  can  unravel  them,  they  consist  of  the  court  par 
ty,  the  opposition,  and  the  constitutionalists.  The  lords 
Holland  and  Bute,  the  Dukes  of  Bedford  and  Grafton, 
form  the  court  party ;  lords  Temple,  Chatham  arid  Mr. 
Grenville,  with  Rockingham,  compose  the  opposition  ; 
and  my  lord  Shelburne  heads  the  constitutionalists.  The 


LIFE    OF 

last  party  are  the  promoters  of  petitions,  as  the  most 
proper  method  of  informing  the  people  of  the  constitu 
tional  power  they  possess,  and  of  rousing  them  against 
the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  court.  The  opposition, 
desirous  of  changing  men  only,  and  not  measures,  are 
for  determining  the  matter  by  the  representative  body 
by  intrigue  and  influence.  The  constitutionalists  are  for 
appealing  to  the  people  at  large,  and  effecting  a  change 
of  measures  as  well  as  of  men.  Mr.  Wilkes  and  all  of 
his  party  that  are  honest,  with  Beckford,  Townshend, 
Sawbridge,  Mrs.  McCauley,  &c.  are  what  I  call  constitu 
tionalists.  Of  the  political  writers  Junius  only  deserves 
reading,  and  his  talents  are  certainly  great.  I  cannot  but 
think  that  my  lord  Shelburne's  abilities  and  virtue  will 
force  him  again  into  powrer ;  though  they  render  him 
exceedingly  unwelcome  at  court,  where  such  qualities 
are  not  in  estimation.  Happily  for  the  liberties  of  this 
country,  the  court  party  are  at  variance  among  them 
selves  ;  could  they  agree,  I  do  not  see  what  would  pre 
vent  them,  with  a  corrupt  house  of  commons,  vast  influ 
ence  from  places  and  money,  with  a  powerful  army,  from 
absolutely  subverting  the  constitution.  But  Bute  pos 
sesses  the  year,  Bedford  the  parliamentary  power  ;  Graf- 
ton  was  the  representative  of  the  former,  but  the  latter, 
ever  jealous  and  ambitious,  has  contrived  to  gain  the 
duke  over  by  marriage.  This  in  all  human  probability 
was  the  cause  of  lord  Bute's  precipitate  return,  being 
alarmed  lest  in  consequence  of  that  connexion  Grafton 
should  betray  him,  and  uniting  with  Bedford,  enable  him 
to  do  what  he  has  long  wished  ;  exclude  his  lordship 
from  influence  in  administration.  When  Peacham  and 
Locket  quarrel,  they  bring  each  other  nearly  to  the  gal 
lows.  -Would  to  heaven  these  political  villains  may  be 
more  irreconcilable  in  their  anger.  I  am  now  at  my 
lord  Shelburne's,  where  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
perfect  domestic  happiness.  Lady  Shelburne  is  a  pattern 
of  every  thing  that  is  amiable  and  good ;  and  her  lord 
seems  perfectly  worthy  of  so  valuable  a  wife.  Much 
reading  has  produced  in  me  the  effect  of  age,  in  which 
confidence  in  political  professions  is  slowly  granted  ;  and 


ARTHUR    LEE.  197 

therefore  highly  as  I  esteem  this  lord,  I  do  not  implicitly 
confide  in  him.  Yet  if  he  does  not  support  the  genuine 
cause  of  liberty,  and  continue  firm  in  constitutional  prin 
ciples,  I  do  not  believe  there  is  a  single  man  of  eminence 
who  will  vindicate  the  violated  rights  of  the  people.  A 
temporary  support  many  will  give,  but  an  opposition 
grounded  on  true  principles,  and  steadily  pursued,  I  ex 
pect  from  him  only.  God  send  he  may  answer  my  ex 
pectations  ;  if  not  actum  est  de  libertate.  I  am  not  so  des 
perate  with  regard  to  America  ;  the  spirit  of  liberty  seems 
now  so  truly  and  universally  diffused,  that  I  do  not  think 
it  possible  to  suppress  it ;  and  therefore  I  look  forward 
with  infinite  pleasure  to  that  spirit  as  the  surest  nurse  of 
British  constitutional  liberty.  I  some  time  since  sent 
enclosed  to  Mr.  Parker  and  you  the  proceeding  respect 
ing  the  Mississippi  company.  Nothing  certain  is  to  be 
expected  from  this  ministry  :  when  it  is  changed  I  shall 
not  fail  to  resume  the  solicitations.  I  beg  you  will  give 
my  most  cordial  thanks  to  all  those  of  my  acquaintance 
who  have  distinguished  themselves  in  the  resolution  of 
not  consuming  British  manufactures,  and  of  maintaining 
firmly  their  constitutional  rights.  As  a  friend  to  freedom, 
I  esteem  myself  infinitely  obliged  to  every  one  who  sup 
ports  it. 

My  inviolable  regard  awaits  you  and  yours.     Adieu. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S.  Pray  remember  me  to  our  brother  Thomas ;  I 
never  hear  of  or  from  him,  which  I  very  much  regret. 
My  best  wishes  attend  Belvieu." 

«  BATH,  November  15,  1769. 

My  Dear  Brother, — It  appears  to  me  a  very  long  time 
since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  you.  In  the 
mean  time  I  please  myself  with  supposing  that  you,  with 
the  rest  of  America,  are  working  your  own  salvation  by 
frugality  and  industry.  Pertinent  to  this  are  your  questions 
to  our  brother  William  concerning  the  glass  manufactory  ; 
in  which,  I  am  sorry  to  inform  you,  no  satisfactory  infor 
mation  can  be  obtained.  Much  care  is  taken  at  Bristol 


198  LIFE    OF 

to  provide  against  the  loss  of  workmen ;  they  are  there 
fore  articled  for  a  certain  time,  and  their  wages  artfully 
advanced,  so  as  to  keep  them  constantly  in  arrear,  and 
thence  in  bondage.  A  very  few  only  are  entrusted  with 
the  secret  of  the  materials,  and  their  proportions.  I 
wrote  to  a  merchant  of  Bristol,  immediately  on  my  broth 
er's  receiving  yours,  for  more  precise  information  ;  but  he 
has  never  answered  me,  probably  through  some  jealousy 
in  himself,  or  an  apprehension  of  it  in  others.  Newcas 
tle  would  be  the  best  place  I  apprehend,  not  only  to  make 
enquiries  without  suspicion,  but  to  apply  for  workmen. 
The  people  here  do  not  yet  complain  much  of  the  want  of 
trade  arising  from  the  stoppage  of  American  exports  ;  but, 
by  persevering,  they  will  feel,  and  then  will  infallibly 
complain.  What  the  ministry  will  do  in  the  perturbed 
state  of  the  empire,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  it  is  diffi 
cult  to  say  ;  what  they  wish  to  do  is  more  easily  imagin 
ed.  Great  certainly  is  the  struggle  between  their  arbi 
trary  inclinations,  and  their  fears  to  execute  them. 

The  Mississippi  affair  rests  entirely,  and  must  do  so 
till  the  ministry  are  removed  ;  whenever  that  happens 
the  company  may  be  assured  that  I  will  resume  the  busi 
ness  without  any  farther  expense  to  them.  Our  brother 
William  forgot  to  bring  over  a  minute  of  the  company's 
resolution  appointing  me  agent ;  so  that  had  my  creden 
tials  been  required  nothing  could  have  been  done.  Hap 
pily  they  were  not ;  but  to  provide  against  it  for  the  fu 
ture,  I  could  wish  you  and  Mr.  Parker  would  send  me 
such  credentials  as  you  may  think  proper.  Please  to  re 
member  me  to  that  gentleman,  and  tell  him  I  hope  every 
patriotic  scheme  succeeds,  and  that  we  shall  see  him  in 

the  next  list  of  the  house  of  burgesses,  in  J.  R ph's 

place.  I  wish  things  were  reversed,  and  this  tool  of  pow 
er  were  his  deputy.  Your  governor  is  becoming  very 
popular  as  we  are  told  here,  and  I  have  the  worst  proof 
of  it  in  the  increased  orders  for  fineries  from  the  ladies, 
at  this  time  of  general  distress  in  their  families.  Either 
our  countrywomen  are  misrepresented  by  the  merchants' 
wives,  or  they  are  growing  deplorably  extravagant.  If 


ARTHUR    LEE.  199 

his  excellency  introduces  such  a  spirit,  I  am  sure  his  popu 
larity  will  be  ill-founded.  Wilkes'  suit  with  Lord  Hali 
fax  is  at  length  determined,  with  £4000  damages,  which 
it  was  proved  in  court  the  treasury  was  to  pay.  Inade 
quate  as  these  would  in  any  case  have  been,  the  manner 
in  which  they  are  to  be  paid  prevents  them  from  being 
exemplary ;  since  no  minister  will  be  deterred  from  re 
peating  this  injury  by  a  fine  which  he  is  not  to  pay.  Our 
houses,  liberties,  and  most  interesting  secrets,  are  thus  at 
the  mercy  of  any  minister  who  will  pay  this  sum  out  of 
the  treasury,  which,  with  the  present  furniture  of  St.  Ste 
phen's  chapel,  he  might  do  to-morrow  without  danger  of 
impeachment.  Yet  there  are  many  men  so  wicked  or 
so  weak  as  to  deny  that  the  constitution  is  in  danger. 
There  are  men  who  will  never  believe  their  houses  are 
near  the  flames  until  they  are  on  fire  ;  so  long  as  they 
walk  free  they  care  not  who  is  illegally  imprisoned.  The 
parliament  will  probably  meet  about  the  middle  of  Janu 
ary  ;  it  will  be  an  important  session,  but  I  believe  attend 
ed  with  no  farther  good  than  convincing  the  people  their 
complaints  are  just,  and  their  desire  of  a  dissolution  per 
fectly  proper.  I  am  extremely  well  with  Lord  S e, 

the  lord  mayor,  the  sheriffs,  Mr.  Wilkes,  Home,  McCau- 
ley,  Bellas,  &c.;  the  two  first  and  the  last  are  those  only 
of  whose  principles  I  have  a  good  opinion ;  but  I  am  so 
sensible  of  my  own  deficiency  in  judgment,  that  while  I 
act  in  the  integrity  of  my  heart,  I  do  not  suffer  my  sus 
picions  to  influence  my  actions.  I  dine  frequently  in  the 
King's  Bench  where  I  meet  the  declared  patriots,  of 
whom  I  shall  be  satisfied  if  we  find  one  Sidney  in  twelve 
elect.  The  city  of  London  is  however  in  our  possession, 
and  will  support  the  character  it  has  always  maintained, 
of  standing  foremost  and  firm  in  opposition  to  arbitrary 
power.  It  is  a  chance  whether  you  ever  meet  with  a  se 
ries  of  letters  signed  Junius  Americanus,  in  which  the 
enemies  of  America  are  chiefly  attacked  ;  though  to  make 
what  was  written  in  defence  of  the  colonies  acceptable, 
it  was  necessary  to  give  now  and  then  a  stroke  to  the 
characters  obnoxious  here.  It  is  desirable  to  make  a  sig 
nature  popular  ;  when  that  is  effected  I  shall  be  able  to 


200  LIFE    OF 

write  for  America  under  it  with  success,  which  it  is  oth 
erwise  extremely  difficult  to  accomplish.  Send  copies 
of  Parker's  edition  of  the  Farmer's  Letters  to  Lord  Shel- 
burne,  Mrs.  McCauley,  and  Col.  Barre.  Farewell. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  A  very  ill  timed  fever,  my  dear  sir,  confining  me  to  my 
bed  and  room  for  some  days  past,  has  for  the  present 
marred  my  Mississippi  and  political  operations.  Of  the 
former  therefore,  I  can  say  nothing  more  than  what  the 
enclosed,  written  a  week  since,  contains  ;  of  politics  lit 
tle  certain  can  be  said,  for  no  one  yet  knows  what  the 
parliament,  which  meets  to-morrow,  will  determine.  The 
ministry  are  entirely  Bedfordian,  neither  much  in  confi 
dence  of  the  landed  or  mercantile  part  of  the  nation ;  but 
they  are  of  Lord  Bute's  complexion,  and  have  therefore 
the  royal  ear  and  protection.  Grafton  is  the  premier, 
profligate,  arbitrary,  and  contemptible  ;  Weymouth,  aban 
doned  to  gaming  and  drinking,  totally  involved,  but  ex 
tremely  clever ;  North,  Gower,  and  Bristol,  nothing ; 
Hillsborough  or  Pownal,  arbitrary,  opinionated,  subtle, 
and  severe  :  of  these  the  present  council  are  formed, 
without  one  speaker  or  advocate  in  the  house  of  com 
mons.  All  parties  will,  it  is  probable,  be  opposed  to 
them  ;  but  virtue  and  real  patriotism  are  so  little  the  ob 
jects  of  pursuit  to  any  party,  that  it  is  rather  a  scuffle 
who  shall  enjoy  the  power  and  wreath  of  office,  than  who 
shall  administer  peace  and  welfare  to  the  nation.  This 
being  the  case  the  sovereign  will  always  turn  the  scale, 
since  such  ministers  can  never  acquire  the  confidence  of 
the  nation,  so  as  to  be  independent  of  court  influence  ; 
this  makes  me  apprehend  that  the  present  ministry,  as 
being  certainly  that  of  the  favourite,  though  he  be  now 
abroad,  will  stand,  and  they  are  to  all  intents  and  purpo 
ses  enemies  to  America.  They  delude  us  here  with  talk 
ing  of  conciliating  measures,  but  it  is  only  to  try  once 
more  the  effect  of  art  and  management  in  disuniting  the 
colonies,  while  it  is  evident  they  are  collecting  a  great 
force  at  Boston,  to  crush,  as  they  fondly  flatter  themselves, 
the  head  of  opposition  at  one  blow  ;  from  the  persever- 


ARTHUR   LEE.  201 

ance  of  your  colony  much  is  feared,  and  greatly  is  it  ex 
pected  that  the  address,  powers,  and  beguiling  splendour 
of  his  excellency,  will  detach  it  from  the  cause  of  liber 
ty,  obtain  a  vote  subversive  of  your  former  resolves,  ac 
knowledging  your  promptitude  to  bend  the  servile  knee, 
and  fawning  take  the  splendid  robber's  boon.     Severe 
will  be  the  trial,  but  more  exemplary  therefore  the  virtue 
that  triumphs  over  it;  alas!   I  fear  it  will  not  be  found, 
where  meanness  and  servility  are  already  so  prevalent 
among  the  little  great  people  of  your  colony:  yet  on  the 
issue  of  this  essay  must  I  hereafter  glory  in  being  a  Vir 
ginian,  or  hide  my  head  when  it  is  mentioned.     Subtlety 
and  arbitrariness  being  the  characteristics  of  the  present 
ministry,  great  prudence,  caution,  and  management  will 
be  requisite  to  frustrate  their  measures,  or  elude  their  re 
venge.     You  may  be  assured,  if  they  stand  this  session, 
and  their  present  policy  succeeds  not  in  America,  the  first 
step  to  enforcement  will  be  the  seizing  and  executing 
the  patriotic  leaders ;  in  your  conduct  therefore  let  me 
recommend  an  attention  to  the  conduct  of  the  first  prince 
of  Orange,  which  saved  him  from  an  ignominious  death, 
and  effectually  vindicated  the  liberties  of  his  country, 
while  the  incaution  of  his  associates  made  them  victims 
to  the  bloody  and  revengeful  purposes  of  the  tyrant  they 
opposed.     Our  first  duty  is  to  our  country  unquestionably, 
and  her  dearest  right  is  liberty  ;  but  if  this  be  not  the 
sense  of  the  people,  if  there  is  no  prospect  of  opposing 
tyrannous  measures  with  success,  'twere  better  wait  the 
favourable  moment,  since  once  engaged,  success,  eternal 
enmity,  or  death,  must  be  the  issue.     Cato,  Brutus,  and 
Cassius  did  not  precipitately  undertake  a  hopeless  cause, 
but  they  made  a  glorious  and  dreadful  struggle,  that  fail 
ing,  death  was  the  only  worthy  end  of  such  a  beginning. 
O  how  my  soul  swells  with  the  great  idea!  methinks  I 
could  smile  in  the  very  pangs  of  death,  and  pity  the  in 
sulting  tyrant.     Should  such  a  trial  come,  and  my  weak 
flesh  shrink  from  the  nobler  purposes  of  my  soul,  to  what 
contempt  would  it  reduce  me.     Inured  to  war  and  death, 
habit  had  steeled  their  bodies,  and  made  them  equal  to 
the  achievement  of  every  daring  resolution  ;  happy  had  I 
VOL.  i.  26 


202  LIFE    OF 

been  bred  a  soldier,  or  these  trying  times  had  not  arrived 
in  my  day.  These  are  reflections  which  I  cannot  avoid, 
though  they  leave  stings  behind  them  ;  the  very  doubt  of 
bearing  unmoved  the  utmost  efforts  of  afflicting  power, 
and  telling  the  tyrant  or  his  minion  to  the  last  I  scorned 
him,  is  to  me  grievous. 

I  have  not  sent  you  the  Museum  Rusticum,  because 
it  is  certainly  too  dear  for  its  usefulness ;  and  another 
publication  is  daily  expected,  which  perhaps  may  be  pre 
ferable.  I  reserve  Tissot  till  I  have  leisure  to  read  him, 
and  make  some  annotations  for  you.  There  is  a  book 
sometime  since  published,  called  a  Handmaid  to  the  Arts, 
which  should  be  useful  to  you  ;  if  I  think  so  upon  exam 
ining,  it  shall  be  sent.  The  Court  Register  will  be  pub 
lished  the  28th  of  this  month,  therefore  I  hardly  think  it 
worth  while  to  send  the  old  one  now.  I  know  of  nothing 
else  worth  your  attention. 

"October  9th.     The  great  debate  is  passed,  adminis 
tration  has  carried  her  point,  forcing  by  the  sword  over 
the  colonies  those  laws  which  reason  and  justice  cannot 
support  or  establish.      Dreadful   idea  ;   suggested    in  a 
free  house,  it  ought  to  have  excited  indignation  and  ab 
horrence.     To  the  king's  speech  containing  an  account 
of  America  being  in  an  alienated  state  of  allegiance  and 
submission  to  law  ;   and  one  part,  namely  Boston,  on  the 
verge  of  rebellion  through  the  agency  of  some  seditious 
persons,  an  address  was  moved  for  by  Lord  Henly,  Lord 
Northington's  son,  approving   the  steps  which  had   been 
taken  by  the  king  in  America,  and  promising  him  sup 
port.     This  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Stanley,  who  said  the 
late  acts  were  intended  to  bring  this  contest  of  right  to 
an  issue  ;  that  the  troops   had   been  drawn  together  in 
America  to  enforce  it  with  more   facility,  and  had  now 
commenced  the  operation  in  Boston.     Mr.  Dowdswall, 
late  chancellor  of  the   exchequer,  moved  for  an  amend 
ment,  using  milder  terms   towards  the  Americans,  and 
not  expressing  any  approbation  of  ministerial  measures. 
Lord  Clare  and  Lord  North  supported  the  former ;  with 
heavy  if  not  unwarrantable  charges  against  the  people 
of  Boston,  and  high  ideas  of  absolute   power.      The 


ARTHUR    LEE.  203 

amendment  was  then  supported  by  Sir  G.  Seville,  but 
not  on  American  principles.  Mr.  Burke  then  entered 
more  largely  and  with  more  masterly  eloquence  into  the 
transactions  of  Governor  Bernard  and  the  administra 
tion.  He  showed  the  present  disturbances  arose  from 
a  concerted  plan  and  intentional  injuries  offered  the  peo 
ple  of  Boston  ;  that  the  right  of  taxing  and  the  laws 
founded  on  it  were  repugnant  to  the  feelings  of  America, 
which  never  could  be  overcome;  he  insisted  that  the  re 
quiring  the  assembly  of  Boston  to  rescind  a  vote  under 
penalty  was  absolutely  illegal  and  unconstitutional ;  that 
sending  soldiers  there  and  demanding  provision  for  them 
was  directly  repugnant  to  the  act  of  parliament,  which 
directs  that  provision  be  made  by  the  assembly.  Mr. 
Grenville  then  advised  supporting  the  measures  of  ad 
ministration  in  subduing  the  colonies  ;  he  praised  his 
S.  A.,  talked  much  about  himself,  and  condemned  the 
minister's  mandate  for  rescinding  as  totally  illegal.  Col. 
Barre  next  spoke  with  great  judgment  upon  the  ques 
tion  in  favour  of  the  amendment ;  he  questioned  the 
right,  disapproved  the  measures,  and  demonstrated  that 
they  were  urging  a  quarrel  with  their  colonies,  from  an 
ill-grounded  jealousy,  when  the  state  of  Europe  made 
harmony  absolutely  requisite  to  our  preservation.  Mr. 
Wedderburn  then  pointed  out  with  great  justice  that  gov 
ernment,  both  at  home  and  abroad  was  executed  by  files 
of  musketeers ;  that  laws  were  obeyed  not  from  a  re 
spect  and  confidence  in  the  people  for  the  legislature  and 
government,  but  from  terror  ;  a  dreadful  state  existed 
by  some  unhappy  defect  in  the  executive  part,  which 
threatened  our  ruin  ;  he  declared  against  the  legality  of 
the  ministerial  mandate  at  Boston.  Many  others  spoke 
on  both  sides,  but  the  ministry  carried  it  without  a  di 
vision.  All  this  I  consider  as  done  in  heat,  and  hope 
better  information  and  more  dispassionate  deliberation 
will  produce  the  conciliating  measures  of  recalling  Ber 
nard,  and  repealing  the  duty  acts  ;  should  this  not  be 
done,  I  apprehend  that  the  present  establishment  of  the 
military  in  America  will  prevent  any  armed  opposition  to 
the  measures  of  administration ;  but  I  conceive  the  Ame- 


204  LIFE    OF 

ricans  will  endeavour  by  those  means  of  not  consum 
ing  British  manufactures,  which  are  absolutely  in  their 
power,  to  bring  this  ungrateful  country  to  a  better  sense 
of  their  usefulness  to  her,  and  how  vain  the  attempt  is 
to  rule  by  force  a  free  people.  Mr.  Burke  asserted  that 
Chatham  and  Camden  had  both  acted  towards  America 
inconsistently  with  those  principles  ;  which,  corning  from 
such  great  authorities,  had  confirmed  the  colonists  in  their 
opinion  that  parliament  had  no  right  to  tax  them. 

God  knows  whether  this  will  be  suffered  to  reach  you; 
for  the  administration  are  determined  to  sacrifice  the 
most  active  in  the  American  cause,  and  may  probably 
stop  letters. 

Yours,  &c.  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"BRISTOL- WELLS,  August  4th,  1769. 

My  dear  brother, — I  am  sorry  you  have  so  much  reason 
to  complain  of  my  neglect ;  for  which  I  must  rely  on 
your  goodness  to  pardon  me.  My  letters  by  Johnston 
brought  me  an  account  of  your  marriage  ;  on  which  I 
give  you  and  Mrs.  Lee  joy  with  all  my  heart.  The 
union  which  crowns  a  mutual  affection  long  tried,  prom 
ises  the  most  permanent  felicity ;  and  I  hope  every  suc 
ceeding  moon  will  find  you  equally  happy  with  the  first. 

I  am  now  the  only  unhappy  or  single  person  of  the 
family  ;  nor  have  I  any  prospect  of  being  otherwise.  I 
have  spent  this  season  at  the  Bristol  Wells  in  pursuit  of 
practice  and  to  make  acquaintances,  and  shall  remain  the 
winter  at  Bath  with  the  same  views.  In  the  latter  it  is 
easy  to  succeed,  in  the  first  not  quite  so  easy  here  as  at 
Williamsburg.  Perseverance,  of  which  unhappily  I  have 
very  little,  is  absolutely  requisite  to  accomplish  this  busi 
ness.  I  often  feel  so  home  sick  that  I  cannot  bear  the 
thoughts  of  living  forever  from  you  ;  so  that  if  I  am  not 
very  short  lived  I  feel  that  I  must  make  another  trip  to 
see  you.  Contrasted  with  that  of  this  country,  how  il 
lustriously  eminent  does  the  patriotic  conduct  of  America 
appear.  I  had  my  fears,  my  anxieties  about  Virginia, 
but  my  countrymen  have  fulfilled  my  most  sanguine 
wishes  and  acquired  an  honour  which  can  never  be  tar- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  205 

nished.  Here  the  spirit  of  liberty  is  very  languid,  and  all 
attempts  to  rouse  it  meet  with  little  success.  Corrup 
tion  has  spread  its  baneful  influence  so  universally,  that 
this  country  seems  now  to  be  nearly  in  that  state  in 
which  Jugurtha  found  Rome  when  he  exclaimed, 

"O  venalem  urbem,  et  cito  perituraui,  si  emptorem  invenies." 

However  the  utmost  endeavours  are  used  to  awaken  a 
proper  resentment  of  the  atrocious  injuries  which  have 
been  offered  to  the  constitution.  And  though  I  believe 
they  will  obtain  petitions  enough  to  awe  the  ministry,  yet 
I  do  not  hope  to  see  all  grievances  fully  redressed,  and  the 
authors  of  them  brought  to  condign  punishment.  With 
respect  to  us  the  ministry  speak  in  a  conciliating  tone, 
but  they  are  so  void  of  all  virtue  that  no  credit  is  due 
to  them,  especially  as  their  principles  are  most  notorious 
ly  arbitrary.  Persevere  in  the  plan  of  frugality  and  in 
dustry,  encourage  and  confirm  a  spirit  never  to  submit 
or  yield,  and  you  will  compel  them  to  be  just — hce  tibi 
artes,  hcBc  arma ;  and  may  heaven  render  them  invinci 
ble.  The  town  of  Bristol,  which  is  very  near  the  wells, 
is  immersed  in  the  turtle  and  venison  feasting,  and  there 
fore  seems  to  apprehend  little  from  the  revolutions  you 
have  made  ;  but  they  will  feel  presently,  and  then  I  will 
answer  for  their  justice  being  awakened,  and  their  feel 
ing  how  cruel  it  is  to  oppress  us.  We  have  much  com 
pany  here  besides  invalids,  dancing  and  card  playing 
every  day,  so  that  the  time  passes  agreeably  though  idly. 
My  Lord  Bute  having  lately  arrived  from  abroad  it  is 
expected  his  advice  will  make  some  change  in  adminis 
tration  ;  but  from  so  impure  a  fountain  no  good  can  be 
expected.  The  Mississippi  scheme  must  lie  dormant 
till  Lord  Hillsborough  is  removed,  for  he  will  never  suffer 
it  to  be  executed. 

Remember  me,  my  dear  brother,  affectionately ;  be  free, 
be  happy,  and — adieu.  A.  LEE." 

"  LONDON,  May  20th,  1770. 

My  dear  brother, — The  parliament  being  now  pro 
rogued  concludes  all  hopes  of  any  redress  of  grievances, 


206  LIFE    OF 

either  for  America  or  Great  Britain.  Several  motions 
were  a  week  ago  made  in  the  commons,  and  repeated  in 
the  lords,  by  Mr.  Burke  and  the  Duke  of  Richmond, 
tending  to  censure  alt  the  measures  of  this  administra 
tion  relative  to  America,  especially  my  Lord  Hillsbo- 
rough's  rescinding  and  promising  letters.  They  were 
all  rescinded  in  the  lump,  by  a  previous  question,  on 
which  the  ministerial  majority  was  three  to  one.  Lord 
Chatham  has  made  two  remarkable  motions  this  session, 
one  for  dissolving  the  parliament,  and  one  censuring  those 
who  advised  the  rejection  of  the  London  remonstrance. 
They  were  fruitless,  being  rejected  by  a  large  majority. 
No  ministry  ever  had  less  argument,  and  greater  influ 
ence.  In  the  American  debate  Lord  Hillsborough  de 
clared  that  all  hopes  of  reconciliation  with  America  were 
vain,  unless  the  whole  authority  of  parliament  was  given 
up,  for  that  it  was  the  navigation  act  we  were  aiming  to 
overthrow.  Such  are  the  fixed  impressions  of  this  dull, 
arbitrary  lord,  and  the  prejudices  which  he  and  his  tools 
labour  but  too  successfully  to  infuse  into  others. 

The  city  of  London,  unawed  by  their  late  rejection,  has 
voted  a  second  remonstrance  to  the  throne,  in  very  spir 
ited  terms,  which  is  to  be  presented  next  Wednesday. 
Mr.  Wilkes  sits  and  acts  as  alderman  with  great  ap 
plause. 

The  friends  of  America  here  are  apprehensive  that 
you  will  not  abide  by  your  non-importation  agreements, 
on  which  all  prospects  of  a  re-establishment  of  our  in 
vaded  rights  depend.  I  can  hardly  think  that  my  coun 
trymen  can  be  so  wanting  to  themselves  as  to  give  their 
enemies  their  wish,  and  sacrifice  for  a  temporary  profit 
or  convenience,  the  liberties  of  themselves  and  their  pos 
terity.  Adieu. 

Yours,  &c.  ARTHUR   LEE." 

"  My  Dear  Brother, — Lord  Hillsborough  is  out.  The 
ostensible  cause  is  that  he  dissented  to  the  establishment 
of  a  government  where  our  petition  is  located.  But  the 
true  reason  is  that  the  Bedford  party  were  determined 
to  remove  him  to  provide  for  one  of  themselves.  But 
in  this  they  were  disappointed,  for  lord  North  threatened 


ARTHUR    LEE.  207 

to  resign.  They  were  obliged  to  soothe  him  by  the  ap 
pointment  of  his  half  brother,  Lord  Dartmouth.  This 
place  was  originally  promised  him,  but  the  king,  as  his 
custom  is,  deceived  him  ;  and  it  is  thought  rather  shabby 
in  him  to  accept  of  it  now.  However,  he  is  a  man  of 
good  principles,  of  a  fair  character,  of  exemplary  life, 
and  a  friend  to  America.  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  as 
far  as  it  depends  upon  him,  which  indeed  is  but  little, 
the  colonies  will  not  have  much  cause  to  complain. 

There  is  no  opposition  now,  nor  any  forming.  At  the 
meeting  of  the  next  parliament  the  leaders  will  hope  that 
the  memory  of  their  former  follies  may  be  obliterated,  and 
again  unite  in  that  opposition  which  they  so  shamefully 
abandoned.  Nothing  is  more  uncertain  than  the  revolu 
tions  of  states,  nor  can  any  one  form  a  tolerable  conjec 
ture  from  the  appearances  of  the  political  sky.  This  is 
our  only  comfort  in  the  midst  of  a  calm  which  seems  to 
resign  every  thing  to  the  will  of  a  court,  which  is  med 
itating  and  executing  a  systematic  destruction  of  our 
liberties.  I  expect  to  be  at  the  bar  quite  in  time  for  the 
next  general  election,  and  to  be  employed  in  some  con 
tested  election,  which  is  a  fair  introduction  into  a  valu 
able  branch  of  the  profession,  that  of  pleading  before  the 
house  of  commons.  Yours,  &c.  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"LONDON,  March  18,  1774. 

Dear  Brother, — The  affairs  of  America  are  now  be 
come  very  serious ;  the  minority  are  determined  to  put 
your  spirit  to  the  proof.  Boston  is  their  first  object.  On 
Monday  the  14th,  it  was  ordered  in  the  house  of  com 
mons  that  leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a  bill,  4  for  the  im 
mediate  removal  of  the  officers  concerned  in  the  collection 
and  management  of  his  majesty's  duties  of  customs  from 
the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  North  America ;  and  to  discontinue  the  landing 
and  discharging,  lading  and  shipping  of  goods,  wares  and 
merchandize  at  the  said  town  of  Boston,  or  within  the 
harbour  thereof.'* 

*  Many  native  Americans,  who  were  at  this  time  in  London,  presented  a  peti 
tion  to  parliament  in  behalf  of  their  countrymen  in  Boston,  against  the  operation 
of  thia  act.  It  was  written  by  Arthur  Lee. 


208  LIFE  OF 

If  the  colonies  in  general  permit  this  to  pass  unnoticed, 
a  precedent  will  be  established  for  humbling  them  by 
degrees,  until  all  opposition  to  arbitrary  power  is  sub 
dued.  The  manner,  however,  in  which  you  should  meet 
this  violent  act,  should  be  well  weighed.  The  proceed 
ings  of  the  colonies,  in  consequence  of  it,  will  be  read 
and  regarded  as  manifestos.  Great  care  therefore 
should  be  taken  to  word  them  unexceptionably  and  plau 
sibly.  They  should  be  prefaced  with  the  strongest  pro 
fessions  of  respect  and  attachment  to  this  country;  of 
reluctance  to  enter  into  any  dispute  with  her ;  of  the 
readiness  you  have  always  shown  and  still  wish  to  show, 
of  contributing  according  to  your  ability,  and  in  a  consti 
tutional  way  to  her  support ;  and  of  your  determination 
to  undergo  every  extremity  rather  than  submit  to  be  en 
slaved.  These  things  tell  much  in  your  favour  with 
moderate  men,  and  with  Europe,  to  whose  interposition 
America  may  yet  owe  her  salvation,  should  the  contest 
be  serious  and  lasting.  In  short,  as  we  are  the  weaker, 
it  becomes  us  to  be  suaviter  in  modo,  however  we  may 
be  determined  to  act  fortiter  in  re.  There  is  a  per 
suasion  here  that  America  will  see,  without  interposition, 
the  ruin  of  Boston.  It  is  of  the  last  importance  to  the 
general  cause,  that  your  conduct  should  prove  this  opin 
ion  erroneous.  If  once  it  is  perceived  that  you  may  be 
attacked  and  destroyed  by  piecemeal,  actum  est,  every 
part  will  in  its  turn  feel  the  vengeance  which  it  would 
not  unite  to  repel,  and  a  general  slavery  or  ruin  must  en 
sue.  The  colonies  should  never  forget  Lord  North's 
declaration  in  the  house  of  commons,  that  he  would  not 
listen  to  the  complaints  of  America  until  she  was  at  his 
feet.  The  character  of  Lord  North,  and  the  consideration 
of  what  surprising  things  he  has  effected  towards  enslav 
ing  his  own  country,  makes  me,  I  own,  tremble  for  ours. 
Plausible,  deep  and  treacherous,  like  his  master  he  has 
no  passions  to  divert  him,  no  pursuits  of  pleasure  to  with 
draw  him  from  the  accursed  design  of  deliberately  de 
stroying  the  liberties  of  his  country.  A  perfect  adept  in 
the  arts  of  corruption,  and  indefatigable  in  the  application 
of  them,  he  effects  great  ends  by  means  almost  magical, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  209 

because  they  are  unseen.  In  four  years  he  has  over 
come  the  most  formidable  opposition  in  this  country, 
from  which  the  Duke  of  Grafton  fled  with  horror.  At 
the  same  time  he  has  effectually  enslaved  the  East  India 
Company,  and  made  the  vast  revenue  and  territory  of 
India  in  effect  a  royal  patronage.  Flushed  with  these 
successes,  he  now  attacks  America ;  and  certainly  if  we 
are  not  firm  and  united,  he  will  triumph  in  the  same 
manner  over  us.  In  my  opinion  a  general  resolution  of 
the  colonies  to  break  off  all  commercial  intercourse  with 
this  country,  until  they  are  secured  in  their  liberties,  is 
the  only  advisable  and  sure  mode  of  defence.  To  exe 
cute  such  a  resolution  would  be  irksome  at  first,  but  you 
would  be  amply  repaid,  not  only  in  saving  your  money, 
and  becoming  independent  of  these  petty  tyrants,  the 
merchants,  but  in  securing  your  general  liberties.  You 
are  however  more  capable  of  judging  what  is  proper  and 
practicable.  My  great  wish  is  to  see  you  firm  and 
united.  Adieu. 

Yours  affectionately,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  LONDON,  Dec.  13th,  1774. 

My  Dear  Brother, — The  proceedings  at  the  congress 
are  yet  unknown  to  us,  but  our  last  accounts  from  you 
signify  that  the  non-export  will  not  take  place  till  the 
present  crop  is  shipped.  It  is  unfortunate  that  you  did 
not  adopt  that  measure  immediately  upon  the  receipt  of 
the  late  acts,  because  the  operation  of  it  would  have 
been  felt  by  this  time,  and  would  in  all  probability  have 
enforced  the  repeal  of  them  this  session.  But  now  by 
that  dangerous  delay,  the  present  parliament  will  be  in 
volved  like  the  old  one,  and  the  plea  of  wounded  dignity 
will  still  impede  a  retraction.  The  merchants  too,  being 
in  possession  of  one  year's  crop,  will  be  enabled  to  pay 
the  tradesmen,  &c.  and  subsist  themselves  under  a  sus 
pension  of  trade  for  at  least  a  year,  so  as  to  prevent  any 
clamour,  and  give  the  ministry  that  time  to  try  what 
fraud  and  force  can  do  to  divest  you  of  your  liberties. 
Thus,  by  an  ill  judged  tenderness  towards  men  who 
have  neither  the  feelings  of  humanity  or  justice  for  us, 
VOL.  i.  27 


210  LIFE     OF 

but  on  the  contrary  would  joyfully  minister  to  our  oppres 
sion,  we  have  strengthened  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  and 
subjected  ourselves  to  additional  hazards  and  hardships. 
However,  instead  of  idly  lamenting  over  what  is  irre 
trievable,  let  us  consider  what  should  be  our  conduct  in 
the  present  situation.     If  the  people  flatter  themselves 
that  the  threat  will  be  sufficient,  and  that  they  will  not 
be  put  to  the  trial,  under  that  dangerous  deception  they 
will  again  plant  tobacco,  and  be  equally  unprepared  to 
stand  the  contest.     The  utmost  attention  should  there 
fore  be  employed  to  convince  them  that  it  is  serious,  that 
nothing  but  a  hearty  struggle  will  save  their  civil  and  re 
ligious  liberties.     In  order  to  be  prepared,  they  should 
double   their  quantity  of  corn  and  grain,  not  that  they 
can  export  it,  but  that  they  may  enjoy  the  blessing  of 
plenty  to  mitigate  other  hardships,  and  keep  the  country 
in  good  humour  ;  they  should  plant  great  quantities  of 
cotton,  and  desist  immediately  from  the  use  of  mutton 
and  lamb,  which  will  furnish  them  against  next  winter 
with  wool  and  cotton  enough  to  clothe  the  whole  colony. 
With  provisions  cheap  and  plenty,  and  warm  clothing, 
you   may  surely   bid   defiance  to  this   country.     Every 
thing  that  will  yield  spirit,  as  persimmons,  grapes,  &c. 
should  be  gathered  and  distilled ;  rye  and  barley  should 
be  cultivated  for  that  purpose.     My  reason  for  this  is 
that  it  will  be  the  plan  to  cut  off  all  communication  be 
tween  the  colonies,  from  whence  the  usual    supply  of 
spirits  being  prevented,  the  common  planters  to  whom 
they  are  absolutely  necessary  may  be  induced  to  murmur 
if  not  resist  those  measures   of  opposition,  which    our 
Scotch  friends  will  take  care  to  whisper  them  are  the 
cause  of  their  distress.     As  a  great  deal  depends  upon 
the  hearty  concurrence  of  the  body  of  the  people,  pro 
vision  should  be  made  against  every  thing  that  may  ob 
struct  it.     The  ministerial  language  now  is  not  for  force  ; 
however  I  would  not  trust  them,  but  prepare  against  that 
too  by  arming  and  exercising  the   militia.     The  plan  at 
present  is  to  pass  two  acts,  one  for   taking   the  fishery 
from  New-England  and  encouraging  the  Canadians,  the 
other  to  make  all  associations  touching  trade,  treasonable. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  211 

Additional  supplies  will  be  granted,  and  it  will  be  left  to 
the  king  and  his  ministry  to  add  military  force,  which  I 
verily  believe  they  will  do.  You  have  the  whole  of  their 
plan  before  you,  and  I  hope  you  will  not  remit  of  the  ut 
most  activity  to  defeat  it.  The  not  planting  any  tobac 
co  will  be  a  decisive  measure  to  convince  them  here  that 
you  are  in  earnest.  Such  conviction  will  be  of  great  use. 
You  may  depend  upon  it  that  the  merchants  here  will 
never  move  in  your  behalf  till  you  alarm  their  fears  so 
much,  or  touch  their  interests  so  strongly,  as  to  make  the 
cause  their  own.  My  anxiety  about  the  public  absorbs 
every  idea  of  private  concerns.  Col.  Phil,  remits  me 
nothing,  and  the  additional  expenses  of  my  being  called 
to  the  bar  in  April  next,  will  distress  me  extremely.  My 
love  to  Mrs.  Lee  and  every  body  else.  Adieu. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"LONDON,  Dec.  22,  1774. 

My  Dear  Brother, — The  proceedings  of  the  congress 
meet  with  universal  approbation  here,  and  have  operated 
like  an  electric  shock  upon  the  ministry  and  their  de 
pendants.  They  begin  to  reprobate  their  own  measures, 
and  each  to  exonerate  himself  from  the  charge  of  having 
advised  them.  The  king  consented  to  receive  the  peti 
tion  of  the  congress,  arid  lord  Dartmouth  told  us  it  was 
found  to  be  decent  and  respectful.  I  expect  we  shall 
receive  his  majesty's  answer  time  enough  to  send  with 
this. 

The  merchants  have  advertised  for  a  meeting,  and 
every  thing  seems  to  promise  a  speedy  accommodation. 
The  terms  of  that  must  depend  on  you.  Your  demands 
must  be  made  with  great  moderation,  and  should  not, 
nay  I  think  cannot  be  receded  from  one  iota.  Depend 
upon  it,  the  same  firmness  and  unanimity  which  have 
compelled  a  conciliatory  disposition,  will  enforce  a  full 
redress.  Be  therefore  firm  and  fear  not.  The  excess 
of  my  anxiety  for  our  ultimate  success,  and  the  termina 
tion  of  these  unhappy  disturbances,  makes  me  sometimes 
apprehensive  that  these  specious  appearances  will  make 
you  remiss  in  your  preparations  for  a  different  conduct ; 


212  LIFE    OF 

that  you  will  forget  that  he  who  sheathes  the  sword  be 
fore  the  peace  is  concluded,  exposes  himself  to  a  shame 
ful  defeat.  But  trusting  to  jour  wisdom,  I  hope  you 
will  treat  them  as  appearances  only,  which  firmness,  vig 
ilance  and  unanimity  alone,  on  your  part,  can  realize. 

December  24th.  Lord  Dartmouth  this  day  informed 
us  that  his  majesty  received  your  petition  very  graciously, 
and  for  its  importance  \vould  lay  it  before  his  houses  of 
parliament  when  they  met. 

I  communicate  to  you  the  following  copy  of  a  letter 
from  Lord  Chatham,  because  I  think  it  must  give  you  in 
finite  satisfaction.  At  the  same  time  I  must  entreat  you 
not  to  let  it  get  into  the  press,  as  it  would  be  a  breach 
of  honour  in  me. 

*  I  have  not  words  to  express  the  infinite  satisfaction 
which  I  feel,  since  congress  has  conducted  this  most  ar 
duous  and  delicate  business  with  such  manly  wisdom 
and  calm  resolution  as  do  the  highest  honour  to  their  de 
liberations.  Very  few  are  the  things  contained  in  their 
resolves  that  I  could  wish  to  be  otherwise.  Upon  the 
whole,  I  think  it  must  be  evident  to  every  unprejudiced 
man  in  England,  who  feels  for  the  rights  of  mankind, 
that  America,  under  all  her  oppressions  and  provocations, 
holds  out  to  us  the  most  fair  and  just  opening  for  restor 
ing  harmony  and  affectionate  intercourse  as  heretofore. 
I  hope  that  the  minds  of  men  are  more  than  beginning 
to  open  on  this  great  subject,  so  little  understood,  and 
that  it  will  be  found  impossible  for  free  men  in  England 
to  see  three  millions  of  Englishmen  slaves  in  America.' 

Such  praise  from  the  character  of  the  age,  ought  to  in 
spire  you  with  confidence,  if  any  thing  can  add  to  the 
conscious  dignity  of  freemen,  and  make  you  resolve  to 
maintain  your  demands  with  immovable  firmness. 

December  26th.  I  was  yesterday  in  the  country  with 
Lord  Chatham,  to  show  him  the  petition  of  the  congress. 
He  approves  of  it  exceedingly.  His  words  were,  i  the 
whole  of  your  countrymen's  conduct  has  manifested 
such  wisdom,  moderation  and  manliness  of  character,  as 
Would  have  done  honour  to  Greece  and  Rome  in  their 
best  days.'  Laudari  a  laudato  viro,  should  make  us 


ARTHUR    LEE.  213 

cautious  that  we  support  the  character  by  a  manly  per 
severance  in  those  measures  which  have  secured  it.  His 
opinion  is  that  a  solemn  settlement  of  the  question,  by  a 
renunciation  of  the  right  to  tax  on  one  part,  and  an  ac 
knowledgment  of  supremacy  on  the  other,  might  be 
made.  My  object  is  to  unite  the  heads  of  opposition  upon 
one  uniform  large  ground,  which,  with  the  present  pop 
ularity  of  our  cause,  will  I  think  enforce  a  complete  ab 
olition  of  these  pernicious  measures.  I  have  this  moment 
learnt  that  the  resolution  of  the  court  is  to  repeal  all  the 
acts  except  the  declaratory  and  admiralty  act ;  that  lords 
North  and  Dartmouth  are  to  give  place  to  lords  Gower 
and  Hillsborough,  who  are  to  commence  their  adminis 
tration  with  these  conciliatory  measures.  The  incon 
sistency  of  this  plan  is  no  objection  to  the  probability  of 
it,  for  these  men  have  long  been  disciplined  to  turn,  and 
turn,  and  turn  again.  But  you  may  learn  from  it  that 
there  is  little  cordiality  in  the  relief  to  be  given,  and  that 
we  are  to  hold  a  jealous  eye  over  the  measures  of  men, 
whose  minds  are  actuated  against  us  by  the  bitterest 
rancour  and  revenge.  You  will  consider  this  intelligence 
as  of  doubtful  nature,  and  let  no  hasty  gleam  of  hope  go 
forth,  which  may  tend  to  make  men  remiss  in  their  ex 
ertions,  or  relax  in  the  terms  they  demand.  Farewell. 

Your  affectionate  brother,  ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  Col.  Richard  Henry  Lee." 

"LONDON,  Dec.  26th,  1774. 

My  Dear  Brother, — It  is  with  great  pleasure  I  inform 
you  that  the  proceedings  of  the  general  congress,  and  the 
vigorous  preparations  for  effectual  resistance,  have  render 
ed  our  cause  so  popular,  and  so  intimidated  administration, 
that  they  seem  determined  to  give  us  redress.  The  king 
received  the  congress  petition  very  graciously,  and  is  to 
lay  it  before  his  two  houses  of  parliament  as  soon  as  the 
adjournment  for  the  holidays  is  over.  It  is  whispered 
from  court  that  Lord  Gower  and  Lord  Hillsborough  will 
be  put  into  the  places  of  Lord  North  and  Lord  Dart 
mouth,  and  that  all  the  acts  will  be  repealed  except  those 
for  establishing  admiralty,  &c.  courts,  and  declaring  the 


214  LIFE  OF 

right.  Should  this  be  true  you  will  see  with  what  ill-will 
this  partial  relief  is  given,  and  that  they  are  determined 
to  continue  our  apprehensions  by  advancing  our  worst 
enemies,  and  preserving  those  acts  as  the  seeds  of  conten 
tion.  But  you  will  certainly  be  of  opinion,  with  all  our 
friends  here,  that  nothing  but  a  full  and  solemnly  ratified 
redress  ought  to  satisfy  us,  and  that  the  same  resolution, 
unanimity,  and  firmness,  which  have  extorted  a  part  will 
compel  the  whole.  1  have  waited  on  Lord  Chatham 
with  the  petition,  on  which,  and  on  all  the  proceedings  of 
the  congress  he  bestows  the  highest  commendation.  He 
is  clearly  for  a  full,  solemn,  authentic  settlement  of  the 
dispute  upon  the  conditions  proposed  by  the  congress,  and 
will  assuredly  support  it  with  all  his  abilities.  1  think  I 
shall  get  the  heads  of  opposition  to  unite  with  him,  as  I 
find  them  much  disposed  to  it.  This  junction,  with  the 
voice  of  the  people  here,  and  the  firmness  of  America, 
will  I  trust  compel  our  oppressors  to  absolute  submission. 
My  love  to  Mrs.  Lee,  and  respects  at  Mount  Airy.  Adieu. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR   LEE.  215 

LETTERS    FROM    ARTHUR    LEE    TO    SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

"TEMPLE,  June  10th,  1771. 

Sir, — The  session  of  parliament  is  now  at  an  end 
without  one  offensive  measure  to  America.  We  owe 
this  to  the  difference  with  Spain,  which  engaged  all  the 
attention  of  administration  in  the  first  part  of  the  session  ; 
and  a  quarrel  with  the  city  of  London,  which  employed 
the  remainder. 

I  am  very  well  informed  that  my  Lord  Hillsborough, 
aided  by  his  most  illustrious  friend  the  Nettlehen,  has 
planned  an  act  to  change  the  mode  of  electing  your  coun 
cil,  which  was  to  have  been  carried  into  execution  this 
session,  but  was  prevented  by  the  contingencies  I  have 
mentioned.  Could  any  action  of  their  lives  warrant  a 
supposition  that  experience  would  teach  them  right  wis 
dom,  I  should  be  inclined  to  believe,  that  perceiving  how 
quiet  the  colonies  are  when  not  irritated,  they  will  desist 
from  agitating  anew  those  waters  which  have  not  been 
easily  composed.  But  I  know  that  neither  experience 
will  give  them  true  wisdom,  nor  time  assuage  their  ma 
lice.  Therefore  I  think  it  my  duty  to  give  you  this  in 
formation  that  you  may  have  time  before  next  session  of 
parliament,  to  take  such  measures  as  you  may  judge  most 
effectual  to  defeat  their  intentions. 

I  am  the  more  suspicious  that  the  measure  is  suspend 
ed  only,  that  I  find  Lord  Hillsborough  takes  great  pains 
to  persuade  and  to  assure  your  countrymen  that  as  long 
as  they  continue  quiet  nothing  will  be  done  to  their  pre 
judice.  As  treachery  and  imposition  is  his  fort,  there  is 
most  danger  when  his  professions  are  warmest.  Besides 
as  he  certainly  intended  mischief,  he  is  more  strongly  in 
duced  to  exercise  those  arts  in  order  to  quiet  the  alarm 
which  such  an  intention  going  forth  would  necessarily 
produce.  He  possesses  too  a  perverse  spirit,  that  thinks 
he  is  doing  nothing  if  he  is  not  doing  mischief.  You 
may  conceive,  sir,  whether  such  a  temper  perpetually 
acted  upon  by  the  implacable  hatred  of  Bernard  is  likely 
to  abandon  a  favourite  system  of  tyranny  and  revenge, 


216  LIFE    OF 

without  any  apparent  reason.  I  am  therefore  of  opinion 
that  the  fire  still  subsists,  though  covered  with  deceitful 
ashes ;  and  such  I  can  assure  you  are  the  sentiments  of 
the  best  friend  you  have  here,  Col.  Barre. 

It  would  form  a  very  powerful  objection  to  this  bill,  if 
America  in  general  appeared  to  be  alarmed  at  it.  And 
certainly  innovations  abridging  liberty  in  one  colony  are 
very  just  cause  of  apprehension  to  all.  It  might  be 
therefore  of  great  use  to  apprise  the  leading  members  of 
the  different  assemblies  of  the  business,  and  engage  them 
if  it  should  be  moved  here  to  procure  petitions  against  it. 
I  will  write  to  Mr.  Dickinson  upon  it  and  to  my  brother. 
Should  such  a  bill  pass  the  first  session,  as  it  is  proposed, 
the  injustice  of  deciding  upon  a  matter  so  interesting  to 
the  province  without  hearing  their  objections,  will  be  fla 
grant.  Should  it  be  deferred  after  being  moved,  the  rest 
of  the  colonies  if  properly  prepared,  will  have  an  oppor 
tunity  of  joining  you  in  the  opposition,  and  though 
their  councils  are  generally  upon  a  slavish  establishment 
already,  yet  this  being  a  mode  only  of  trenching  on  the 
freedom  of  your  constitution  they  must  see  that  if  any 
other  part  of  their  constitution,  should  be  equally  obnox 
ious  because  equally  free,  the  same  attempt  will  be  made 
to  destroy  it.  The  enmity  conceived  against  the  council 
proceeds  from  their  having  embarrassed  and  opposed 
them  in  their  arbitrary  proceedings.  Therefore  it  is  in 
truth  an  attempt  against  American  liberty.  Viewing  it  in 
this  light  the  rest  of  the  colonies  cannot  but  be  impress 
ed  with  a  sense  of  the  common  danger  that  attends  the 
establishing  a  precedent  for  altering  by  the  intervention 
of  the  British  legislature,  whatever  opposes  the  arbitrary 
measures  of  administration  in  America. 

I  have  read  lately  in  your  papers  an  assurance  from 
Dr.  Franklin  that  all  designs  against  the  charter  of  the 
colony  are  laid  aside.  This  is  just  what  I  expected  from 
him  ;  and  if  it  be  true,  the  Dr.  is  not  the  dupe  but  the  in 
strument  of  Lord  Hillsborough's  treachery.  That  Lord 
Hillsborough  gives  out  this  assurance  is  certain,  but 
notorious  as  he  is  for  ill  faith  and  fraud,  his  duplicity 
would  not  impose  on  one  possessed  of  half  Dr.  F.'s  sa- 


ARTHUR   LEE.  217 

gacity.  And  indeed  what  reason  is  there  for  this  change  ? 
Is  the  oppressive  plan  against  America  abandoned ;  or  is 
it  discovered  that  an  independent  council  will  be  less 
troublesome  in  the  prosecution  of  it  than  they  hitherto 
have  been  ?  Neither  the  one  nor  the  other ;  and  though 
the  reasons  I  have  already  mentioned  compelled  his  lord 
ship  to  suspend  the  execution  of  his  scheme,  yet  to  trust 
that  it  is  therefore  laid  aside,  is  a  degree  of  credulity  and 
infatuation  which  I  hope  will  never  be  imposed  on  the 
assembly.  The  minister's  aim  in  these  assurances  is 
manifest,  not  only  to  remove  the  odium  which  the  dis 
covery  must  bring  upon  him,  without  his  plans  being  ex 
ecuted,  but  to  lull  to  sleep  that  vigilance  and  precaution 
which  the  detection  would  produce  on  your  side,  and 
which  wrould  much  embarrass  if  not  frustrate  his  design. 
Could  he  thus  smother  your  suspicions  and  silence  all 
opposition  from  you,  he  would  have  nothing  to  obstruct 
him  but  the  agent,  from  whom  his  apprehensions  cannot 
be  very  great.  The  possession  of  a  profitable  office  at 
will,  the  having  a  son  in  a  high  post  at  pleasure,  the  grand 
purpose  of  his  residence  here  being  to  effect  a  change  in 
the  government  of  Pennsylvania,  for  which  administra 
tion  must  be  cultivated  and  courted,  are  circumstances 
which,  joined  with  the  temporising  conduct  he  has  always 
held  in  American  affairs,  preclude  every  rational  hope  that 
in  an  open  contest  between  an  oppressive  administration 
and  a  free  people,  Dr.  F.  can  be  a  faithful  advocate  for 
the  latter ;  or  oppose  and  expose  the  former  with  a  spirit 
and  integrity  which  alone  can,  in  times  like  these,  be  of 
any  service.  By  temporising  I  mean  consulting  the  in 
clination  of  ministers  and  acting  conformable  to  that,  not 
to  the  interests  of  the  province.  Thus  W7hen  the  Rock- 
ingham  administration  espoused  the  American  cause 
no  man  was  more  zealous  or  active  than  Dr.  F.,  since 
that  he  has  been  totally  inactive ;  and  his  particular  par- 
tizans  here,  the  Quaker  merchants,  were  opposed  to  the 
late  measure  of  petitioning  for  the  repeal  of  the  revenue 
act ;  though  the  exciting  the  merchants  and  manufac 
turers  here  to  petition  against  it  was  the  great  benefit 
expected  from  the  non-importation  agreements  with  you, 
VOL.  i.  28 


218  LIFE    OF 

which  the  Dr.  immediately  after  advised  the  Philadel- 
phians  not  to  violate.  The  artifice  of  this  is  manifest, 
that  advice  made  him  popular  in  America,  his  preventing 
the  effect  of  it  recommended  him  to  administration  here  ; 
and  in  consequence  we  see,  that  though  accounts  of 
that  letter  were  transmitted  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  the 
writer  stands  in  the  same  place  and  favour  as  before, 
though  it  is  a  fixed  rule  of  conduct  with  his  lordship  to 
displace  all  those  who  not  only  oppose,  but  who  do  not 
conform  perfectly  to  his  plan. 

I  feel  it  not  a  little  disagreeable  to  speak  my  senti 
ments  of  Dr.  Franklin,  as  your  generous  confidence  has 
placed  me  in  the  light  of  a  rival  to  him.  But  I  am 
so  far  from  being  influenced  by  selfish  motives,  that 
were  the  service  of  the  colony  ten  times  greater,  I  would 
perform  it  for  nothing  rather  than  you  and  America,  at 
a  time  like  this,  should  be  betrayed  by  a  man,  who,  it  is 
hardly  in  the  nature  of  things  to  suppose,  can  be  faithful 
to  his  trust.  Your  house  has  done  me  the  honour  unso 
licited  and  personally  unknown,  to  testify  their  approba 
tion  of  the  manner  in  which  I  have  treated  the  enemies 
of  America  and  their  particular  foes.  Such  an  approba 
tion  is  with  me  the  highest  incentive  not  only  to  oppose 
your  avowed  enemies,  but  to  detect  your  false  friends. 

I  could  have  wished  the  address  of  your  council  to  the 
new  viceroy  had  been  conceived  in  a  different  strain  from 
the  one  which  I  have  read.  The  circumstances  therein 
mentioned,  as  inducing  them  to  applaud  his  majesty's  ap 
pointment  do,  in  my  opinion,  render  the  appointment 
more  alarming  and  the  person  more  detestable  than  even 
those  of  Governor  Bernard.  The  man  who  rises  to 
the  same  bad  eminence,  by  sacrificing  every  sacred  tie 
and  every  duty  due  to  his  country  and  to  the  community, 
of  which  he  was  born  a  member,  most  surely  incurs  guilt 
of  a  much  deeper  die  than  a  stranger  who  commits  no 
such  violation  of  duty  or  of  feeling.  Such  characters  as 
that  of  Governor  Hutchinson  unhappily  occur  too  often 
in  history,  and  have  ever  been  the  bane  of  public  liberty 
and  virtue.  With  plausibility  to  conceal  their  want  of 
principle  and  ambitious  views,  and  knowledge  to  conduct 


ARTHUR    LEE.  219 

them  successfully  to  their  pernicious  ends,  they  accom 
plish  the  attainment  of  what  they  wish,  and  become  the 
most  dangerous  instruments  of  oppression ;  I  will  there 
fore  venture  to  foretell  that  Mr.  Hutchinson  will  prove 
one  of  the  most  abject  tools  of  administration,  that  ever 
disgraced  the  dignity  of  human  nature,  or  trampled  on 
the  rights  of  mankind. 

Wishing  that  I  may  not  have  trespassed  too  much  on 
your  time  and  patience,  I  remain  sir,  your  sincere  friend 
and  very  humble  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  TEMPLE,  June  23, 1772. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Since  my  last  to  you,  I  have  received 
your  two  last  favours  ;  for  which  I  cannot  express  how 
much  I  am  obliged  to  you.  I  have  reconsidered  what  I 
then  wrote  you  touching  the  policy  of  a  congress ;  and 
I  am  happy  in  retracting  my  opinion,  upon  a  full  convic 
tion  that  you  are  wiser  and  better  able  to  judge  what  is 
proper  in  this  business  than  I  can  possibly  be.  From  the 
very  beginning  of  this  dispute,  I  have  taken  that  part  in 
it  which  a  general  zeal  for  liberty,  pointed  by  a  particu 
lar  duty  to  my  country,  prompted.  I  have  been  fixed  in 
two  fundamental  opinions  on  it ;  that  the  parliament  had 
no  legislative  right  over  us,  and  that  when  firmly  united, 
we  might  maintain  our  rights  against  the  power  of  this 
country.  No  position  seemed  ever  clearer  to  me  than 
that  a  free  people  could  not  be  bound  by  laws  not  made 
or  assented  to  by  themselves.  In  so  far  as  they  were 
bound,  they  were  not  free. 

When  we  consider  from  how  much  more  feeble  be 
ginnings  other  states  have  established  their  claims  to 
freedom,  it  is  plain  that  a  fixed  resolution  only  was  want 
ing  on  our  part,  to  vindicate  our  invaded  rights. 

And  yet  I  must  confess  to  you  that  I  wished  the  dis 
pute  might  be  accommodated  without  urging  it  to  its  ut 
most.  I  foresaw  great  present  misery  to  America,  in 
bringing  it  to  such  a  decision  at  this  time  ;  and  ruin  to 
this  country,  which  I  cannot  help  revering  as  the  noble 
nurse  of  generous  freedom.  It  seemed  to  me  that  draw 
ing  a  line  between  internal  and  external  legislation, 
would  leave  us  room  enough  to  thrive  and  prosper  in,  and 


220  LIFE    OF 

this  country  sufficient  power  to  maintain  her  ground 
against  her  European  enemies.  Something,  I  thought, 
was  to  be  yielded  to  the  parent  state ;  and  as  we  were 
rising  and  she  sinking,  I  felt  it  more  desirable  that  we 
should  gradually  arrive  at  the  full  enjoyment  of  liberty 
by  inheritance,  than  by  violently  grasping  at  it,  precipi 
tate  her  fall. 

These  were  my  sentiments  ;  and  these  I  long  ago  laid 
down  in  a  periodical  paper,  written  in  Virginia,  signed 
Monitor.  The  first  wish  of  my  heart  is  that  Amerka 
may  be  free — the  second  is,  that  we  may  ever  be  united 
with  this  country.  But  this  union,  however  desirable, 
must  not  be  upon  dishonourable  and  slavish  terms.  And 
in  truth,  I  cannot  discover  a  disposition  in  this  country  to 
unite  upon  terms  fair  and  honourable  to  us,  unless  upon 
some  degree  of  compulsion.  That  degree  of  compulsion 
will,  I  think,  spring  from  a  congress  ;  and  if  it  should  not, 
such  a  measure  will  still  have  the  very  desirable  effect  of 
knitting  firmly  the  colonies  together.  When  that  is  effect 
ed,  upon  the  great  ground  of  public  liberty,  we  may  bid  de 
fiance  even  to  this  country.  Your  remark  upon  Junius 
Americanus  is  just,  and  yet  there  is  some  difference  be 
tween  defending  the  cause  here  and  with  you.  The  en 
emies  of  America  have  ever  strove  to  avoid  reasoning 
upon  the  real  question,  by  the  inflammatory  charge  of  its 
being  a  pretence  only  on  our  part  for  claiming  absolute 
independence.  Our  advocates  have  endeavoured  to  pin 
them  down  to  the  very  point  in  issue,  by  affirming  that 
no  such  claim  was  meditated,  nor  any  resistance  ever 
given  to  the  operation  of  the  supreme  authority  of  the 
British  legislature.  It  was  policy  to  force  the  adversary 
to  keep  upon  that  ground,  which  was  notoriously  unten 
able.  Neither  wrould  it  have  been  becoming  for  an  indi 
vidual  to  have  held  so  high  a  tone,  until  America  had  set 
the  key.  And  certainly  you  have  laid  down  and  main 
tained  a  position  which,  since  the  commencement  of  this 
dispute,  has  been  either  not  touched  at  all,  or  with  a 
trembling  hand.  Nor  could  any  thing  bejnaore  fortunate 
than  the  event  which  produced  your  declaration.  For  it 
appearing  to  have  been  pointed  out  to  you  and  forced 


ARTHUR    LEE.  221 

from  you  by  the  forward  and  impudent  zeal  of  Mr.  Hutch- 
inson,  no  one  imputes  it  to  any  premeditated  intention, 
similar  to  that  of  which  you  have  been  accused,.  So  that 
it  happens  with  peculiar  felicity  that  the  very  declara 
tion,  the  charge  of  which  so  exasperated  the  minds  of 
men  here,  is  now  formally  made  and  irrefragably  main 
tained,  without  exciting  one  murmur  of  reproach  or  in 
dignation.  The  whole  blame  is  visited  upon  Mr.  H., 
who  certainly  at  this  moment  totters  on  his  throne.  With 
how  much  melancholy  propriety  may  he  use  these  heart 
felt  reflections  of  Macbeth  : 

'  I  have  lived  long  enough  :  my  way  of  life 

Is  fall'n  into  the  sere,  the  yellow  leaf ; 
•    And  that  which  should  accompany  old  age, 
As  honor,  love,  obedience,  troops  of  friends, 
I  must  not  look  to  have  ;  but  in  their  stead 
Curses  not  loud,  but  deep  ;  mouth  honor,  breath, 
Which  the  poor  heart  would  fain  deny,  and  dare  not.' 

I  should  have  felt  it  as  impiety  not  to  have  wished  his 
fall ;  yet  I  pity  him  when  falling. 

I  have  marked  two  things  in  the  event  of  this  contest 
between  us  and  this  country,  which  seemed  to  have  flow 
ed  from  a  grievous  overruling  providence,  precipitating 
our  enemies  into  the  very  pit  they  had  prepared  for  us. 
Their  view  was  to  enfeeble  and  enslave  us.  To  effect 
this,  they  endeavoured  to  engage  the  public  against  us, 
by  representing  us  as  rioting  in  affluence,  in  a  land  where 
every  thing  was  plentiful,  and  nothing  taxed  ;  and  that 
our  opposition  to  their  new  system  was  grounded  merely 
upon  a  claim  of  absolute  independence.  The  people, 
taking  these  things  for  granted,  are  flocking  to  this  land 
of  milk  and  honey  ;  thereby  enriching  us  and  impover 
ishing  them.  The  numbers  that  have  shipped  themselves 
off  from  Ireland  and  Scotland  within  these  four  years, 
and  are  daily  emigrating,  is  incredible.  So  powerfully 
does  the  persuasion  work,  yet  so  opposite  to  their  inten 
tions.  From  charging  us  with  aiming  at  independency, 
they  have  brought  us  to  consider,  then  to  claim,  and  I 
think  in  God  they  will  bring  us  to  confirm  it. 

With  how  much  more  propriety  might  the  people  for 


LIFE    OF 

this,  than  for  what  the  governor  directs,  go  up  with  a 
general  thanksgiving  to  God,  who  out  of  evil  hath  mani 
festly  brought  forth  good  ;  hath  confounded  the  wicked 
in  their  own  imaginations,  and  out  of  the  malice  of  our 
enemies  hath  worked  prosperity  and  honour  to  his  ser 
vants. 

Lord  Dartmouth  is  too  insigificant,  for  you  to  regard 
what  he  says.  The  letter  you  mention  cannot  do  any 
good,  and  may  in  some  measure  be  productive  of  the 
evil  you  apprehend.  And  yet  I  hope  the  conviction  of 
the  people  is  too  strong  to  be  misled  by  false  lights.  I 
am  happy  to  hear  of  the  firmness  of  Mr.  H.,  and  have  un 
deceived  Mr.  Wilkes.  The  gentlemen  you  recommend 
shall  be  taken  care  of.  I  have  read  Mr.  Adams's  essays 
in  the  public  papers,  \vith  astonishment  at  the  depth  of 
his  law  learning.  He  will  do  our  society  honour. 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  know  that  you  and  my 
brother  Richard  Henry,  have  commenced  a  correspond 
ence.  I  recommended  it  to  him ;  and  wished  that  no 
punctilio  of  ceremony  might  prevent  a  communication 
which  must  be,  I  am  sure,  beneficial  to  the  great  and  sa 
cred  cause  of  public  liberty.  You  will  find  him  ever 
ready  to  defend,  at  all  hazards,  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
America. 

I  have  this  moment  received  information  which  I  com 
municate  to  you  in  great  confidence,  for  in  such  it  was 
trusted  with  me  by  a  peer,  no  one  being  now  admitted  to 
hear  the  debates  of  the  lords.  When  they  were  a  few 
days  since  debating  on  the  East  India  bill,  which  among 
other  things  appoints  judges  for  that  country,  Lord  Shel- 
burne  rose  and  remarked,  that  he  had  heard  nothing  of 
America  during  this  session,  that  he  saw  things  taking  a 
very  serious  aspect  in  that  country,  that  on  this  very  sub 
ject  of  judges  there  were  great  and  just  complaints,  since 
as  it  was  right  and  necessary  that  they  should  be  inde 
pendent  here,  it  was  much  more  so  that  they  should  be 
on  that  footing  in  America,  because  the  farther  power  is 
from  the  fountain  head,  the  more  danger  there  is  of  its 
abuse  ;  that  America  was  one  of  the  cables  which  kept 
our  political  vessel  from  shipwreck,  her  rights  were  sa- 


ARTHUR  LEE. 

cred,  and  we  ought  to  redress  her  grievances,  that  he  had 
congratulated  America  on  the  appointment  of  the  present 
noble  lord  to  that  department,  from  the  moderation  and 
purity  of  his  principles ;  but  he  had  hitherto  expected  in 
vain,  the  healing,  conciliatory,  and  uniting  measures, 
which  he  hoped  would  flow  from  that  noble  lord's  senti 
ments,  which  he  knew  were  once  as  friendly  to  the  colo 
nies  as  his  own. 

Lord  Dartmouth  replied  that  his  sentiments  were  the 
same  with  Lord  Shelburne's,  and  that  he  had  formed  his 
plan  of  redress  and  reconciliation,  which  he  would  carry 
into  execution  at  the  hazard  of  his  office.  I  commit  this 
intelligence  to  your  discretion ;  at  the  same  time  I  can- 
iiot  help  wishing  it  may  not  go  forth  among  the  people. 
Nothing  can  in  my  opinion  do  more  injury  to  our  cause, 
than  withdrawing  the  attention  and  confidence  of  our 
countrymen  from  themselves,  to  a  reliance  on  the  promi 
ses  of  this  country.  To  be  redressed  they  must  be  re 
spected,  to  be  respected  they  must  be  formidable,  to  be 
formidable  they  must  be  united.  You  are  now  in  a  fair 
way  of  establishing  that  union ;  for  God's  sake  let  no 
delusive  expectations  divert  you  from  it.  Were  this 
country  to  grant  you  every  thing,  they  who  call  them 
selves  our  friends  think  we  deserve,  it  would  not  be  half 
so  much  as  we  ought  to  demand.  Their  utmost  conces 
sions  flow  from  policy,  not  from  principle.  It  is  our  busi 
ness,  when  we  do  demand  a  bill  of  rights,  so  to  frame  it, 
that  no  question  hereafter  may  arise  touching  the  liber 
ties  we  ought  to  enjoy.  The  indignity  of  having  endured 
so  many  flagrant  violations  of  our  rights  is  now  over,  and 
we  may  coolly  and  circumspectly  form  our  plan,  and  pre 
pare  for  its  effectual  execution. 

With  regard  to  the  particulars  and  extent  of  Lord 
Dartmouth's  ideas  of  redress,  I  am  unacquainted  with 
them,  as  he  speaks  only  in  general  terms.  But  I  am 
sure  his  abilities  and  weight  are  not  equal  to  the  attempt. 
Lord  North,  who  keeps  him  in  his  place,  is  very  luke 
warm  in  the  business,  and  infirm  in  his  seat ;  so  that  not 
only  the  inefficiency  of  what  we  may  expect  from  them, 
but  the  improbability  of  their  being  able  to  effect  any 


224  LIFE    OF 

thing,  should  prevent  us  from  desisting  from  those  great 
and  effectual  measures,  which  will  establish  our  liberties 
upon  the  most  permanent  foundation. 

We  have  just  now  carried  Mr.  Sayre  sheriff  for  London, 
&c.  in  great  triumph,  solely  on  public  ground,  and  the 
interest  of  the  bill  of  rights.  No  men  can  be  more  de 
termined  in  the  cause  of  liberty  than  the  livery  of  Lon 
don.  I  shall  not  longer  detain  you  from  your  public  la 
bours  but  to  assure  you,  that  I  am,  with  the  truest  respect 
and  esteem,  dear  sir,  most  sincerely  yours. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S.  If  you  have  kept  any  chronological  account  of  the 
events  since  the  commencement  of  our  dispute  in  1764, 
I  shall  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  it.  The  variety  of 
pursuits  I  am  obliged  to  attend  to  impair  the  memory  of 
particulars,  and  it  will  be  exceedingly  laborious  to  revise 
all  the  papers  containing  them." 

"  MIDDLE  TEMPLE,  Dec.  24, 1772. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  have  long  waited  with  anxious  ex 
pectation  for  a  letter  from  you.  But  I  will  not  complain. 
You  have  not  neglected  the  public.  The  present  seems 
to  be  a  favourable  moment  for  exertion.  I  mean  with  a 
view  of  overthrowing  some  of  those  hypocritical  traitors 
who  reign  over  you.  As  to  any  farther  success  it  is  not 
to  be  expected.  Lord  Dartmouth  is  at  least  too  mode 
rate  a  character  to  attempt  any  thing  grand  or  decisive. 
Connected  as  he  is,  the  tenor  of  his  conduct  must  be 
very  humble. 

Lord  North,  is  for  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  a  place  which 
he  knows  to  be  precarious,  nor  will  he  hazard  the  accele 
rating  of  his  own  fall,  by  attempting  any  thing  so  unpleas- 
ing  as  the  redress  of  American  grievances  would  be,  to 
his  royal  master. 

The  East  India  business  is  like  to  engross  the  attention  of 
this  session  of  parliament.  It  seems  probable  that  govern 
ment  will  assume  tliQJura  regalia  of  that  mighty  dominion. 
This  will  fatally  extend  the  influence  of  the  crown.  Our 
constitution  is  indeed  already  infected  to  the  very  heart. 
The  ruin  however  may  be  accelerated.  Asiatic  wealth 


ARTHUR  LEE.  225 

has,  like  a  mighty  torrent,  overwhelmed  every  free  con 
stitution  upon  which  it  has  been  hitherto  turned.  But 
the  virtue  of  this  unhappy  country  has  at  once  to  con 
tend  with  the  luxury  of  the  East,  and  Scotch  treachery. 

To  one  however  who  adores  liberty,  and  the  noble  vir 
tues  of  which  it  is  the  parent,  there  is  some  consolation  in 
seeing,  while  we  lament  the  fall  of  British  liberty,  the 
rise  of  that  of  America.  Yes,  my  friend,  like  a  young 
phcenix  she  will  rise  full  plumed  and  glorious  from  her 
mother's  ashes.  The  numbers  who  are  daily  emigrating 
from  this  country,  and  the  multitudes  that  on  any  public 
calamity  will  resort  to  us,  must  in  a  little  time  lay  the 
most  permanent  foundation  of  populousness  and  power. 
America,  in  her  turn,  will  be  the  imperial  mistress  of  the 
world.  The  late  contest  turned  upon  us  the  eyes  of  all 
Europe,  and  whenever  the  people  of  it  want  refuge,  or 
to  seek  the  retreats  of  freedom,  America  will  be  their 
object. 

We  are  endeavouring  to  prepare  my  lord  Dartmouth 
for  your  representations,  by  giving  him  a  proper  idea  of 
Mr.  Hutchinson.  Sir  Francis  is  as  assiduous  in  support 
ing  him.  I  cannot  but  think  that  a  determined  opposi 
tion  on  your  part  to  the  dangerous  innovation  of  pension 
ing  the  governor  and  judges,  will  defeat  it.  It  is  so  di 
rectly  contrary  to  his  majesty's  declaration,  and  so  utter 
ly  inconsistent  with  every  constitutional  idea  concerning 
an  impartial  administration  of  justice,  that  it  cannot  be 
maintained  but  on  the  ground  of  arbitrary  policy.  The 
removal  of  Mr.  H.  would  I  think  be  a  very  great  mortifi 
cation  and  check  to  those  among  you  who  are  selling  their 
country  for  plunder  and  preferment,  I  do  not  despair  of 
this  being  effected. 

I  will  take  care  that  the  generous  conduct  of  Mr.  Otis 
to  his  assassin  shall  be  held  up  to  the  public.  I  hope 
that  gentleman  is  perfectly  recovered  from  the  conse 
quences  of  that  infamous  transaction. 

It  will  give  me  very  great  pleasure  to  hear  from  you, 
and  to  know  that  you  are  all  firm  and  unanimous  in  your 
opposition  to  arbitrary  power. 

VOL.  i.  29 


226  LIFE  OF 

I  am  dear  sir,  with  very  great  esteem,  your  sincere 
friend  and  very  humble  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  JANUARY  25th,  1773, 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  have  just  now  received  your  favour 
of  Nov.  3,  1 772,  together  with  a  pamphlet  and  some  pa 
pers,  for  which  I  am  extremely  obliged  to  you.  The 
pacquet  however  came  to  me  open,  which  I  am  told 
generally  happens  to  letters  which  come  by  Bristol ;  the 
merchants  there  being  solicitous  to  acquire  information  in 
commerce  before  it  reaches  London.  I  must  therefore 
beg  the  favour  of  you  to  be  cautious  of  writing  through 
that  channel. 

I  shall  take  the  liberty  of  putting  the  first  part  of  your 
letter  in  the  newspapers  here,  as  I  think  it  extremely 
proper  my  lord  Dartmouth  should  read  the  excellent  ad 
monition  it  contains.  I  very  much  suspect  that  the  ap 
probation  boasted  of,  is  a  forgery  of  the  pious  gover 
nor's.  Be  that  as  it  will,  'tis  fit  his  lordship  should 
know  it. 

In  truth  I  have  very  little  hope  from  Lord  Dartmouth. 
He  is  an  insignificant  character,  and  with  all  the  affecta 
tion  of  piety  and  good  intentions  towards  the  public,  he 
has  voluntarily  connected  himself  with  a  set  of  men,  the 
most  abandoned  in  private  life,  and  the  most  flagitious  in 
public,  that  this  or  any  other  nation  ever  produced.  The 
sole  inducement  to  so  infamous  a  connexion  were  the 
emoluments  of  office.  For  these  he  has  already  made 
shipwreck  of  his  character,  which  I  fear  he  will  never 
have  virtue  enough  to  retrieve.  I  have  thought  it  how 
ever  the  most  prudent  method  to  treat  him  with  tender 
ness  at  first,  but  should  he  continue  to  approve  and  sup 
port  the  conduct  of  your  pernicious  governor,  he  will  be 
treated  with  as  little  lenity  by  Raleigh,  as  his  predeces 
sor  was  by  Junius  Americanus. 

I  cannot  describe  how  much  I  am  pleased  with  the 
spirit  with  which  you  oppose  the  infringement  of  your 
rights.  I  cannot  but  hope  every  town  in  the  province 
will  harmonize  with  Boston.  Nothing  will  make  so  deep 
an  impression  here  as  a  proof  of  unanimity  and  firmness. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  227 

My  countrymen  must  ever  remember  what  I  have  before 
mentioned,  that  from  the  justice  of  the  ruling  powers  in 
this  country  they  are  to  expect  nothing,  from  their  fears 
and  necessities  every  thing.     I  agree  entirely  with  you, 
that  the  tribute,  is  the  indignity  that  must  be  done  away. 
Your  sentiments  correspond  entirely  with  those  I  signi 
fied  to  Junius  in  answer  to  his  card,  (of  which  I  sent  you 
a  copy)  in  these  words.     "The  emigration  of  our  ances 
tors,  you  are  pleased  to  say,  deserved  no  praise.     But  did 
it  deserve  the  worst  of  all  punishments,  the  loss  of  lib 
erty  ?     We  are  not  setting  up  any  new  claim,  but  oppos 
ing  it  in  you.     We  are  exclaiming  against  your  invasion 
of  those  rights  which  are  essential  to  the  existence  of 
freedom,  against    the  infringement  of  those   privileges 
which  we  have  enjoyed  and  exercised  for  more  than  a 
century.     The  question  is  not  whether  we  shall  be  per 
fectly  free,  but  whether  we  shall  be  perfectly  enslaved. 
While  the  crown  possessed  over  us  all  the  executive,  the 
judicial,  and  three-fourths  (so  at  least  it  is  in  Virginia)  of 
the  legislative  authority,  while  this  country  exercised  a 
supreme  legislative  power  respecting  our  trade,  and  while 
we  had  no  power  of  impeachment,  it  is  plain  we  were 
far  from  possessing  the  rights  of  Englishmen.     Indeed 
we  retained  but  that  single  security  of  the  constitution 
which  arises  from  giving  and  granting  our  own  money : 
and  it  is  of  that,  you  would  finally  strip  us.     It  is  for  this 
we  are  contending,  and  I  hope  shall  ever  contend  till  we 
receive  full  and  ample  satisfaction." 

The  last  signal  act  of  my  lord  Hillsborough  was  his 
declaration  of  war  against  the  Caribs  of  St.  Vincent's. 
It  is  impossible  to  conceive  a  measure  so  wicked  in  its 
principle,  and  so  weak  in  its  plan.  The  troeps  were 
sent  on  that  service  at  a  season  when  they  were  sure  of 
destruction  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  The 
intention  of  the  armament  was  to  seize  by  force  upon 
their  property,  and  if  they  refused  to  become  slaves,  to 
transport  them  to  some  desert  on  the  coast  of  Africa. 
This  is  the  plan  laid  down  in  his  letters,  which  are  now 
before  the  house.  Had  his  conduct  towards  America, 
and  the  king's  approbation  in  advancing  him  to  an  earl- 


228  LIFE    OF 

dom,  left  the  least  doubt  of  his  being  one  of  the  most 
flagitious  men  alive,  this  business  would  have  stampt 
upon  him  indelibly  that  character. 

My  lord  Chatham  and  my  lord  Shelburne  remain  faith 
ful  to  the  cause  of  this  country  and  America.  But  I 
would  wish  my  countrymen  to  remember  that  salvation 
cometh  not  from  the  east,  nor  from  the  west,  but  from 
themselves.  The  scripture  tells  us  that  to  put  our  trust 
in  princes  and  in  great  men  is  futile,  and  certainly  we 
were  never  so  respectable  here  as  when  we  seemed  to 
be  on  the  eve  of  appealing  to  God.  I  am  afraid  many  of 
my  letters  to  you  have  miscarried,  that  (which  I  think 
was  sent  by  Mr.  Story)  containing  an  answer  to  the  gov 
ernor's  resolution  in  council  against  J.  Americanus,  must 
have  failed,  as  you  have  never  mentioned  the  receipt  of  it. 
The  full  council  ought  in  justice  to  have  rescinded  so 
scandalous  a  resolve. 

Mr.  Wilkes  tells  me  he  has  information  of  Mr.  Han 
cock's  having  deserted  the  cause.  But  I  hope  he  is  mis 
informed.  It  is  sometime  since  I  sent  you  notice  of  your 
being  chosen  a  member  of  the  bill  of  rights,  which  I 
hope  you  have  received.  As  the  postage  of  letters  con 
taining  newspapers,  &c.  is  extremely  heavy,  I  have  en 
closed  you  franks  with  which  I  beg  the  favour  of  you  to 
cover  any  thing  of  that  sort  which  you  may  be  so  good 
as  to  send  me  hereafter.  As  there  is  not  so  great  cer 
tainty  of  finding  me  in  my  chambers  in  the  Temple,  as 
my  brother,  I  have  got  them  addressed  to  him. 

I  have  heard  much  of  a  sermon  preached  before  your 
assembly  by  Mr.  Tucker,  I  think,  drawing  the  line  be 
tween  obedience  and  resistance.  If  it  strikes  you  as 
worth  reading,  be  so  obliging  as  to  send  it  me. 

I  have  wrote  twice  to  Mr.  Gushing  without  receiving 
a  line  in  return.  The  seeing  Mr.  Otis  on  your  commit 
tee,  gives  me  hopes  he  is  recovered. 

With  the  warmest  wishes  for  your  health  and  success, 
I  am,  my  dear  sir,  your  most  sincere  friend, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  229 


"  TEMPLE,  June  llth,  1773. 

My  dear  Sir, — I  am  so  very  unfortunate  as  to  be  dis 
appointed  in  not  receiving  the  letter  which  your  last 
favour,  of  the  22d  April,  informs  me  you  had  written  by 
the  same  opportunity.  The  captain  can  give  no  account 
of  it ;  and  I  am  very  greatly  disappointed.  I  am  how 
ever  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  packet  I  did  re 
ceive,  as  well  as  for  the  pleasure  you  intended  me,  and 
of  which,  I  know  not  what  accident  has  deprived  me. 

There  is  but  one  opinion  here  concerning  Mr.  Hutch- 
inson's  late  conduct ;  and  that  is  in  condemnation  of  it. 
Nothing  alarms  them  more  than  that  spirit  they  flatter 
ed  themselves  was  extinguished,  and  which  they  con 
ceive  this  controversy  has  reanimated.     I  am  extremely 
rejoiced  at  the  manner  in  which  the  assembly  of  Vir 
ginia  has  taken  it  up  ;    and  I  think  it  is  now  in  a  train 
which  cannot  fail  of  conducting  us  to  what  I  have  so 
long  and  ardently  wished  for,  the  establishment  of  a  gen 
eral  and  well  weighed  petition  of  American  rights,  which 
may  be  the  fixed  object  of  American  opposition.     The 
prospect  of  a  general  war  in  Europe  strengthens  daily  ; 
and  it  is  hardly  probable  that  another  year  will  pass 
away  before  that  event.     You  cannot  therefore  be  too 
speedy  in  preparing  to  reap  the  full  advantage  of  that 
opportunity,  so  as  to  leave  the  fundamental  principles 
at   least  of  American    liberty    no   longer   questionable. 
You  have  with  great  propriety  mentioned  in  your  answer 
to  the  governor's  first  speech,  that  the  drawing  a  line 
being  an  arduous  undertaking  and  of  general  concern 
ment,  you  would  not  attempt  it  without  a  general  con 
gress.     Of  the  justice  of  this  1  am  clear,  but  doubtful  of 
its  policy.    I  cannot  help  thinking  that  the  leading  men  in 
each  assembly  communicating  with  one  another,  would 
form  a  plan  more  wise  and  well  considered  than  can  be 
expected  from  a  public  body.     And  there  would  be  no 
danger  of  effectual  opposition  to  it  in  the  different  as 
semblies,  when  the  time  came  in  which  they  could  de 
mand  a  ratification  of  it  from  this  country  with  assurance 
of  success.     My  great  objection  to  a  public  congress  is 
that  it  will  rouse  this  country,  and  perhaps  incense  her 


230  LIFE    OF 

to  some  hostile  measure.  The  only  contention  In 
which  we  are  unequal  to  her,  is  in  that  of  arms.  It 
is  not  wise  policy  therefore  to  provoke  this  issue  of  the 
dispute,  if  our  purpose  can  be  compassed  without  it. 
For  with  all  her  ill  usage  Britain  is  still  our  mother 
country.  We  are  growing  stronger  every  day,  and  she 
weaker.  Therefore  the  more  we  procrastinate  any  des 
perate  decision,  if  it  must  end  in  that,  the  fairer  will  be 
our  prospect  of  success.  But  I  conceive  such  a  termin 
ation  of  it  would  be  effectually  prevented,  if  we  deferred 
the  open  measure  of  a  congress  till  the  situation  of  this 
country,  from  its  being  involved  in  a  war,  rendered  it 
impossible  for  her  to  attempt  any  military  operation 
against  us.  My  opinion  is,  that  though  every  thing  is  to 
be  hazarded  rather  than  suffer  ourselves  to  be  enslaved, 
yet  that  if  we  can  attain  this,  and  without  bloodshed,  it 
is  our  duty  to  endeavour  it. 

Your  reply  to  the  governor's  second  speech  is  certain 
ly  unanswerable.     The  principle  of  the  argument  lies 
indeed  in  a  very  narrow  compass.     By  the  feudal  law 
as  it   has  been   adopted  into  our  constitution,  all  ter 
ritory  taken  possession  of  in  any  manner  whatsoever,  by 
the  king's  subjects,  rests  absolutely  in  him.     This  has 
been  the  law  and  the  practice  invariably  ever  since  we 
have  any  record  of  our  proceedings.     It  is  therefore  that 
the  king  has  ceded,  given,  or  granted  such  territory  to 
whom  he  pleased,  and  in  what  manner  he  pleased,  with 
out  the  intervention  or  consent  of  the  state.    By  the  state 
I  mean  here  the  supreme   legislature,  though  the  word 
sometimes  stands  for  the  king  alone ;  and  in  the  debate 
lately  in  the  house  of  commons  on  General  Burgoyne's 
motions  relative  to  acquisitions  made  in  India,  it  was  ad 
mitted  that  the  word  state,  might  imply  the  crown  or  the 
company.     Taking  it  however  to  import,  as  it  generally 
does,  and  the  governor  intends,  the  king,  lords  and  com 
mons,  there  is   not  a  single  instance  in  which  acquired 
territory  did  rest  or  was  conceived  to  rest  in  them.     So 
far  from  it,  that  the  king  since  the  last  peace  made  a 
present  of  the  conquered  and  ceded  lands  in  the  islands 
to  the  states,  which  was  thankfully  received.     Which 


ARTHUR    LEE. 

surely  would  not  have  happened  had  there  been  an  idea 
that  they  were  not  his  to  give.  Of  the  additional  ac 
quisitions  in  America  he  continues  to  dispose  at  his  pleas 
ure,  as  absolutely  his.  It  is  true  that  the  king  being  the 
head  of  the  American  states,  and  at  the  same  time  under 
the  control  of  the  two  houses  of  parliament  here,  a  vir 
tual  control  arises  to  them  from  thence  over  his  conduct 
in  America.  But  this  is  not  an  original  participation  of 
power,  but  an  incidental  arid  collateral  check  over  it. 
And  certainly  the  mistake,  or  as  I  am  more  inclined  to 
conceive  it,  the  sophistry  of  Mr.  Hutchinson,  consists  in 
not  distinguishing  between  a  direct  original  right  and  one 
that  is  merely  incidental.  Thus  when  Charles  the  First 
became  Emperor  of  Germany,  though  the  states  could 
not  claim  any  immediate  control  over  his  hereditary  do 
minions,  yet  previous  to  their  gratifying  him  in  any  de 
mand,  they  might  have  stipulated  that  certain  things 
should  be  done  in  Spain,  and  then  they  would  virtually 
govern  that  country.  It  seems  to  me  that  this  is  the  only 
method  by  which  a  British  parliament  can  constitution 
ally  interfere  in  the  government  of  the  colonies.  But 
certainly  this  is  a  great  question,  and  one  which  this 
country  will  never  concede  to  reason.  Necessity  alone 
will  prevail  with  her  to  give  up  this  claim,  however  re 
pugnant  to  constitutional  principles.  Let  it  therefore  be 
our  policy  to  watch  for  that  necessity  ;  and  in  the  mean 
time  avoid  the  risk  of  bringing  it  to  the  decision  of  force, 
in  which  alone,  we  have  any  chance  of  being  losers. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  find  words  to  express  my 
infinite  contempt  of  him  who  would  be  capable  of  so 
shameless  a  prostitution  of  character,  as  publicly  and  sol 
emnly  to  declare,  that  the  "  king  has  no  wish  but  that 
of  reigning  in  the  hearts  and  affections  of  his  people." 
There  is  not  an  action  of  his  reign,  some  few  treacher 
ous  ones  excepted,  but  what  manifest  it  to  be  his  sole 
wish  to  be  the  tyrant  of  his  people.  To  assert  a  thing 
therefore  so  notoriously  false  and  flattering,  argues  such 
a  turpitude  of  mind  as  ought  to  doom  its  possessor  to  a 
suspension  between  heaven  and  earth,  as  unworthy  of 
a  place  in  either.  You  may  depend  upon  it  that  the  late 


233  LIFE    OF 

American  Act  of  Revenue,  moved  from  the  throne  with 
an  insidious  view  of  dividing  the  American  opposition, 
that  is  by  holding  up  Rockingham,  Lord  Chatham,  Shel- 
burne  and  Camden,  who  were  then  in,  as  having  adopted 
Mr.  Grenville's  policy  with  regard  to  us. 

I  have  read  Mr.  Tucker's  sermon  with  great  pleasure. 
Lord  Chatham  and  Lord  Shelburne  approve  of  it  much, 
as  they  do  of  your  proceedings  in  the  town  and  assem 
bly.  They  certainly  do  great  credit  to  the  province,  and 
to  the  cause  of  America.  Surely  the  governor  will  not 
venture  into  the  field  of  controversy  again. 

I  shall  take  care  to  undeceive  Mr.  Wilkes  respecting 
Mr.  Hancock.  I  am  extremely  sorry  for  the  misfortune 
of  the  other. 

Dr.  Franklin  frequently  assures  me  that  he  shall  sail 
for  Philadelphia  in  a  few  weeks  ;  but  I  believe  he  will 
not  quit  us  till  he  is  gathered  to  his  fathers.  Lord  Dart 
mouth  I  understand  has  promised  to  contrive  some  me 
thod  of  admitting  the  payment  of  the  late  agents'  salary, 
without  forming  a  precedent  for  the  future.  He  is  a 
poor  wretch  ;  and  though  not  so  actively  bad,  is  yet  I 
believe  as  capable  of  adopting  any  unjust  and  arbitrary 
measure  as  my  Lord  Hillsborough.  He  forfeited  his 
honour  and  his  character  in  accepting  the  place ;  and  his 
Rhode  Island  measure  seems  to  show  that  he  is  a  man 
after  his  majesty's  own  heart,  arbitrary  and  hypocritical. 

I  am  with  great  truth,  dear  sir,  your  affectionate 
friend,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"July  21,  1773. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  am  indebted  to  you  for  yours  of  the 
13th  May,  with  the  paper  enclosed.  It  gives  me  pleasure 
to  see  every  thing,  the  minutest  expression  of  resentment 
in  the  people,  against  those  who  infamously  aid  in  op 
pressing  them.  I  confess  it  would  give  me  pain  to  think 
that  such  base  men  as  Hutchinson  and  the  commissioners 
should  profane  with  their  unhallowed  revels,  the  rewards 
of  their  treachery,  that  sacred  hall  which  a  zealous  and 
much  injured  people  have  so  often  consecrated  to  liberty. 

You  are  now  acquainted,  from  the  most  incontestible 


ARTHUR    LEE.  233 

evidence,  with  the  very  men  by  whom  you  have  been 
traduced,  and  at  whose  instigation,  co-operating  with  their 
friend  Gov.  Bernard,  so  many  atrocious  injuries  and  in 
sults  have  been  brought  upon  you.  It  will  be  astonishing 
if  the  governor  can,  after  the  damning  proofs  produced 
against  him,  even  palliate  his  conduct,  much  less  propose 
a  coalition  which  it  is  possible  for  you  to  adopt.  I 
will  trust  to  the  resentment  of  the  house  for  punishing 
him  as  far  as  they  legally  may  ;  nor  should  I  be  surpris 
ed  if  the  more  ungovernable,  though  not  less  honest  in 
dignation  of  the  people  should  make  an  immediate  sac 
rifice  of  such  an  insidious  enemy. 

You  can  certainly  judge  what  would  be  most  proper,  to 
convey  a  true  opinion  of  him  ;  the  publishing  his  letters, 
or  reading  them  in  private.  It  must  however  be  consid 
ered,  that  their  being  published  would  put  all  others  so 
much  on  their  guard  for  the  future,  that  there  would  be 
no  possibility  of  ever  furnishing  you  with  more.  And 
I  should  conceive  that  showing  them  to  the  members 
and  other  leading  people  would  answer  every  good  pur 
pose,  without  spreading  the  alarm  to  similar  knaves,  by 
making  them  public.  The  friends  of  this  bad  man  must 
be  very  audacious,  or  the  credulity  of  those  to  whom  they 
speak  unequalled,  if  after  such  specimens  of  his  former 
correspondence,  they  hope  to  affirm  with  success  that  his 
late  letters  are  c  replete  with  tenderness  to  the  province.' 

The  letters  you  have,  were  obtained  by  a  very  singular 
accident ;  and  you  may  guess  it  will  not  be  easy  to  pro 
cure  any  more,  at  least  in  a  short  time.  I  shall  try  how 
ever  to  get  from  Lord  D.  some  general  idea  of  the  char 
acter  Hutchinson  has  given  him  of  the  province.  No 
doubt  he  will  for  the  future  be  extremely  guarded,  though 
perhaps  no  human  circumspection  could  have  prevented 
the  present  detection.  May  providence  thus  always  in 
terfere  to  confound  the  politics  of  wicked  men  ;  and 
teach  even  the  worst  of  them  that  honesty  is  the  best 
policy. 

I  neither  see  nor  hear  of  any  thing  being  done  in  con 
sequence  of  Lord  Dartmouth's  promise.  Were  his  prin- 

VOL.  i.  30 


234  LIFE  OF 

ciples  ever  so  pure,  his  ability  and  weight  are  not  to  be 
relied  on.  I  am  therefore  of  opinion  that  it  will  be  best 
to  pursue  the  plan  your  own  wisdom  points  out,  to  effect 
a  union  of  all  the  colonies  on  some  general  and  conclu 
sive  grounds.  There  are  a  thousand  little  circumstances 
which  prudence  might  suggest,  with  respect  to  this 
country  ;  but  the  great  consideration  is,  that  you  will  be 
respected  and  redressed  here  exactly  in  proportion  to  the 
unanimity  and  firmness  of  you  opposition.  Fortiter  in  re, 
suaviter  in  modo  ;  concordia  res  parcce  crescunt. 
Heaven  prosper  you.  Adieu. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"August28,  1773. 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  your  last,  of  28th  June,  contain 
ing  an  account  of  the  proceedings  against  Hutchinson 
and  Oliver,  in  which  I  most  entirely  concur.  It  is  in 
deed  a  real  grief  to  me  that  the  very  name  of  our  coun 
try  should  be  stained  with  having  given  birth  to  men 
capable  of  so  much  baseness.  Mr.  Hutchinson's  mind 
seems  to  be  agitated  by  this  event  even  to  passion. 
Despondency  and  despair  will  assuredly  succeed  this 
weak  effort.  Miserable  wretch  !  if  he  be  not  totally  lost 
to  all  sense  of  virtue  and  shame,  what  a  lot  is  his  !  Fallen 
into  the  practice  of  the  vilest  informer,  he  has  as  it  were 
with  the  touch  of  Ithuriel's  spear,  started  up  in  his  own 
shape  a  fiend,  detected,  despised,  and  in  every  honoura 
ble  sense  of  the  word,  disgraced.  His  politics  confound 
ed,  his  ambition  marred,  his  gray  hairs  brought  down 
with  shame  and  sorrow  to  the  grave.  Feeling  for  him 
as  he  ought  to  feel,  while  I  despise  and  detest,  I  cannot 
but  pity  him.  How  will  the  old  and  disappointed  impos 
tor  meet  the  censure  of  the  world  ;  and  what  is  infinitely 
worse,  the  condemnation  of  his  own  heart  ?  If  patriot 
ism  meets  no  reward,  we  may  yet  I  think,  rejoice  that 
it  shields  us  from  calamities  like  these. 

Mr.  Oliver  seems  to  end  as  he  began,  the  pert,  quib 
bling,  egregious  knave. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  235 

Your  petition  remains  unpresented,  Lord  Dartmouth 
being  out  of  town.     It  is  somewhat  extraordinary  that 
several  councils  should  have  been  held  upon  the  affairs 
of  America  without  his    being   present.     I    suspect  he 
has   declared    his   determination   to   resign,    if  concili 
atory  measures   are    not   adopted.     He    is  so  strongly 
pledged  to  do  this,  that  cheap  as  I  hold  him,  I  think  he  can 
not  have  failed.     The  resolves  of  Virginia,  I  understand, 
is  the  measure  they  stomach  least.     They  have  not  yet 
however  determined  upon  any  thing.     Should  they  at 
length  resolve  to  persevere  in  defiance  of  us,  I  expect 
Lord  Dartmouth  will  resign,  and  Lord  Weymouth  suc 
ceed  him.     The  Bedford  party  and  the  king  are  for  urg 
ing  the  tyranny.     It  will  puzzle  them,  I  trust,  to  pursue 
their  plan  without  shame  and  disappointment  to  them 
selves.     If  a  general  communication  takes  place  among 
the  colonies,  as  I  cannot  doubt  it  will,   it  is  not  in  their 
power  to  prevent  our  regaining  in  the  most  ample  man 
ner,  the  rights  they  have  violated.     They  may  indeed 
protract  the  day  of  restitution,  but  it  will  finally  be  fatal 
to  the  very  power  they  wish  unduly  to  promote.     Instead 
of  an  immediate,  manly  compliance,  which  would  concili 
ate  our  respect,  they  will  wait  till  they  are  compelled  to 
an  ignominious  surrender,  which  will  create  our  contempt. 
One  cannot  but  lament  that  the  seeds  of  lasting  enmity 
and  disunion  should  be  thus  sown  between  two  brave 
people,  who  united  are  proof  against  the  world  in  arms, 
by  men  who  have  neither  worth  nor  wisdom. 

I  am  very  sensible  of  your  goodness  to  me,  and  of  the 
honour  the  house  have  done  me  in  their  directions  to  Dr. 
Franklin.  I  hope  at  least  in  zeal  and  assiduity,  I  shall 
not  disgrace  your  recommendation,  or  disappoint  the 
confidence  of  the  house.  It  will  be  more  than  a  twelve 
month  before  I  shall  be  called  to  the  bar,  till  which  time  I 
cannot  speak,  as  counsel,  before  the  council.  I  am  not 
such  a  favourite  as  to  obtain  any  relaxation  of  their  rules. 
Indeed  I  believe  the  petition  will  not  be  referred  to  a 
hearing,  unless  Hutchinson  should  come  over  and  demand 
it.  It  is  a  business  administration  would  not  wish  to 
have  agitated,  especially  in  public.  Even  bad  men  find 


236  LIFE    OF 

it  generally  convenient  to  renounce  the  traitors,  howsoev 
er  they  may  approve  the  treachery ;  and,  as  the  court 
must  be  convinced  that  the  two  criminals  having  lost  all 
confidence  with  the  people,  are  thereby  incapacitated  to 
serve  them  any  longer,  I  do  believe  they  will  be  dismiss 
ed.  I  hear  very  little  said  in  their  defence,  and  even 
that  by  insignificant  persons. 

To  corrupt  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  persons  of 
the  judges,  is  the  last  effort  of  political  wickedness.  The 
judges  who  submit  to  this  state  of  corrupt  dependence, 
ought  to  be  branded  as  enemies  to  their  country.  They 
should  experience  at  least  the  universal  and  constant  con 
tempt  of  their  countrymen.  They  will  soon  feel  their 
salaries  dearly  earned. 

May  the  great  God,  in  whose  hands  are  all  the  corners 
of  the  earth,  confirm  and  guide  you  in  that  which  alone 
can  work  our  salvation,  a  firm  union,  and  a  resolute,  un 
remitting  opposition. 

I  am,  my  dear  sir,  most  sincerely  yours, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"TEMPLE,  Oct.  13th,  1773. 

Dear  Sir, — Nothing  has  happened  since  last  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  writing  to  you.  Lord  Dartmouth  is  still  in 
the  country,  your  petition  therefore  not  delivered,  nor 
does  any  thing  transpire  relative  to  the  intentions  of  ad 
ministration. 

Lord  North  is  a  man  totally  immersed  in  the  corrup 
tion  and  emoluments  of  office,  and  who  therefore  wishes 
by  all  means  to  avoid  moving  momentous  questions. 
Yet  I  think  the  affairs  of  America  must  come  into  parlia 
ment  next  session.  Parliament  is  prorogued  to  the  23d 
Nov.,  and  unless  something  unforeseen  happens,  will  not 
meet  till  January.  They  have  therefore  full  time  for  de 
liberation.  As  to  us,  delay  may  be  distressing,  but  it  is 
not  dangerous.  Every  day  gives  us  new  light  and  new 
strength.  At  first  it  was  a  tender  point  to  question  the 
authority  of  parliament  over  us  in  any  case  whatsoever ; 
time  and  you  have  proved  that  their  right  is  equally 
questionable  in  all  cases  whatsoever.  It  was  certainly  a 


ARTHUR    LEE.  237 

great  stroke,  and  has  succeeded  most  happily.  It  will 
remain  an  authentic  record  to  vouch  in  opposition  to 
their  declaratory  act,  whenever  the  great  and  ultimate 
question  is  seriously  brought  forward.  It  stands  uncon- 
troverted.  The  champion  for  despotism,  Mr.  H.  has  in 
the  opinion  of  all  mankind  cried  Craven.  And  we  not 
only  grow  strong  in  argument,  but  in  people  to  maintain 
it ;  as  well  from  a  rapid  natural  increase  as  from  nume 
rous  emigrations.  Turning  the  prospect  a  thousand 
times  in  my  mind,  I  see  decided  victory  dwell  upon  our 
side.  This  proud  usurping  parliament  must  humble 
itself  before  us,  and  acknowledge  the  liberties  of  America 
and  England  to  have  the  same  sacred  foundation. 

Have  we  not  reason  then  my  friend  to  be  of  good 
cheer  ;  to  congratulate  ourselves  that  we  are  engaged  in 
the  cause  of  virtuous  liberty  and  truth  ?  The  present  op 
pression  may  be  painful,  but  we  shall  work  out  our  sal 
vation.  We  shall  establish  our  rights  in  adamant,  and 
rear  an  imperishable  monument  to  liberty. 

I  am  with  great  truth,  dear  sir,  your  most  sincere 
friend,  ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S. — I  had  forgot  to  mention  the  scheme  which  is 
carrying  into  execution  of  insidiously  obtaining  from  us 
the  duty  on  tea,  by  the  company,  under  an  act  of  the  last 
session,  exporting  that  commodity  to  America  on  their 
own  account,  and  paying  government  the  duty  here. 
Should  this  succeed,  the  company  will  never  be  prevailed 
on  to  petition  for  the  repeal  of  the  American  Revenue 
Act,  besides  that  its  success  may  lead  to  a  thousand 
other  artful  ways  of  enslaving  us,  by  what  alone  can 
effect  it,  our  own  acquiescence.  The  introduction  of  the 
tea  ought  I  think  therefore  to  be  opposed.  I  enclose 
you  a  letter  on  that  subject.  The  confidence  with  which 
the  least  appearance  of  safety  inspires  cowards,  should 
make  us  cautious  of  permitting  administration  to  succeed 
in  any  of  their  measures.  The  commodity  may  under 
this  manoeuvre  come  cheaper  to  the  consumer,  the  mer 
chants'  commission,  &c.  being  avoided,  but  whatever 
touches  our  liberties  should,  under  every  temptation,  be 
shunned.  Besides  when  once  they  have  fixed  the  trade 


238  LIFE    OF 

upon  us,  they  will  find  ways  enough  to  enhance  the  price. 
But  I  rest  in  your  wisdom.  A.  L." 

"  No.  33,  TOWER  HILL,  Dec.  22d,  1773. 

My  Dear  Sir, — No  new  light  has  been  thrown  upon 
American  politics  since   I  last  wrote  to  you.     My  Lord 
Dartmouth  continues  promising  every  thing  and  doing 
nothing.     His  suffering  the  order  for  paying  the  judges' 
salaries  to   remain  unsettled,  and   refusing  that  of  your 
agent,  is  a  proof  to  me  that  he  has  no  inclination  or  no 
power  to  relieve  us  in  any  thing.     The  means  of  redress 
for  the  rest  of  our  complaints  he  may  say  parliament 
only  can  minister.     But  he  can  have  no  such  excuse 
for  protracting    the    revocation    of   the    instructions    to 
the  governor,  with  which  parliament  have  no  concern. 
I  protest  to  you  it  seems  to  me  that  the  intentions  of  ad 
ministration   are   the   reverse    of   being  conciliatory  or 
remedial.     I  cannot  but  think  that  the  sending  tea  to 
America  was  a  ministerial  trick  of  Lord  North's,  who  is 
treachery  itself,  to  stir  up  again  some  violence  on  your 
part,  which  might  justify  them  in  continuing  the  present 
impositions  by  coercive   means.     The  directors  were  to 
my  knowledge  fully  apprized   of  the   consequences  of 
sending  the  tea,  and  that  it  would  end  in  a  certain  loss 
to   the  company.     But  they  were  determined   to  make 
the  trial  without  giving  one  reason  for  it,  and  it  is  well 
known  they  are  under  ministerial  influence. 

I  wish  most  sincerely  I  may  be  mistaken  in  Lord 
Dartmouth.  Perhaps  the  utter  contempt  in  which  I  hold 
him  may  beguile  my  judgment.  Had  he  done  any  one 
of  those  remedial  acts,  which,  if  he  is  minister,  were  in 
his  power,  I  should  have  some  hope.  But  how  can  it  be 
expected  that  having  violated  every  tie  of  honour  and  of 
gratitude  to  get  into  place,  he  should  behave  well  in  it. 

I  have  been  afraid  that  your  letter  to  him  would  give 
offence  to  the  other  colonies ;  and  shock  in  its  infancy 
the  union  and  confidence  which  are  so  essential  to  our 
welfare.  As  it  lays  down  a  plan  of  redress  for  the  whole, 
should  not  the  sense  of  the  whole  have  been  taken  be 
fore  it  was  authorized  by  your  house  of  assembly  ?  Let 


ARTHUR    LEE.  239 

us  suppose  the  ministry  should  pretend  to  adopt  it,  and 
several  of  the  other  colonies  should  not  be  contented, 
they  would  then  plead  that  as  you  could  not  agree  about 
the  mode,  no  relief  could  be  given.  This  would  be  a  very 
likely  means  of  involving  you  in  irreconcilable  disputes, 
and  destroying  all  confidence  and  harmony  among  you. 
I  speak  only  of  what  I  fear.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  free  people  are  always  zealous  and  umbrageous. 
Great  management  is  requisite  to  keep  such  spirits  in 
temper.  Believe  me  sir,  the  harmony  and  concurrence 
of  the  colonies  is  of  a  thousand  times  more  importance 
in  this  dispute  than  the  friendship  or  patronage  of  any 
great  men  in  England.  The  heart  of  the  king  is  hard 
ened  like  that  of  Pharaoh  against  us.  His  nobles  are  so 
servile  that  they  will  not  attempt  any  thing  to  which  he 
is  averse,  unless  necessity  should  compel  both  him  and 
them  to  assume  a  virtue  which  they  do  not  possess. 
That  necessity  must  come  from  your  general,  firm,  per 
manent  opposition.  To  cultivate  and  preserve  that,  is 
therefore  the  first  object  of  American  policy.  The  op 
eration  of  it  though  slow,  will  be  certainly  successful. 

Our  valuable  friend  Mr.  Temple  is  in  some  distress  at 
present.  Mr.  Whately  has  raised  a  suspicion  of  his 
having  taken  from  him  clandestinely  the  letters  sent  to 
you.  A  duel  has  been  the  consequence,  in  which  Mr. 
Whately  was  wounded.  Many  scandalous  falsehoods 
have  been  circulated  by  Mr.  Temple's  enemies,  impeach 
ing  his  fairness  in  the  encounter,  at  which,  by  Mr.  Whate 
ly 's  desire,  there  were  no  seconds.  Mr.  T.  will  give 
them  a  complete  answer  as  soon  as  Mr.  W.  is  entirely 
out  of  danger.  He  received  no  wound.  There  is  no 
man  more  obnoxious  to  Hillsborough,  Bernard,  Knox, 
and  all  that  tribe  of  determined  enemies  to  truth,  to 
virtue,  liberty  and  America. 

Your  petition  against  the  base  betrayers  of  their  coun 
try  remains,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  sub  judicc.  Lord  Shel- 
burne  will  endeavour  to  have  the  complaints  of  America 
attended  to,  their  situation  examined,  and  their  grievances 
redressed  in  the  ensuing  session  of  parliament.  For  the 
.interest  and  happiness  of  both  countries  it  is  my  most 


240  LIFE    OF 

earnest  wish  that  moderation  and  justice  may  govern  for 
once  the  measures  of  this  administration. 

I  am  jours  most  truly,  ARTHUR   LEE." 

"  LONDON,  Feb.  8th,  1774. 

Dear  Sir, — I  informed  you  in  my  last  of  the  insolent 
abuse  which  the  solicitor-general,  Mr.  Wedderburne,  pour 
ed  forth  against  Dr.  Franklin  before  the  privy  council,  at 
the  hearing  of  your  petition.  Dr.  Franklin  bore  it  all 
with  a  firmness  and  equanimity  which  conscious  integri 
ty  alone  can  inspire.  The  insult  was  offered  to  the  peo 
ple  through  their  agent ;  and  the  indecent  countenance 
given  to  the  scurrilous  solicitor  by  the  members  of  the 
privy  council,  was  at  once  a  proof  of  the  meanness  and 
malignity  of  their  resentment.  I  enclose  you  some  pa 
pers,  in  which  you  will  see  Mr.  Wedderburne  treated  as 
he  deserves. 

I  mentioned  that  they  threatened  to  take  away  Dr. 
Franklin's  place.  That  threat  they  have  now  executed. 
The  same  cause  which  renders  him  obnoxious  to  them, 
must  endear  him  to  you.  Among  other  means  of  turning 
their  wickedness  to  their  own  confusion  and  loss,  this  of 
the  post-office  is  not  the  least  desirable,  or  most  difficult. 
Though  not  a  tax  in  its  principles,  it  is  in  its  operation. 
It  produces  already  £3000  yearly,  and  is  hourly  increas 
ing.  This  revenue  therefore  alone  would  furnish  most 
fearful  means  of  corruption.  We  see  from  the  violent 
and  ungrateful  treatment  of  Dr.  F.,  whose  wisdom  and 
industry  alone  has  fostered  it  from  being  worse  than 
nothing,  to  its  present  prosperous  state,  that  it  is  expect- 
ted  the  post-master  shall  be  an  enemy  to  America.  In 
every  view  therefore,  it  is  our  duty  to  frustrate  by  all 
means  so  pernicious  an  institution.  The  means  are  in 
your  hands,  and  easily  applied.  Let  the  merchants  of 
Boston,  New-York,  and  Philadelphia,  support  carriers  by 
subscription,  who  shall  deliver  all  letters  post  free,  and 
this  imposition  will  inevitably  fail. 

The  present  time  is  extremely  critical  with  respect  to 
the  measures  which  this  country  will  adopt  relative  to 
America.  From  the  prevailing  temper  here,  I  think  you 


ARTHUR    LEE.  241 

ought  to  be  prepared  for  the  worst.  It  seems  highly  proba 
ble  that  an  act  of  parliament  will  pass  this  session,  enabling 
his  majesty  to  appoint  his  council  in  your  province.  On 
Tuesday  last  the  Earl  of  Buckinghamshire  made  a  motion 
in  the  house  of  lords  for  an  address  to  the  king,  to  lay  be 
fore  them  the  communications  from  Gov.  Hutchinson  to  the 
secretary  of  state.  He  prefaced  his  motion  with  declaring, 
that  these  papers  were  to  be  required  merely  out  of  form  ; 
for  that  the  insolent  and  outrageous  conduct  of  that  pro 
vince  was  so  notorious,  that  the  house  might  well  pro 
ceed  to  punishment  without  any  farther  information  or 
enquiry.  That  it  was  no  longer  a  question  whether  this 
country  should  make  laws  for  America,  but  whether  she 
should  bear  all  manner  of  insults  and  receive  laws  from 
her  colonies.  That  Dr.  Franklin  was  here,  not  as  an 
agent  of  a  province,  but  as  an  ambassador  from  the  states 
of  America.  That  he  could  not  compare  his  embassy  to 
any  thing  but  that  sent  by  Louis  XIV.  to  the  republic  of 
Genoa,  commanding  the  doge  to  come  and  prostrate  him 
self  at  Versailles,  to  appease  the  resentment  of  the  grand 
monarque.  One  can  hardly  conceive  a  man's  uttering 
such  an  absurd  rhapsody  even  in  the  delirium  of  a 
dream,  much  less  in  a  deliberate,  premeditated  speech, 
and  upon  the  most  important  question  to  this  country 
that  can  ever  come  before  the  legislature.  He  was  an 
swered  by  the  Earl  of  Stair,  who  said  it  could  be  consist 
ent  neither  with  humanity,  justice,  nor  policy,  to  adopt 
the  noble  lord's  ideas  against  America.  Lord  Dartmouth 
then  begged  the  motion  might  be  withdrawn,  not,  as  he 
said,  from  any  desire  to  throw  cold  water  on  the  noble 
lord's  zeal,  but  because  the  despatches  were  not  yet  ar 
rived,  and  they  would  be  laid  before  the  house  in  due 
time.  The  motion  was  withdrawn. 

Lord  Dartmouth  declaring  that  he  did  not  mean  to 
throw  cold  water  on  such  zeal,  might  proceed  from  the 
affected  meekness  of  his  temper,  or  from  his  approba 
tion  of  it.  Indeed  the  insincerity  and  insignificancy 
of  the  man  make  his  motive  very  immaterial. 

By  very  late  letters  from  New- York  we  understand  that 

VOL.  i.  31 


242  LIFE    OF 

it  is  settled  to  return  the  tea,  as  at  Philadelphia ;  and 
that  the  governor  will  not  interfere.  This  completes  the 
history  of  that  unfortunate  adventure;  but  it  leaves  Bos 
ton  singled  out  as  the  place  where  the  most  violence  has 
been  offered  to  it.  Your  enemies  here  will  not  fail  to 
take  advantage  of  it,  and  Mr.  Hutchinson's  representa 
tions  I  presume  will  not  soften  the  matter.  They  will 
shut  their  eyes  to  what  is  obvious,  that  his  refusal  to  let 
it  repass  the  fort  compelled  you  to  that  extremity.  Be 
prepared  therefore  to  meet  some  particular  stroke  of  re 
venge  during  this  session  of  parliament ;  and  instead  of 
thinking  to  prevent  it,  contrive  the  means  of  frustrating 
its  effect.  I  have  already  mentioned  the  alterations  of 
your  charter  relative  to  the  election  of  the  council ;  but 
I  am  in  hopes  true  patriotism  is  too  prevalent  and  deep- 
rooted  among  you,  to  suffer  them  to  find  twelve  men  even 
upon  the  new  establishment  abandoned  enough  to  betray 
their  country.  I  am  willing  to  flatter  myself  that  there 
are  not  six  such  men  as  Hutchinson  and  Oliver  in  the 
whole  province. 

If  our  wise  men  here  should  think  proper  to  publish  a 
second  edition  of  the  Rhode  Island  commission,  ground 
ed  on  the  governor's  lucubrations  on  the  treason  commit 
ted  by  the  town-meeting  and  the  Mohawks,  what  recep 
tion  will  it  meet  with  in  Boston? 

I  am,  my  dear  sir,  your  most  sincere  friend, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE. 


243 


APPENDIX  II. 

The  following  is  the  commencement  of  a  memoir  of  the  American  revolution  which 
Mr.  Arthur  Lee  did  not  live  to  complete.  Much  of  what  he  did  write  has  been 
lost,  and  but  a  mutilated  scrap  can  be  presented  to  the  reader. 

MEMOIRS  are  the  handmaids  of  history.  They  fur 
nish  her  with  facts,  which  are  the  foundation  of  her 
work.  They  enable  her  to  trace  to  their  true  though  se 
cret  motives,  actions  which  would  otherwise  appear  dark 
and  incomprehensible.  By  these  she  developes  what  is 
hid,  and  illuminates  what  is  obscure.  Memoir-writings 
therefore,  though  they  may  be  of  less  dignity,  are  not  of 
less  utility  than  history. 

It  is  to  aid  in  placing  the  history  of  the  American  revo 
lution  in  its  true  light,  that  the  following  memoirs  are 
written.  The  author  of  them  was  concerned  in  its  events 
from  its  commencement  to  its  conclusion.  He  was  em 
ployed  generally  in  the  highest  stations,  and  in  the  most 
secret  and  confidential  transactions.  He  always  preserv 
ed  the  original  papers  and  letters,  on  which  he  founded 
the  journal  from  which  the  following  memoirs  are  extract 
ed.  He  is  therefore  sure  of  their  authenticity,  as  well  as 
of  his  determination,  "we  quid  falsl  dicere;  ne  quid  acre 
narrare." 

The  writer  of  these  memoirs  wTas  in  London  when  the 
repeal  of  the  stamp-act  was  agitated  in  both  houses  of 
parliament.  He  heard  Mr.  Pitt*  and  Lord  Camden  de 
liver  those  celebrated  speeches  on  this  question,  which 
would  have  immortalized  them  as  orators  and  statesmen. 
Though  the  obnoxious  act  was  repealed,  yet  he  was  per 
suaded  that  the  spirit  which  dictated  it  and  was  still 
resting  near  the  throne,  was  not  changed.  With  this  im 
pression  he  returned  to  Virginia. 

*  Never  were  the  power  and  fascination  of  eloquence  more  strongly  exemplified 
than  in  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Pitt.  *  *  *  *  [The  rest  of  the  note 
is  obliterated.  ] 


244  LIFE  OF 

It  was  not  long  before  his  apprehensions  were  realiz 
ed,  by  the  passage  of  an  act  of  the  British  parliament 
for  imposing  duties  on  tea,  paper,  glass,  &c.  exported  to 
the  colonies.  This  was  changing  the  mode,  but  preserv 
ing  the  principle  of  the  stamp-act.  This  was  soon  and 
ably  pointed  out  in  some  periodical  letters,  under  the  sig 
nature  of  a  Pennsylvania  Farmer.  These  letters  were 
written  in  a  popular  style,  were  universally  read,  and  as 
universally  admired. 

T  endeavoured  to  aid  their  operation  in  alarming  and 
informing  my  countrymen,  by  a  series  of  letters  under 
the  signature  of  the  Monitor.  In  the  course  of  a  few 
months  it  was  manifest  that  the  people  of  this  continent 
were  not  disposed  to  be  finessed  out  of  their  liberties ; 
and  as  I  knew  that  the  British  cabinet  was  determined  to 
enforce  rather  than  abandon  the  usurpation,  I  was  per 
suaded  that  a  very  serious  contest  was  approaching.  To 
prepare  for  that  was  the  next  object  of  my  mind.  The 
most  effectual  way  to  accomplish  this,  it  seemed  to  me, 
was  to  form  a  correspondence  with  leading  patriotic  men 
in  each  colony.  I  wrote  myself  to  London,  where  the 
acquaintance  I  had  would  enable  me  to  obtain  speedy  and 
accurate  information  of  the  real  designs  of  the  British 
ministry,  which  being  communicated  to  leading  men  in 
the  several  colonies,  might  enable  them  to  harmonize  in 
one  system  of  opposition,  since  on  this  harmony  the  success 
of  their  opposition  would  depend.  In  pursuance  of  this 
plan  I  went  to  Maryland,  to  Philadelphia,  and  New-York. 
The  men  I  had  in  contemplation  were  Mr.  Daniel  Dula- 
ny,  who  had  written  some  able  pieces  styled  Considera 
tions  on  the  Stamp-Act;  Mr.  John  Dickinson,  who  was 
the  author  of  the  celebrated  Farmer's  Letters ;  and  the 
leader  of  the  Livingston  party  in  New-York,  who  is  at 
present  governor  of  New  Jersey. 

I  found  Mr.  Dulany  so  cold  and  distant  that  it  seemed 
in  vain  to  attempt  any  thing  with  him.  Mr.  Dickinson 
received  me  with  friendship,  and  the  contemplated  corre 
spondence  took  place.  Mr.  Livingston,  of  New- York, 
was  absent  from  the  city  in  the  country,  lamenting  the 
death  of  a  child,  so  that  I  did  not  see  him.  The  time  I 


ARTHUR  LEE.  245 

was  to  sail  for  England  now  approached ;  I  could  not 
therefore  proceed  farther  eastward.  Embarking  with 
one  of  my  brothers,  we  arrived  safe  in  London. 

The  proceedings  against  Mr.  Wilkes  at  this  time  agi 
tated  the  nation.  Mr.  Wilkes  was  the  idol  of  the  people, 
and  the  abhorrence  of  the  king.  All  the  power  of  pre 
rogative,  all  the  influence  of  the  crown,  and  every  prac 
ticable  perversion  of  law,  were  employed  to  subdue 
him.  Of  courage,  calm  and  intrepid,  of  a  flowing  wit, 
accommodating  in  his  temper,  of  manners  convivial  and 
conversible,  an  elegant  scholar,  and  well  read  in  constitu 
tional  law,  he  stood  the  atlas  of  popular  opposition. 
Such  was  the  man  against  whom  the  wrhole  powers  of 
the  crown  were  mustering  their  rage ;  and  whom,  to  use 
the  words  of  Junius,  "  the  rays  of  royal  indignation  col 
lected  upon  him,  served  only  to  illuminate,  but  could  not 
consume."  Mr.  Wilkes  was  then  confined  in  the  King's 
Bench,  as  the  printer  and  publisher  of  the  Essay  on  Woman. 
The  city  of  London  was  the  strong  hold  of  popular  op 
position,  and  the  society  of  the  bill  of  rights  the  most 
active  in  conducting  it.  This  society  consisted  of  real 
or  pretended  personal  friends  of  Mr.  W.;  but  some  insinu 
ated  themselves  with  very  different  views. 

Having  taken  this  view  of  the  political  condition  of 
England,  I  formed  the  plan  of  connecting  myself  with 
the  opposition  ;  and  the  grievances  of  America,  with  those 
of  England.  For  these  purposes  I  became  a  member  of 
the  bill  of  rights,  and  purchased  the  freedom  and  livery 
of  the  city  of  London.  By  these  means  I  acquired  a 
voice  and  influence  in  all  the  measures  of  that  society, 
and  in  the  proceedings  and  elections  of  the  city.  An  ac 
quaintance  with  Mr.  Wilkes  soon  grew  into  intimacy  and 
confidence.  The  arbitrary  views  of  the  crown  originated 
in  the  same  spirit  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  To  sensi 
ble  men  therefore,  the  combining  of  the  complaints  of 
the  people  of  America  and  England,  appeared  just  and 
politic.  I  procured  the  introduction  of  the  grievances  of 
America  into  the  famous  Middlesex  Petition;*  and  to 

*  This  waa  not  effected  but  with  great  trouble  and  difficulty,  even  in  the  follow 
ing  general  words.     ««  The  same  discretion  has  been  extended  by  the  same  evil 


246  LIFE   OF 

keep  them  alive  in  the  popular  mind,  I  commenced  and 
continued  a  periodical  paper,  under  the  signature  of  Junius 
Americanus.  My  brother  established  himself  in  London, 
was  elected  an  alderman  and  one  of  the  sheriffs.  Our 
footing  was  now  strong,  and  the  American  cause  was  firm 
ly  united  with  that  of  England.  During  these  transac 
tions  I  studied  the  law  in  Lincoln  Inn  and  the  Middle 
Temple,  and  being  called  to  the  bar,  practised  in  the 
king's  bench  and  on  the  home  circuit.  This  situation  in 
creased  my  opportunities  of  serving  my  country. 

Lord  Hillsborough  was  then  first  lord  of  trade.  Fre 
quent  conversations  with  him  convinced  me  that  the  min 
istry  were  fixed  in  prosecuting  their  American  plan,  and 
were  determined  to  make  such  alterations  in  the  colonial 
governments,  as  should  accommodate  them  to  the  new 
system  of  parliamentary  power.  A  government  west 
of  the  Alleghany  mountains  was  to  be  constituted  on  this 

new  ministerial  model,  under  the  name  of  Vandalia ; 

and were  the  principal  proprietors  in  this  grant,  and 

the  most  active  petitioners  for  it. 

Of  the  disposition  and  intentions  of  the  administration 
I  kept  my  correspondents  in  America  constantly  inform 
ed,  with  this  constant  opinion,  that  they  must  prepare  to 
maintain  their  liberties  at  all  hazards.  My  conduct  in 
England  had  reached  America  in  so  favourable  a  light, 
that  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachusetts  elect 
ed  me  their  agent  in  case  of  the  absence  or  death  of  Dr. 
Franklin.  At  that  time  I  was  not  personally  known  to 
any  member  of  the  house.  The  answer  to  the  speaker 
of  the  house  of  representatives,  the  Hon.  Thomas  Gush 
ing,  was  as  follows. 

"  MIDDLE  TEMPLE,  January  6th,  1771. 

Sir, — I  have  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  favour  of 
the  23d  November  1770,  intimating  to  me  the  pleasure 

counsellors  to  your  majesty's  dominions  in  America,  and  has  produced  to  our  suffer 
ing  fellow  subjects  in  that  part  of  the  world,  grievances  and  apprehensions  similar 
to  those  of  which  we  complain  at  home. "  The  subject  was  novel,  supported  only  by 
myself,  almost  a  stranger,  and  appeared  to  many  of  the  leading  men  to  be  foreign 
to  their  purpose. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  247 

of  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachusetts  bay  re 
specting  their  agency. 

Do  me  the  favour  sir,  of  accepting  my  thanks  for  the 
very  obliging  manner  in  which  you  have   signified   to 
me  the  intentions  of  the  house ;  and  suffer  me  to  con 
vey  through  you  my  warmest  acknowledgments  to  the 
house,  for  this  distinguished  and  unmerited  mark  of  their 
confidence.     The  approbation  of  a  free  people   I  shall 
ever  deem  the  most  desirable  and  their  service  the  most 
honourable.      Especially  am  I  flattered  by  the  generous 
confidence  of  a  representative  body,  who  have  uniformly 
asserted  the  constitutional  rights  of  their  constituents 
and  eventually  of  all  America,  against  the  insidious  and 
incendiary  arts  of  government  with  a  dignity,  discern 
ment  and  wisdom  which  have  forced  the  applause  of  the 
present,  and  will  secure  to  them  the  veneration  of  all 
future  times.      Feeling  the  same  zeal  for  the  sacred 
cause  of   American   liberty  which  eminently  animates 
your  house,  and  having  a  lively  sense  of  the  particular 
oppressions  of  your  province,  I  may  venture  to  assure 
you  sir,  that  if  ever  the  trust  should  devolve  upon  me, 
out  of  the  abler  hands  in  which  their  wisdom  has  now 
placed  it,  I  will  to  the  utmost  of  my  power  watch  over 
their  rights  and  co-operate  with  them  to  obtain  a  redress 
of  grievances,  and  to  fix  our  constitutions  on  a  clear  and 
permanent  foundation.    It  is  incumbent  on  me  however, 
and  I  willingly  embrace  this  opportunity    to    declare, 
that  America  must  depend  on  herself  for  obtaining  the 
security  and  redress  she  wishes.     From  this  country  a 
secondary  support  only  is  to  be  expected.     It  appears  to 
me  that  nothing  can  be  more  necessary  than  that  this 
truth  should  be  well  understood,  lest  too  much  confi 
dence  in  others  should  lull  us  into  a  fatal  security,  or 
slacken  those  patriotic  exertions  which  to  be  effectual 
should  be  ardent  and  unremitting.     America  must  work 
her  own  salvation.    His  majesty's  present  ministers  have 
brought  the  trial  so  fully  forward  as  to  render  unremon- 
strating  submission  perfect  slavery.     They  have  substi 
tuted  discretion  for  law,  and  set  the  principles  of  the  con 
stitution,  which  should  be  fixed  and  free,  afloat  upon  the 


248  LIFE    OF 

merciless  and  fluctuating  sea  of  arbitrary  will.  Not  to 
oppose  this  most  pernicious  system  would  be  a  crime,  to 
oppose  it  unsuccessfully  will  be  only  our  misfortune. 
After  juries  have  been  abolished  by  the  present  establish 
ment  of  admiralty  courts,  or  rendered  nugatory  by  the 
partial  conduct  of  prerogative  judges,  our  assemblies  to 
every  great  purpose  of  the  constitution  almost  annihilat 
ed,  property  disposed  of  without  the  consent  of  the  peo 
ple,  in  short  when  the  representative  part  of  the  consti 
tution,  the  legislative,  executive  and  judicial  powers  are 
completely  torn  from  us,  and  vested  in  our  arbitrary 
rulers,  what  farther  badge  of  slavery  have  ministers  to 
impose,  or  we  to  wear.  Yet  if  force  and  lawless  power 
must  at  present  prevail,  still  it  behoves  us  to  protest 
against  that  which  we  cannot  prevent,  and  bear  our  tes 
timony  before  God  and  man,  that  we  did  not  submit 
without  a  struggle  to  this  humiliating  state  of  absolute 
bondage  ;  that  our  posterity  when  they  have  power,  and 
power  they  will  have,  may  not  want  spirit  and  example 
to  reclaim  those  liberties  which  their  forefathers  reluct 
antly  resigned.  You  will  pardon  me  sir,  if  I  have  tres 
passed  upon  your  patience.  '  Out  of  the  fulness  of  the 
heart  the  mouth  speaketh.'  My  heart  is  filled  with  grief 
and  indignation  for  the  oppressions  of  my  country  ;  and 
my  tongue  shall  sooner  cease  to  move  than  to  remon 
strate  against  them.  Convinced  of  the  righteousness  of 
the  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged,  since  nothing  tends 
more  to  debase,  vitiate,  and  abuse  mankind,  than  the 
tyrannic  system  we  are  opposing,  we  may  well  trust  that 
heaven  will  assist  our  earnest  endeavours,  and  direct 
them  to  a  happy  issue  out  of  all  our  difficulties. 

That  the  blessing  of  Almighty  God  may  prosper  all 
your  councils  I  most  sincerely  pray. 

And  am  with  great  respect,  honourable  sir,  your 
friend  and  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

The  rescinding  the  non-importation  agreement  by  a 
formal  act  of  the  merchants  of  New- York  about  this 
time,  gave  a  great  shock  to  the  friends  of  America  in 
England,  and  seemed  to  threaten  the  dissolution  of  all 
effectual  opposition  in  America. 


ARTHUR   Lfcfc*  249 

A  friend  to  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  of  Boston,  had  recom 
mended  to  me  the  establishing  a  correspondence  with 
Mr.  Adams.  As  it  coincided  with  my  views,  I  readily 
adopted  his  advice,  and  wrote  to  him  as  follows* 

"MIDDLE  TEMPLE,  January  10,  1771. 

Sir, — Our  friend  Mr.  Sayre  has  done  me  the  favour  of 
communicating  to  me  your  very  obliging  invitation  to  a 
correspondence.  An  honour  which  I  accept  with  great 
pleasure,  because  I  have  long  respected  your  character, 
though  your  person  was  unknown  to  me.  It  will  always 
make  me  happy  to  submit  my  sentiments  on  the  present 
state  of  politics,  so  very  alarming  to  public  liberty,  to 
one,  with  whom  I  flatter  myself  I  shall  entirely  harmo 
nize  in  views  of  public  good.  It  will  be  peculiarly  unfortu 
nate  when  the  foes  of  liberty  and  virtue  are  conspiring  to 
gether  manifestly  to  subvert  the  constitution,  if  the  friends 
of  freedom  should  stand  single  and  un-united,  to  fall  un- 
pitied  sacrifices  in  an  unavailing  struggle.  And  certainly, 
despicable  as  those  are  who  meditate  our  ruin,  they  set 
us  an  example  of  union,  secrecy  and  perseverance,  which 
highly  deserves  our  imitation.  Nothing  escapes,  of  the 
conferences  between  Lord  Hillsborough  and  Governor 
Bernard.  Their  doings  are  kept  perfectly  secret,  and 
by  the  instructions  to  the  wretched,  because  dishonest 
Hutchinson,  they  seem  determined  to  fix  an  hermetic 
seal  on  all  the  springs  of  their  movements  with  you.  I 
have  great  comfort,  however,  in  perceiving  with  what 
sagacity  your  house  developes  their  designs,  and  the  firm 
ness  with  which  you  oppose  them.  Even  the  plausibili 
ty  of  a  Hutchinson  is  not  equal  to  the  task  of  evading 
that  vigilance,  which  marks  the  representatives  of  your 
province  as  the  real  guardians  of  the  people's  rights.  In 
that  truly  respectable  and  patriotic  house,  you,  sir,  stand 
eminently  distinguished;  and  as  a  friend  to  liberty  I 
have  long  been  thankful  to  you  for  your  wise  and  spirited 
exertions  in  its  defence,  without  having  had  an  opportu 
nity  of  offering  you  my  thanks.  Do  me  the  favour  to 
accept  them  now,  and  be  assured  that  whatever  may  be 
the  event  of  the  contest,  they  who  have  stood  honestly 

VOL.  i.  32 


250  LIFE    OF 

forth  in  defence  of  the  liberties  of  their  country,  will  have 
their  reward  in  the  applause  at  least  of  all  the  worthy 
part  of  mankind* 

The    infraction   of  the    non-importation   associations 
with  you,  has  operated  here  like  an  opiate  on  all  but  the 
enemies  of  America.     It  has  either  benumbed  their  ex 
pectations,  or  quieted  their  apprehensions,  so  as  to  make 
them  believe  the  American  opposition  entirely  annihilat 
ed.     It  is  plain,  however,  that  our  enemies  are  not  so 
deceived,  since  they  are  strengthening  the  hands  of  op 
pression  with  you,  and  taking  every  precaution  to  render 
their  despotic  system  as  permanent  as  it  is  pernicious. 
We  have,  therefore,  now  little  to  expect  from  the  public 
here,  and  still  less  from  the  leading  men  in  this  nation. 
From  this  number,  however,  I  am  bound  in  truth  to  ex 
cept  the  lords   Chatham,  Shelburne  and  Camden,   and 
Col.  Barre,  who  very  sincerly  wish,  as  I  well  know,  to 
restore  to  us  our  violated  rights,  and  the  constitution  as  we 
formerly  enjoyed  it.     Two  evils  have  arisen  from  the 
manner  in  which  the  associations  have  been  broken, 
which  I  am  much  afraid  are  irremediable — the  loss  of  all 
character  here  with  the  public,   and  the  destruction  of 
that  confidence  and  harmony  among  the  colonies,  so  es 
sentially  necessary  to  unite  their  efforts  and  render  them 
successful  in  the  common  cause.     To  regain  the  opinion 
of  the  public  here,  and  reunite  the  affections  and  opera 
tions  of  the  colonies,  is  a  task,  however  arduous,  that 
must  be  undertaken.     I   can  hardly  think  that  the  best 
plan  of  opposition  will  otherwise  succeed.     Might  it  not 
effect  this  to  establish  a  correspondence  among  the  lead 
ing  men  of  each  province,  that  you  might  harmonize  in 
any  future  measure  for  the  general  good  in  the  several 
assemblies.      Unanimity  among  yourselves  will  render 
you  formidable  and  respected  here.     I  observe  that  those 
who  write  in  the  public  papers  here  against  your  town, 
are  furnished  with  very  speedy  and  accurate  intelligence 
on  all  political  affairs  with  you,  which  they  communicate 
in  such  portions  and  manner  as  may  best  prejudice  the 
public  and  promote  their  purposes.     I  have  often  lament 
ed  the  want  of  authentic  information  to  refute  them, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  251 

where  from  the  general  complexion  of  their  story  I  con 
jectured  it  was  fraudulent  and  false.  It  will  not,  how 
ever  do  to  hazard  one's  conjecture  on  this  ground,  be 
cause  being  once  wrong  would  fix  mistrust  on  every 
future  attempt.  I  shall  therefore  be  always  obliged  to 
you  for  such  intelligence  as  will  enable  me  to  detect  their 
falsehoods,  and  defend  the  province  and  the  town  from 
their  unjust  aspersions.  The  character  you  give  of  Mr. 
H — h — n  is  exactly  conformable  to  the  idea  I  had  form 
ed  of  him.  The  lust  of  power,  not  worthy  of  being  dig 
nified  with  the  name  of  ambition,  is  the  animating  prin 
ciple  of  his  conduct ;  and  duplicity,  the  mould  in  which 
he  casts  it.  His  public  acts  show  him  to  be  a  devoted 
tool  of  the  present  government,  and  I  could  not  brand 
my  bitterest  foe  with  a  more  odious  appellation. 

My  Lord  Sandwich,  "  homo  omnium  quos  terra  sustinet 
seder atissimus"  is  made  secretary  of  state  on  the  resig 
nation  of  Lord  Wey mouth.  The  cause  of  his  resignation 
is  supposed  to  be  the  accommodation  which  is  contriving 
with  Spain,  too  infamous  it  seems  even  for  him  to  coun 
tenance.  Madame  Barre  has  gained  the  entire  ascend 
ancy  in  the  French  cabinet,  in  consequence  of  which 
Chosieul,  who  was  for  peace,  is  supplanted.  Upon  the 
whole,  I  believe  it  will  hardly  be  in  the  power  of  our  ab 
ject  ministers  to  avoid  a  war ;  and  if  so,  America  will,  for 
the  present,  suffer  no  farther  oppression.  Indeed  if  she  is 
wise,  then  will  be  the  time  to  insist  on  a  bill  of  rights, 
before  she  lends  her  blood  and  treasure  to  increase  that 
power  which  is  turned  to  her  destruction. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  with  very  great  respect, 
your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

At  this  time  the  disposition  of  the  court  of  Spain  seem 
ed  so  inclined  to  war,  that  though  it  was  as  little  the  wish 
of  the  ministry  to  hazard  themselves  in  that  field,  as  it 
formerly  was  that  of  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  yet  the  bold 
proceedings  of  the  Spaniards  seemed  to  render  it  in 
evitable.  The  ministry  were  constantly  goaded  to  it  by 
the  opposition,  as  a  rock  on  which  they  must  be  wreck- 


252  LIFE    OF 

ed.  Every  one  knows  by  what  a  shameful  submission 
they  appeased  the  wrath  of  Spain.  The  manner  in  which 
the  non-importation  agreement  had  been  violated  in 
America  dwelt  heavily  on  my  mind.  The  bad  conse 
quences  of  it  appeared  alarming  in  proportion  to  the  high 
expectations  which  were  founded  on  it.  I  was  deceived 
both  in  my  expectations  and  apprehensions.  There  are 
indeed  so  many  unforeseen  circumstances  which  defeat 
the  best  concerted  political  projects,  that  an  experienced 
politician  will  build  upon  them  with  extreme  caution.  The 
anxiety  of  my  mind  dictated  the  following  part  of  a  let 
ter  to  Mr.  John  Dickinson,  dated  January  10th,  1771. 

"  From  this  pleasing  prospect  I  must  now  turn  to  the 
melancholy  view  of  our  political  state.    When  I  speak  of 
my  country  it  is  in  the  despair  and  grief  of  my  heart.    She 
is  undone.     That  virtue  which  alone  could  have  saved 
her  does  not  exist.     There  is  in  my  apprehension  a  fatal 
sympathy  between  the  merchants  and  the  people.     The 
former  would  never  have  hazarded  such  copious  import 
ations  had  they  not  been  assured  that  the  latter  would 
purchase  them.     And  if  our  liberties  are  not  worth  the 
difference  between  a  homespun  and  a  broadcloth  coat, 
between  a  worsted  and  a  silk  stocking  in  the  estimation 
of  the  people,  on  what  are  we  to  found  our  hopes  of  re 
trieving  our  rights  ?    We  have  demonstrated  our  slavery, 
and  submit  to  be  enslaved  for  the  most  contemptible  of 
all  human  gratiiications,  that  of  vanity.     We  have  rat 
tled  our  chains   through   all   Europe,  that  all  Europe 
might  see  we  have  not  spirit  to  shake  them  off.     It  is 
not  a  doubtful  business,  a  plausible  usurpation,  but  an 
avowed,  demonstrated,  and  acknowledged  tyranny.     We 
are  not  deluded,  but  driven  into  slavery.     And  this,  not 
by  the  valour,  the  wiles,  or  the  wisdom  of  the  tyrant ; 
but  by  our  own  intolerance  of  every  honourable  and  vir 
tuous  effort  to  redeem  us  from  bondage.     It  is  not  that 
the  non-importation  agreements  have  been  given  up ;  but 
that  they  were  faithlessly  kept  and  shamefully  aban 
doned.     A  measure  found  by  experience  to  be  impracti 
cable  or   inadequate,    might   have   been   dropped  with 
honour  and  propriety,  but  mutual  treachery  and  bitter 


ARTHUR    LEE.  253 

recrimination  must  render  every  future  operation  con 
temptible  and  nugatory.  In  these  circumstances  sir, 
even  your  confidence  and  assurances  can  hardly  revive 
my  hopes.  I  am  certain  too  that  even  our  friends  here, 
were  they  to  come  into  power  to-morrow,  would  not  at 
tempt  to  redress  our  grievances.  They  well  know  that 
against  the  sense  of  the  members  and  lords  of  parlia 
ment,  against  the  plans  and  principles  of  the  ostensible 
administration  men  and  interior  cabinet,  but  above  all 
against  the  wish  of  the  king  and  his  favourite  ;  such  an 
attempt,  without  a  steadfast,  determined,  alarming  op 
position  on  the  part  of  America,  must  be  without  success. 
It  is  therefore  but  too  sure  that  the  chains  which  the  late 
system  imposed,  are  rivetted  on  us.  There  are  indeed 
leading  men  in  this  kingdom  who  are  against  the  whole 
system,  both  principle  and  practice,  but  their  opinions 
are  over-ruled,  and  that  without  hope  of  the  reverse. 
There  is  however  one  event  to  which  I  yet  look  forward 
with  some  confidence  ;  an  event  which  cannot  be  at  any 
great  distance,  that  of  a  war.  One  noble  and  united 
struggle  then  would  yet  redeem  us.  I  therefore  took  the 
liberty  of  proposing  to  your  consideration  whether  it 
would  not  be  proper  to  prepare  for  that  opportunity, 
especially  in  point  of  union  ;  for  unanimity  among  the 
colonies  is  absolutely  necessary  to  success,  whatever 
may  be  the  measure  pursued.  The  assemblies  should 
harmonize  in  three  things.  Refusing  supplies  without 
redress  of  grievances  ;  repeating  their  resolve  of  rights  ; 
and  sending  over  petitions  for  redress  at  that  critical  and 
alarming  period,  when  the  value  of  our  affection  and 
assistance  will  appear  in  its  highest  lustre  ;  the  more 
symptoms  we  show  of  discontent  and  alienated  affec 
tions  the  more  sure  will  be  the  attainment  of  our  end. 
Therefore  the  moderation  so  commendable  at  other  times, 
would  assuredly  injure  us  then.  If  you  could  communi 
cate  this  scheme,  modelled  and  digested  by  your  better 
judgment  to  such  leading  men  in  each  colony  as  may  be 
trusted,  a  plan  might  be  deliberately  formed,  and  a  mea 
sure  of  so  great  importance  would  not  be  left  to  the  pre 
cipitate  emergency  of  the  moment  of  action. 


S54  LIFE    OF 

It  is  proper  sir,  that  I  should  make  some  apology  for 
presuming  to  advise  where  there  is  so  much  superior 
wisdom  and  knowledge.  But  I  am  prompted  to  exceed 
the  limits  of  modesty  by  the  warmth  of  my  heart  for  the 
liberties  of  my  country,  and  encouraged  by  the  candour 
with  which  you  treat  me,  to  hope  that  excess  will  be 
pardoned.  I  am  very  well  satisfied  of  the  propriety  of 
what  you  urge  against  addressing  the  people  at  this  time ; 
but  it  is  far  from  seeming  probable  to  me  that  the  min 
istry  will  soon  give  any  fresh  cause  of  complaint  by  add 
ing  to  the  oppressions  with  which  we  are  already  loaded 
by  any  general  act.  Their  system  is  the  reverse.  They 
think  that  to  secure  the  ground  they  have  already  gained 
is  sufficient  for  the  present,  and  will  furnish  a  foundation 
on  which,  when  opportunity  serves,  an  ampler  tyranny 
may  be  erected.  And  surely  we  must  want  gall  to  make 
oppression  bitter,  if  that  we  now  sustain  is  insufficient, 
and  our  principles  of  liberty  must  be  feeble  indeed  if  we 
let  the  favourable  opportunity  of  a  war  pass  away  unem- 
braced  and  unsuccessful.  You  very  justly  observe  that 
to  move  large  bodies  permanently  there  must  be  an  ap 
pearance  of  deliberate  moderation.  But  when  opportu 
nity  seconds  inclination,  less  address  is  requisite  for  the 
purpose.  Our  political  state  here  is  not  very  promising ; 
opposition  is  weak,  and  what  is  worse,  wicked  ;  meaning 
no  good  to  the  people,  and  therefore  not  strengthened 
with  their  confidence.  Administration,  abandoned  and 
having  no  character  to  lose,  lend  themselves  desperately 
to  the  worst  measures.  There  seems  to  be  no  hope  but 
in  Lord  Chatham  and  Lord  Shelburne.  Nothing  but  the 
emergency  of  a  war  will  bring  them  in,  on  their  patriotic 
principles.  The  ministry  very  sensible  of  this  are  ward 
ing  off  a  war  with  their  utmost  art.  But  the  politics  of 
Europe  seem  so  much  inclined  to  a  rupture  that  it  ap 
pears  inevitable.  The  Duke  of  Bedford's  death  will 
throw  the  whole  power  into  Carleton  house  ;  but  whether 
they  will  attempt  or  be  able  to  sustain  it  alone,  is  doubt 
ful.  At  present  they  seem  inclined  to  recruit  by  draughts 
from  the  opposition,  and  the  dispute  will  be  between  the 


ARTHUR    LEE-  255 

Rockingham  and  Grenville  parties,  who  are  both  at  St. 
James's  market,  but  differ  in  their  price. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

My  political  progress  had  made  me  acquainted  with 
many  of  the  leaders  of  all  parts  of  the  opposition,  such  as 
Lord  Shelburne,  Mr.  Beckford,  Lord  Temple,  Mr.  Dun 
ning,  sergeant  Glynn,  Col.  Barre,  Mr.  Wilkes,  the  alder 
men  Sawbridge,  Townsend  and  Oliver. 

It  was  by  constantly  comparing  the  different  ideas  of 
those  gentlemen  with  one  another,  and  with  the  plans  and 
proceedings  of  the  ministers,  that  I  was  able  to  form  a 
pretty  accurate  judgment  both  of  the  real  intentions  of 
the  latter,  and  how  far  America  was  warranted  in  relying 
on  the  support  of  the  former.  These  were  the  two  princi 
pal  objects  of  my  pursuit.  The  dearest  rights  and  interests 
of  my  immediate  country  were  at  hazard.  It  would  not 
have  been  wise  to  have  trusted  these  to  the  mere  issue 
of  political  intrigues  and  party  opposition  for  place  and 
preferment.  Some  however  of  the  above  leaders,  ap 
peared  to  me  hearty  in  the  cause  of  America,  as  well  as 
of  England.  Their  advocation  of  liberty  was  general. 
Among  these,  the  most  illustrious  was  the  Earl  of  Shel 
burne.  Him  I  had  long  known,  long  studied,  and  found 
his  conduct  uniform  and  unimpeachable.  But  the  pri 
vate  life  of  this  nobleman  was  no  less  the  subject  of  my 
esteem  and  admiration.  The  following  letter  will  bear 
testimony  of  my  sentiments  at  that  time  regarding  him  ; 
sentiments  which  under  great  and  various  trials  since,  I 
have  had  no  reason  to  alter. 

"  October  25,  1772. 

To  Dr.  Priestly. 

Sir, — At  the  request  of  our  very  worthy  friend,  Dr. 
Percival,  I  very  readily  contribute  my  endeavours  towards 
relieving  you  from  a  painful  uncertainty  respecting  Lord 
Shelburne.  The  gratitude  that  I  in  common  with  all  lov 
ers  of  science,  owe  you,  makes  this  my  duty.  A  long  and 
intimate  acquaintance  enables  me  to  speak  with  confi- 


256  LIFE    OF 

dence  of  Lord  Shelburne's  real  character.  With  a  strong 
understanding,  and  great  desire  for  the  acquisitions  of 
useful  knowledge,  he  has  a  mind  turned  to  the  enjoyment 
of  private  life,  as  well  as  to  those  high  pursuits  in  the 
state  which  become  his  rank.  His  aims  are  noble,  his 
means  fair  and  honourable.  Nor  does  he  forget  or  neglect 
in  the  pursuits  of  a  statesman,  the  duties  of  domestic 
life.  His  family  is  regulated  with  the  most  perfect  order 
and  decorum.  His  guests  are  as  at  home,  nor  does  any 
man  better  know  how  to  combine  the  dignity  of  the  no 
bleman  with  the  ease  of  a  gentleman,  and  the  familiarity 
of  a  friend.  As  a  father  and  a  husband,  no  man  was 
ever  more  duteous,  tender  and  attentive.  I  do  assure 
you,  sir,  that  I  have  not  an  idea  of  a  more  perfect  state 
of  conjugal  happiness  than  that  which  subsisted  between 
him,  and  the  incomparable  lady,  who  unhappily  is  now 
no  more.  Lord  Shelburne  has  a  great  deal  of  good  na 
ture,  and  his  behaviour  has  always  a  proper  mixture  of 
ease  and  dignity.  I  do  not  know  one  vice  to  which  he 
is  addicted,  nor  one  virtue  which  he  wants.  In  the  coun 
try,  what  time  he  has  to  spare  from  his  domestic  concerns, 
to  which  he  is  ever  strictly  attentive,  is  employed  in 
reading  or  directing  the  improvements  of  his  grounds.  In 
town,  the  duties  of  a  statesman  occupy  him  chiefly.  Up 
on  the  whole  sir,  I  may  venture  to  assure  you,  as  far  as 
my  judgment  can  direct  me,  that  in  Lord  Shelburne  you 
will  be  connected  with  an  amiable  and  honest  man,  of  a 
noble  nature,  and  exemplary  in  all  the  duties  of  social 
life.  How  far  it  may  be  eligible  in  the  terms  of  it  I  can 
not  presume  to  judge ;  but  both  from  my  regard  for  him 
and  for  you,  I  cannot  help  wishing  it  may  take  place. 
I  am,  &c." 

The  removal  of  Lord  Hillsborough  from  the  Board  of 
Trade,  and  the  appointment  of  Lord  Dartmouth  to  be  sec 
retary  of  state  for  the  American  department,  had  raised 
the  expectations  of  the  friends  to  America.  His  char 
acter  was  that  of  an  amiable  man,  exemplary  in  his  devo 
tions.  In  fact  he  was  religious  overmuch,  and  even  ad 
dicted  to  methodism.  Such  a  disposition  argued  a  weak 


ARTHUR    LEE.  257 

mind,  or  hypocritical  heart.  The  subsequent  conduct  of 
this  minister  savoured  of  both.  Neither  his  abilities  nor 
his  connexions  promised  much. 

The  policy  of  administration  seemed  now,  to  take  the 
colonies  one  at  a  time,  and  to  begin  with  Massachusetts, 
which  they  considered  the  strong  hold  of  liberty  in  Ame 
rica.  This  mode  was  suggested  by  Sir  Francis  Bernard 
and  Governor  Hutchinson,  and  to  them  the  execution  was 
trusted.  Some  difficulties  were  to  be  smoothed  by  chang 
ing  the  charter  mode  of  electing  counsellors,  and  there 
was  no  doubt,  that  for  this  and  other  purposes  the  char 
ter  was  to  be  altered.  Knowing  this,  and  the  conse 
quences  of  it,  I  was  equally  astonished  and  concerned  to 
find  that  Dr.  F — n  had  attempted  to  lull  the  province  to 
sleep  by  assuring  them  they  had  nothing  to  fear  on  that 
subject.  That  he  could  be  deceived  as  to  the  designs  of 
administration,  I  could  hardly  believe.  That  he  was 
bribed  to  betray  his  trust  I  had  not  suspected.  It  remain 
ed  therefore,  as  the  most  probable  conjecture,  that  he 
endeavoured  to  lull  his  constituents  into  security,  that  he 
might  prevent  any  commotions  which  would  hazard  the 
lucrative  posts  he  possessed.  From  whatever  motive  the 
deception  sprang,  the  mischief  of  it  was  such  as  rendered 
a  counteraction  of  it  necessary.  For  that  purpose,  the 
following  letter  was  written ;  but  it  was  written  in  an 
ger,  and  yet  the  experience  I  have  had  since  would  justi 
fy  the  worst  interpretation  of  his  conduct.  [Published 
in  full,  page  215  of  this  volume,  under  date  of  "  TEMPLE, 
June  10th,  1771."] 

The  state   of   things  in  1772  I  represented  to  Mr.. 
Samuel  Adams  in  my  letter  of  Dec.  24.     [Published  in 
full,  page  224  of  this  volume.] 

The  people  of  Boston,  in  town-meeting  assembled, 
entered  into  a  full  declaration  of  their  rights  and  griev 
ances,  and  established  a  correspondence  with  the  other 
town-meetings.  Of  this  I  received  information -in  the 
following  letter. 

VOL.  i. 


258  LIFE    OF 

"BOSTON,  Dec.  8th,  1772. 

Sir,  —  In  pui^uance  of  a  Vote  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston^  at  a  legal  meeting  on  the  20th  Novem 
ber  last,  I  have  the  honour  by  the  direction  of  their 
committee  to  transmit  to  you  the  votes  and  proceedings 
of  that  day,  and  am,  with  great  esteem,  sir,  your  most 
humble  servant, 

Signed,  WILLIAM  COOPER,  Town  Clerk. 

Arthur  Lee, 


To  a  wise  administration  such  measures  would  have 
appeared  to  be  the  solid  foundation  of  serious  resistance 
to  arbitrary  measures.     They  would  therefore  have  de 
termined  to  remove  the  causes  of  discontent  or  to  take 
effectual  measures  for  carrying  their  plan  into  execution. 
They  do  not  appear  to  have  done   either.      Sir  Francis 
Bernard,  Governor  Hutchinson  and  their  adherents  were 
suffered  to  continue  irritating  the  people  ;  and  the  troops 
stationed  at  Castle  William  gave  an  appearance  of  sup 
porting  these  obnoxious  measures  with  military  force. 
These  things  had  the  effect  which  might  have  been  ex 
pected,  effects  which  were  fully  and  repeatedly  pointed 
out  to  the  ministers  long  before  they  happened.     The 
affairs  of  the  East  India  Company  being  now  the  object 
with  administration,  I  determined  to  join  the  opposition 
in  that  quarter,  not  only  from  a  conviction  of  its  being 
right,  but  with  the  hope  of  embarrassing  their  measures 
against  America.     A  friend  of  mine  qualified  me  as  a 
proprietor.     I  soon  got  into  a  private  committee  of  pro 
prietors  who  met  to  consult  upon  the  measures   they 
should  take.     The  Duke  of  Richmond  and  Lord  Pigot, 
who  was   afterwards  wickedly  deprived  of  his  govern 
ment  and  murdered  by  some  of  the  company's  servants 
in  the  East  Indies,  were  of  this  committee.     His  grace 
seemed  to  be  an  oppositionist  more  from  having  little 
else  to  do,  than  from  clearly  comprehending  the  object 
and  grounds  of  his  opposition.     Lord  Pigot  appeared  to 
be  a  sensible,  candid  and  upright  gentleman.     In  this 
committee  the  system  of  opposition  in  the  court  of  pro 
prietors  was  generally  planned.     The  bills  brought  into 
parliament  by  Lord  North  for  raising  the  qualification  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  259 

a  voter  in  the  company  from  £500  to  £1000  of  stock, 

and  for  appointing   supervisors  of parliament  in 

India  with  supreme  powers  independent  of  the  company, 
were  measures  of  serious  alarm,  not  only  to  the  proprie 
tors,  but  to  every  one  who  considered  the  extension  of 
the  influence  of  the  crown  from  an  increase  of  patronage, 
already  too  great ;  as  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people.     The  proprietary  opposed  in  every  step.     They 
chose  a  special  committee  to  watch  over  the  measures 
of  the  minister  and  sustain  their  rights.     I  was  elected 
into  this  committee.     For  some  time  we  pursued  the 
purpose  of  our  appointment  with  ardour  and  apparent 
honesty.     It  was  determined  that  two  of  the  committee 
should  speak  at  the  bar  of  the  house  of  commons  against 
the  bill  for  altering  the  qualifications.     It  was  proposed 
to  me  to  be  one.    My  confidence  I  confess  failed  me.    I 
doubted  whether,  being  little  conversant  in  public  speak 
ing,  I  should  possess  sufficient  confidence  in  my  own 
strength,  to  do  justice  to  the  subject  or  honour  to  myself. 
Doubting  I  declined.     In  this  committee  a  circumstance 
happened  of  some  singularity,  and  which  served  to  show 
me  of  what  stuff  the  majority  of  those  composing  it  were 
made.    Mr.  Dempster,  a  member  of  the  committee  and  of 
parliament,  requested  the  advice  and  opinion  of  the  com 
mittee  relative  to  the  answer  he  ought  to  give  to  Lord 
North,  who  had  proposed  to  him  an  appointment  as  one 
of  the  supervisors  in  India,  to  be  made  by  one  of  the 
bills  we  were  intrusted  to  oppose.     He  stated  his  own 
doubts  whether  he  could  with  honour  accept  the  minis 
ter's  offer,  and  therefore  he  had  declined  giving  him  an 
answer  till  he  had  consulted  this  committee  ;  the  rest  of 
the  members,  two  only  excepted,  gave  their  opinion  for 
the  acceptance.     Gov.  Johnstone  and  a  Mr.  Rous  made 
set  speeches,  even  urging  him  to  the  measure  with  warm 
and  plausible  speeches.     The  governor  observed  with 
much  sagacity  that  we  had  now  brought  the  opposition 
to  the  very  point  we  should  wish — that  in  not  embracing 
the  opportunity  of  getting  one  of  our  friends  into  so 
valuable  and  important  a  place  would   be   very  much 
wanting  to  ourselves  ;  that  such  was  the  character  of 


260  LIFE    OF 

the  honourable  gentleman  and  such  the  confidence  he 
possessed,  that  no  appointment  would  give  more  pleasure 
to  our  constituents  and  to  the  nation  at  large.  I  was  of 
the  contrary  opinion,  supported  by  one  member  only,  a 
Mr.  Chrecton,  who  was  afterwards  chosen  an  alderman 
of  London.  I  requested  the  gentleman  to  consider  in 
deciding  on  the  conduct  proper  for  him  to  pursue,  in  what 
situation  he  stood.  That  he  was  there  in  triple  trust ; 
as  a  trustee  of  the  people  in  parliament,  as  a  proprietor, 
and  as  a  member  of  a  committee  to  whom  the  sacred 
rights  of  the  company,  violated  by  this  very  minister, 
were  specially  confided  ;  that  the  acceptance  of  a  place 
under  a  bill  which  he  opposed  and  reprobated  as  a  mem 
ber  of  parliament,  as  a  proprietor,  and  as  one  of  their 
select  committee,  was  manifestly  incompatible  with  every 
claim  to  integrity  and  honour  ;  that  the  true  point  of 
opposition  was  to  defeat  a  bill  calculated  to  wrest  from 
the  company  their  rights  and  vest  them  in  the  crown, 
already  too  powerful  in  patronage  and  influence ;  that 
the  obvious  view  of  the  minister  who  made  this  offer  was 
to  disunite  and  disgrace  the  opposition.  It  was  true  the 
honourable  gentleman  enjoyed  the  highest  confidence  of 
the  company  ;  and  so  much  more  did  it  behove  him  not 
to  wound  that  confidence  ;  so  much  the  more  reproachful 
would  it  be  to  countenance  such  a  bill  and  such  a  min 
ister  to  betray  a  confidence  so  sacred,  to  take  from  the 
people  all  hope  of  integrity  in  those  they  trusted,  and 
verify  the  profligate  declaration  of  a  profligate  minister, 
that  every  man  had  his  price ;  that  much  as  I  wished 
to  see  the  honourable  gentleman  in  high  trust,  I  could 
not  wish  him  to  sacrifice  for  it  his  faith  and  honour. 
And  though  the  gentleman  was  the  best  guardian  of  his 
own  honour,  yet  I  could  not  help  giving  my  opinion  that 
accepting  the  offer  in  question,  circumstanced  as  he  was, 
would  fix  upon  his  character  indelible  disgrace."  Mr. 
Dempster  thanked  the  members  for  the  candour  with 
which  they  had  given  their  opinions  ;  he  said  the  senti 
ments  of  those  who  dissuaded  his  acceptance  were  so 
congenial  with  those  of  his  own  mind,  that  he  should 
without  delay  inform  Lord  North  that  he  could  not  ac- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  261 

cept  his  offer.  The  bills  however  passed  in  spite  of  us, 
the  influence  of  the  crown  bearing  down  all  opposition. 
On  those  proceedings  of  parliament  I  gave  my  senti 
ments  to  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  of  Boston,  in  the  following 
letter. 

"December  3,  1773. 

Sir, — You  ask  me  what  political  news.  What  can 
I  say,  but  that  we  are  undone  ?  We  are  in  the  dead  calm 
of  corruption,  which  with  more  than  Circean  charm,  fas 
cinates  every  feeling  of  public  virtue.  If  any  thing  can 
fix  the  enchantment  beyond  a  possibility  of  dissolution, 
it  is  eastern  wealth  and  eastern  manners.  Unhappy 
East,  what  a  fate  is  thine  !  Doomed  to  be  forever  plun 
dered  by  the  west,  with  only  the  melancholy  considera 
tion  of  eventually  undoing  your  plunderers.  You  minister 
poison  in  a  cup  of  gold.  Your  fruit,  like  the  apple  of 
temptation,  is  precious  to  the  sight,  but  poisonous  in  the 
taste  ;  fair,  but  fatal !  The  East  India  regulating-bill  has 
diverted  the  wealth  of  India  into  the  direct  channel  for 
our  destruction.  For  the  future,  the  story  of  Lord  Clive 
will  be  that  of  every  military  plunderer  in  the  east ;  that 
of  Ceyx  of  every  civil  extortioner.  It  begins  in  blood 
and  plunder,  it  ends  in  servility  and  dependence.  The 
wealth  would  be  insecure  under  the  crimes  by  which  it 
was  acquired,  without  ministerial  influence  and  protec 
tion  to  cover  them  from  enquiry,  or  screen  them  from 
punishment.  In  a  few  years,  the  two  houses  of  parlia 
ment  will  be  filled  with  Omrahs  and  Subbedars,  nurtur 
ed  in  the  corruption  and  despotism  of  the  East.  What 
will  be  the  consequence  ?  We  must  fall  as  Greece  and 
Rome  have  fallen,  in  the  same  manner,  and  by  the  same 
means.  In  this  prospect  there  is  but  one  consolation. 
That  liberty,  when  she  abandons  this  country,  will  not, 
like  Astraca,  relinquish  us  forever  ;  but  will  fix  her  favour 
ite  seat  in  the  rising  regions  of  America.  There  may  she 
rest,  and  spread  her  happy  influence,  till  time  shall  be  no 
more.  But  if  we  too  must  lose  her,  when  she  ascends 
the  skies,  we  shall  at  least  have  the  prerogative  of  show 
ing  her  last,  her  parting  steps.  Adieu,  &c," 


262  LIFE    OF 

In  the  spring  of  1774, 1  sat  out  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Izard 
to  make  the  tour  of  France  and  Italy.  But  previous  to 
my  going  I  drew  up  apiece  entitled,  "  A  True  State  of  the 
Proceedings  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay," 
which  has  been  attributed  to  Dr.  Franklin  because  it  was 
left  with  him,  as  agent  to  have  it  printed.  The  purpose 
of  it  was  to  remove  the  unjust  and  injurious  impressions 
made  by  a  report  of  a  committee  of  the  house  of  lords 
on  the  same  subject.  While  at  Paris  I  wrote  "  The  Ap 
peal  to  the  Justice  and  Interests  of  the  People  of  Great 
Britain,"  which  I  transmitted  to  my  brother  in  London, 
who  had  it  printed  and  published  by  Almon.  This 
pamphlet  went  through  five  editions.  One  was  printed 
by  a  vote  of  the  town  of  New-Castle  and  distributed 
among  the  people.  Another  edition  was  also  printed 
and  distributed  at  the  expense  of  the  merchants  in  Lon 
don  trading  to  America.  While  we  were  at  Rome  we 
were  acquainted  with  the  Earl  of  Huntington  and  his 
nephew,  who  has  since  distinguished  himself  in  Ame 
rica  under  the  title  of  Lord  Rawdon,  and  is  certainly 
among  the  most  promising  officers  in  the  British  army. 
Mr.  Izard  and  myself  were  too  zealous  not  to  encounter 
the  British  peer  in  defence  of  our  country.  He  argued 
like  a  gentleman,  but  I  thought  not  with  much  ingenuity. 
Lord  Rawdon  never  disclosed  his  sentiments.  I  observ 
ed  wherever  I  went,  even  in  Italy,  that  all  the  papers 
and  monthly  productions  contained  every  thing  that  was 
written  in  America  on  the  subject  of  our  dispute,  and 
that  the  desire  of  enquiry  into  it  pervaded  all  mankind. 
The  opinion  that  her  cause  was  just  and  the  wish  that 
she  might  succeed,  seemed  almost  universal.  The  Brit 
ish  name  was  clothed  in  Europe  with  terror  and  admira 
tion.  The  able  manner  in  which  the  Americans  vindi 
cated  their  constitutional  rights,  and  the  determined  tone 
in  which  they  declared  their  resolution  of  resisting  Great 
Britain  if  she  persisted,  gave  the  Europeans  a  very  ex 
alted  idea  of  their  spirit  and  abilities.  Intelligence  from 
England  informed  us  of  a  sudden  dissolution  of  parlia 
ment.  The  meeting  of  the  new  one  was  a  crisis  in  our 
affairs  from  which  the  anxiety  of  my  mind  would  not 


ARTHUR    LEE.  263 

permit  me  to  be  absent.  I  therefore  gave  up  my  inten 
tion  of  wintering  in  Rome  and  Naples,  and  in  November 
sat  out  post  alone  for  London.  The  weather  was  most 
remarkably  rigorous,  and  I  travelled  from  Turin  to  Paris, 
and  from  Paris  to  London,  through  continued  snow  and 
ice. 

The  new  parliament  soon  showed  its  complexion. 
Indeed  it  was  not  long  kept  secret,  that  the  dissolu 
tion  was  a  ministerial  manoeuvre,  for  the  purpose  of  car 
rying  on  the  war  against  America.  The  king's  speech 
on  opening  this  parliament  was  in  fact  a  declaration  of 
war.  He  told  them  that  a  most  daring  spirit  of  resist 
ance  and  disobedience  to  the  law,  still  unhappily  prevail 
ed  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  had  in  di 
vers  parts  broke  forth  in  fresh  violences  of  a  very  crimi 
nal  nature  ;  that  these  proceedings  had  been  countenanc 
ed  and  encouraged  in  other  of  his  colonies,  and  unwar 
rantable  attempts  had  been  made  to  obstruct  the  com 
merce  of  this  kingdon  by  unlawful  combinations ;  that 
he  had  taken  such  measures  and  given  such  orders  as  he 
judged  most  proper  and  effectual  for  carrying  into  execu 
tion  the  laws  which  were  passed  in  the  last  session  of  the 
late  parliament  for  the  protection  and  security  of  the 
commerce  of  his  subjects,  and  for  the  restoring  and  pre 
serving  peace,  order,  and  good  government  in  the  province 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay.  The  address  of  the  commons 
corresponded  with  the  spirit  of  the  speech.  Lord  J. 
Cavendish  moved  as  an  amendment,  to  request  that  his 
majesty  would  be  most  graciously  pleased  to  communi 
cate  the  intelligence  he  had  received  from  America  to 
the  house ;  this  was  negatived  264  to  73.  The  whole 
of  the  session  was  passed  with  an  entire  obsequiousness 
to  the  measures  of  the  minister ;  and  he  and  his  royal 
master  were  in  an  evil  hour  armed  with  every  power  they 
desired  for  reducing  America  to  unconditional  submission. 
The  reception  of  the  petitions  from  America  soon  show 
ed  what  use  the  king  and  his  ministers  meant  to  make  of 
this  parliamentary  support.  A  petition  arrived  from  the 
assembly  of  Delaware.  I  informed  the  secretary  of  state 
of  having  received  such  a  petition,  and  my  desire  to  pre- 


264  LIFE    OF 

sent  it  to  him  that  it  might  be  delivered  to  the  king.  He 
received  it  frem  me  on ,  and  on  the  13th  I  receiv 
ed  from  him  the  following  answer. 

"Lord  Dartmouth  presents  his  compliments  to  Mr. 
Lee,  and  desires  to  see  him  on  Monday  next,  at  10 
o'clock. 

April  — ,  1775." 

The  issue  of  this  conference  is  contained  in  the  follow 
ing  letter  to  the  speaker  of  the  assembly. 

"  GARDEN  COURT,  MIDDLE  TEMPLE,  April  17,  1775. 

Sir, — Your  letter  containing  the  petition  from  the 
house  of  representatives  to  the  king,  arrived  here  after 
Dr.  Franklin  had  sailed  for  Philadelphia.  The  petition 
was  therefore  put  into  my  hands  to  deliver  to  Lord  Dart 
mouth.  I  accordingly  gave  it  to  his  lordship,  informing 
him  of  these  circumstances,  and  of  the  wish  of  the  house 
that  it  might  be  presented  to  his  majesty.  But  his  lord 
ship  returned  it  to  me  this  morning,  with  a  declaration 
that  as  I  was  not  authorised  by  the  house,  he,  as  secreta 
ry  of  state,  could  not  receive  it  from  me  for  the  purpose 
I  desired.  .To  deliver  it  to  the  king  in  the  common  way, 
if  I  were  authorised  so  to  do,  would  be  ineffectual,  be 
cause  there  is  no  certainty  of  his  reading  it,  and  he  never 
gives  an  answer  but  from  the  throne,  or  through  one  of 
his  secretaries  of  state.  The  petition  will  therefore  re 
main  here,  to  wait  the  further  pleasure  of  the  house. 
They  who  know  and  lament  that  petitions  for  redress  of 
grievances  from  the  different  assemblies  have  been  repeat 
edly  rejected,  cannot  but  be  persuaded  that  the  promise 
of  their  being  now  attended  to,  is  only  a  ministerial  ma 
noeuvre  to  divide  the  colonies,  and  draw  off  their  atten 
tion  to  and  confidence  in  that  which  is  their  great  shield 
and  defence — union  in  general  congress.  Your  consti 
tution  was  so  framed  as  to  mortify  that  hope.  To  di 
vide  and  to  destroy,  or  >*  *  ;*L  \*  *  to  fix  this  mer 
ciless  tyranny  upon  us,  is  their  only  endeavour.  But  I 
trust  in  God  that  the  wisdom  and  virtue  of  our  country- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  265 

men  will  continue  to  render  it  ineffectual,  and  give  us  at 
length  a  happy  issue  out  of  all  our  troubles,  by  obtaining  a 
full  redress  of  grievances.  I  have  the  honour  of  being,  &c. 

Signed,  ARTHUR  LEE. 

James  Rinsey,  Esq.  New  Jersey." 

The  year  1774  was  an  eventful  year,  and  brought  the 
American  question  to  a  crisis.  In  its  commencement 
the  ministry  appeared  determined  upon  measures  of  the 
most  decided  irritation,  and  even  hostility.  This  I  inti 
mated  in  a  letter  to  the  ever  to  be  lamented  Dr.  Warren, 
who  was  immortalized  by  his  conduct  and  death  in  the 
action  of  Bunker's  Hill.  My  letter  was  as  follows. 

"  FEBRUARY  20th,  1774. 

Sir, — I  am  obliged  to  you  for  giving  me  an  oppor 
tunity  of  thanking  you  for  the  efforts  you  have  made  in 
vindication  of  the  just  rights  of  America.  Unless  you 
substitute  the  intention  for  the  act,  you  far  overrate  the 
merit  of  my  services.  The  rights  of  my  country  are 
with  me  sacred.  It  is  my  first  duty  to  maintain  them. 
The  cause  of  liberty  is  the  cause  of  virtue. 

"  I  own  the  glorious  subject  fires  my  breast; 
And  the  soul's  darling  passion  stands  confest," 

I  not  only  lament  the  attempts  which  have  been  made 
and  are  making  to  enslave  us,  as  productive  of  great 
misery  to  America,  but  as  fraught  with  danger  to  this 
country.  Revering  as  I  do  the  very  name  of  England, 
and  loving  most  sincerely  the  people,  it  adds  infinitely  to 
the  affliction  of  these  proceedings  that  they  must  eventu 
ally  operate  the  ruin  of  this  country.*  Whatever  alien 
ates  the  affections  of  the  colonies,  must  impair  if  not  de 
stroy  that  commerce,  which  is  the  great  source  of  the 
riches,  the  strength,  the  glory  of  Great  Britain.  There 

*  In  the  conjecture  I  made  of  the  consequences  that  would  follow  measures,  I  was 
deceived,  or  rather  mistaken.  From  this  I  must  except  the  impracticability  of  reducing 
America,  the  resistance  that  would  infallibly  follow  attempting  it  by  force,  the  im 
mense  loss  of  men  and  expense  that  would  attend  it,  and  the  independence  of  Ame 
rica.  In  these  I  was  not  mistaken;  but  in  the  effect  which  the  non-importation 
would  produce,  the  ruin  of  the  credit  and  commerce  of  Great  Britain,  the  diminu 
tion  of  har  power,  and  the  downfall  of  her  empire,  I  was  mistaken.  A.  L. 

VOL.  i.  34 


£66  LIFE  OF 

is  at  present  a  total  stagnation  of  all  public  opposition 
here.  Administration  is  therefore  left  at  liberty  to  bend 
all  their  force  against  us.  They  seem  eager  to  embrace 
the  opportunity.  The  treatment  of  your  petition,  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  and  of  Mr.  Temple,  savour  of  the  most  malig 
nant  and  persecuting  disposition.  In  my  opinion  the  ac 
tive  Americans  here  stand  in  daily  peril  of  their  lives. 
It  will  not  indeed  be  an  easy  matter  to  destroy  us  by  an 
English  jury.  But  parliament  is  equal  to  any  thing,  and 
parliament  is  entirely  under  the  direction  of  this,  as  you 
justly  style  it,  all  powerful  administration.  Either  I  am 
deceived,  or  times  of  great  calamity  and  oppression  are 
near.  How  they  will  end  He  only  knows  in  whose  hands 
are  all  the  corners  of  the  earth.  In  the  mean  time  we 
have  only  to  remember,  that  at  every  hazard  we  must  be 
free.  Adieu." 

I  shall  give  a  summary  of  the  proceedings  on  the  peti 
tion  mentioned  in  the  above  letter,  which  occasioned  a 
duel  and  a  very  celebrated  speech  from  Mr.  Wedderburne, 
now  Lord  Loughborough. 

Some  letters  written  to  a  Mr.  Whately  by  Governor 
Hutchinson  and  lieutenant-governor  Andrew  Oliver,  were 
laid  before  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts.  In  these  let 
ters  the  writers  of  them  had  calumniated  the  people,  en 
deavoured  to  inflame  those  who  should  read  them,  against 
the  province,  and  suggested  measures  calculated  to  pre 
vent  all  popular  opposition  to  ministerial  measures.  Up 
on  these  letters,  which  were  original,  and  therefore  could 
not  be  denied,  the  house  of  representatives  voted  a  peti 
tion  to  the  king  for  the  removal  of  the  governor  and 
lieutenant-governor.  This  petition  they  transmitted  to 
their  agent,  Dr.  Franklin,  to  be  presented  to  the  throne. 
I  received  also  the  following  letter  from  their  speaker. 

"PROVINCE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAT,  June  25, 1773. 

Sir, — I  have  received  the  commands  of  the  house  of 
representatives  of  this  province,  to  inform  you  that  they 
have  lately  had  divers  letters,  signed  Thomas  Hutchinson, 
Andrew  Oliver,  &c.  laid  before  them,  and  that  they  have 


ARTHUR    LEE.  267 

voted  as  their  sense,  that  the  tendency  and  design  of  said 
letters  appear  to  have  been  to  overthrow  the  constitution 
of  this  government,  and  to  introduce  arbitrary  power  into 
this  province.  They  have  also  agreed  upon  and  passed 
an  address  to  his  majesty,  praying  that  his  excellency 
Thomas  Hutchinson,  governor,  and  the  Hon.  Andrew 
Oliver,  lieutenant-governor  of  this  province,  may  be  re 
moved  from  the  posts  they  hold  within  the  province,  which 
they  have  directed  Dr.  Franklin  to  lay  before  his  majesty, 
and  have  also  directed  him  to  employ  you  as  council  upon 
this  occasion  ;  and  as  the  persons  aforementioned  have 
by  this  their  conduct  rendered  themselves  very  obnoxious 
to  the  people  here,  and  have  entirely  lost  their  confidence, 
they  doubt  not  you  will  employ  your  interest  and  influ 
ence  to  support  the  petition  above  mentioned,  and  do  all 
in  your  power  that  it  may  have  its  desired  effect. 

I  am  with  great  respect  your  humble  servant, 

THOMAS  GUSHING,  Speaker. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 

As  I  was  at  this  time  only  a  student  of  law,  I  could 
not  appear  as  counsel  in  support  of  the  petition.  But  I 
addressed  the  following  observations  to  Lord  Dartmouth, 
under  the  signature  of  Raleigh. 

"  My  Lord, — The  report  to  be  made  upon  the  petition 
from  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
against  their  governors,  will  have  so  decisive  an  influence 
on  the  people  of  that  province,  that  I  feel  myself  com 
pelled  to  address  your  lordship  on  the  subject.  A  dis 
covery  is  made  by  letters  under  their  own  hands  that  the 
governor  and  lieutenant-governor  had  been  secretly  la 
bouring  to  subvert  the  chartered  rights  of  the  colony ;  to 
subject  the  people  to  arbitrary  government ;  and  to  sub 
due  them  by  military  force.  It  appeared  that  to  accom 
plish  these  ends  they  had  painted  the  proceedings  of  the 
people  in  the  most  false  and  odious  colours,  forging  false 
hoods  where  misrepresentations  would  not  suffice.  All 
this  was  done  under  the  cloak  of  secret  and  confidential 
correspondence,  that  the  mischief  might  come  upon  the 


268  LIFE    OF 

people  unforeseen,  the  causes  unknown,  and  the  authors 
undiscovered.     The  people  were  to  be  the  victims  of  a 
secret  information  ;  they  were  to  be  condemned  without 
being  heard  ;  and  punished  with  the  heaviest  of  all  ca 
lamities,  the  loss  of  their  rights  and  liberties,   without 
being  apprized  of  the  accusation  or  enjoying  a  possibili 
ty  of  defence.      The  persons  who  contrived  this  atro 
cious  and  (upon  principle  it  cannot  be  deemed  less)  this 
treasonable  conspiracy  against  the  constitution,  stipulated 
the  expected  rewards.     It  was  natural  that  this  discov 
ery  should  exasperate  the  people  to  an  extreme.     They 
saw  in  the  persons  of  those  who  were  planning  their  de 
struction,  men  bound  to  them  by  all  the  ties  of  fellow 
citizens  and  the  obligations  of  gratitude ;  men  who  had 
been  long  cherished  and  trusted  among  them,  and  who 
had  always  professed  the  most  zealous  attachment  which 
virtue  and  gratitude  could  inspire  to  their  rights  and  lib 
erties.     This  was  more  especially  the  case  of  their  chief 
governor,  who  was  at  that  very  time  practising  every  art 
to  fix  in  the  minds  of  the  people  an  exalted  opinion  of 
his  warmest  affection  for  them,  and  of  his  unremitting 
endeavours  to  promote  their  best  interests  at  the  court 
of  Great  Britain.     They  saw  besides  in  one   mode  of 
their  attempt  against  them  something  peculiarly  malig 
nant.     The  ministry  were  sufficiently  disposed   to  adopt 
every  severity   against  them.     Governor   Bernard    and 
the  commissioners  were  sufficient  to  keep  up  their  pre 
judices  and  passion.     To  poison  the  minds  of  those  in 
opposition,  and  by  that  means  to  deprive  the  people  of 
every  benefit  either  from  the  efforts  of  that  opposition  or 
from  a  change  of  administration.     This  my  lord  was  the 
diabolical  plan  of  Mr.  Hutchinson  and  Mr.  Oliver.    Had 
the  popular  indignation  been  followed  by  the  most  im 
mediate  and  tragical  consequences  no  one  could  have 
been  surprised.     Happily  however  the  very  men  whom 
these  governors  had  aspersed  as  the  sowers  of  sedition 
and  promoters  of  outrage,  prevailed  upon  them  to  trust 
to  his  majesty's  justice  for  redress.    For  this  purpose  the 
house  of  representatives  have,  in  an  humble  petition,  im 
plored  his  majesty's  intervention  to  remove  these  men 


ARTHUR    LEE.  269 

because  they  have  lost  all  trust  and  confidence  with  the 
people.  It  is  to  this  prayer  to  which  you  are  now  to 
advise  an  answer.  It  is  well  worth  considering  my  lord 
what  will  be  the  consequence  of  an  ungracious,  irritating 
answer.  For  some  years  past  the  people  of  America 
and  those  of  Boston  in  particular,  have  been  abused,  mis 
represented,  and  oppressed  beyond  the  example  of  the 
worst  of  times.  They  have  seen  for  a  series  of  years 
every  representation  against  them  received  ;  every  ap 
plication  for  them  rejected.  When  the  authors  of  the 
secret  information  which  tended  to  bring  upon  them  the 
displeasure  of  their  sovereign,  the  resentment  of  parlia 
ment,  and  to  subvert  their  liberties,  were  providentially 
discovered,  and  their  representations  proved  false  and 
wicked,  the  consequence  has  invariably  been  the  encour 
agement  and  reward  of  those  so  detected.  The  discov 
ery  of  Governor  Bernard's  false  and  malignant  letters, 
with  the  frauds  he  committed  in  office,  served  only  to 
make  him  a  baronet,  with  what  is  equivalent  to  an  enor 
mous  pension.  Mr.  Oliver  was  charged  upon  the  oaths 
of  several  of  his  majesty's  council  and  by  their  unani 
mous  resolution,  with  a  most  dangerous  breach  of  trust, 
in  having  forged  minutes  of  their  board  and  authen 
ticated  them  on  oath,  for  the  purpose  of  justifying  a  mas 
sacre  committed  by  a  licentious  soldiery,  and  to  throw 
the  blame  of  it  on  the  people.  What  my  lord  was  the 
consequence  ?  Not  punishment,  but  promotion.  The  peo 
ple  saw  with  astonishment  and  horror  this  very  man,  thus 
stigmatized,  immediately  promoted  to  be  their  lieutenant 
governor.  These  are  facts  my  lord,  of  public  notoriety  ; 
facts  which,  spoken  to  stones,  would  make  them  capa 
ble  of  hearing.  Rewards  have  followed  crimes,  as  con 
stantly  as  light  the  sun.  Promotion  and  emolument  in 
America  have  been  exactly  proportioned  to  men's  perfidy 
to  the  people,  and  their  avowed  enmity  to  their  imme 
diate  country.  No  people  can  be  so  dull  as  not  to  feel 
those  injuries  ;  no  people  can  be  so  pusillanimous  as  not 
to  resent  them.  Reiterated  oppressions,  detections,  com 
plaints  and  disappointments,  have  worked  up  men's 
minds  to  the  greatest  degree  of  discontent.  *  *  * 
*  [The  rest  here  is  lost.] 


270  LIFE    OF 

Dr.  Franklin  gave  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  information 
of  it  in  a  letter  dated  August  21st,  1773,  in  which  the 
Dr.  used  this  extraordinary  expression,  "  And  it  is  said 
that,  having  lately  discovered,  as  they  think,  the  authors 
of  their  grievances  to  be  some  of  their  own  people,  their 
resentment  against  Great  Britain  is  thence  much  abated." 
The  resentment  of  a  province  against  Great  Britain,  was 
a  tone  somewhat  higher  than  is  commonly  assumed  by 
even  the  mightiest  monarch  to  the  smallest  state.  There 
is  not  an  instance  I  believe  of  the  crown  using  such  lan 
guage  to  the  most  insignificant  provincial  assembly.  The 
expression  was  at  least  not  very  guarded.  Butjn  fact, 
Dr.  Franklin  thought  the  ministry  at  his  feet.  He  soon 
felt  his  mistake ;  the  petition  was  heard  before  the  privy 
council  on  the  29th  of  January  1774.  In  the  mean 
time  a  question  arose  how  these  original  letters  came  into 
the  hands  of  those  who  laid  them  before  the  house 
of  representatives.  Mr.  Whately,  to  whom  they  were 
written,  was  dead.  When  they  were  written  he  was 
member  of  parliament  and  very  influential  with  Mr. 
George  Grenville.  His  brother,  who  had  the  papers  of 
the  deceased,  could  give  no  other  account  of  it,  but  that 
Mr.  John  Temple  had  leave  from  him  to  examine  letters 
from  his  brother's  American  correspondents,  from  which 
he  supposed  that  gentleman  had  taken  the  letters  in 
question.  This  he  charged  him  with  in  the  public 
papers,  confessing  however  that  he  did  not  know  those 
identical  letters  were  in  the  papers  he  intrusted  to  Mr. 
Temple's  examination.  This^charge  was  circulated  with 
the  utmost  industry  and  ^njPjpny^by^ylr.  Wedderburne 
andjother  ministerial  agents.^  Mr.  Temple  determined 
to  sendTMn  W&ately  a  challenge.  Mr.  Izard  bore  it, 
and  offered  to  be  his  second.  Mr.  Whately  accepted 
the  meeting,  but  refused  to  have  a  second.  Four  o'clock, 
in  the  ring  at  Hyde  Park  was  the  appointment.  Mr. 
Izard  and  myself  went  to  the  park  in  his  carriage  to 
attend  the  issue.  On  our  way  to  the  ring  our  attention 
was  drawn  to  another  quarter  by  the  report  of  pistols. 
Thither  we  went  and  met  Mr.  Whately  coming  from  the 
field  of  action,  having  received  a  slight  wound  in  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  271 

breast  and  one  on  the  shoulder  a  little  behind  ;  both  with 
a  sword.  He  made  no  charge  to  us  of  unfair  play  on  the 
part  of  his  antagonist.  Mr.  Izard  offered  his  carriage  to 
carry  him  home,  which  he  accepted,  and  Mr.  Izard  ac 
companied  him.  I  went  in  quest  of  Mr.  Temple,  and 
we  walked  together  to  Mr.  Izard's  house.  He  informed 
me  that  some  persons  being  at  the  ring  Mr.  Whately  and 
he  agreed  to  go  to  a  different  part.  Mr.  Whately  had  a 
sword  but  no  pistols.  He  lent  him  one  of  his,  they  fired 
without  effect,  and  then  appealed  to  the  sword  ;  at  which 
he  found  his  antagonist  so  little  skilled  that  his  life  was 
at  his  mercy ;  that  he  wounded  him  slightly  in  order  to 
make  him  beg  his  pardon.  A  whisper  however  was  soon 
circulated  that  Mr.  Temple  had  attempted  to  stab  his 
opponent  when  down.  To  corroborate  which,  a  declara 
tion  from  Mr.  Whately  supported  by  the  affidavits  of  an 
alehouse-keeper  and  some  stable-boy  were  published, 
affirming  that  when  Mr.  Wrhately  fell  on  his  face  the 
other  stabbed  him  behind.  As  this  business  was  in  fact 
political  and  concerned  America,  I  wrote  a  justification 
of  Mr.  Temple,  in  which  I  stated  that  Mr.  Whately  had 
accirsed  him  on  mere  suspicion;  that  he  refused  to  have 
seconds ;  came  without  pistols  ;  made  no  charge  against 
Mr.  Temple  when  we  met  him,  warm  from  the  encoun 
ter,  and  most  likely  to  have  exclaimed  against  such  treat 
ment  ;  neither  did  those  who  had  parted  the  combatants 
and  were  with  him,  say  a  word  of  it.  That  the  slight 
wound  on  the  shoulder,  which  gave  countenance  to  this 
malignant  charge,  might  well  have  happened  from  Mr. 
Temple  being  in  the  act  of  thrusting,  when  his  opponent 
fell,  and  by  that  means  unintentionally  touching  him  on 
the  shoulder.  That  it  was  an  absurdity  to  suppose,  that 
when  it  was  acknowledged  Mr.  Temple  could  from  his 
superior  skill  have  wounded  him  fairly,  he  would  attempt 
to  do  it  foully.  That  the  charge  came  with  additional 
ill  grace  from  one  who  had  positively  refused  to  have 
seconds,  and  who  coming  to  the  field  without  pistols 
seemed  desirous  to  refer  the  dispute  to  the  sword.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  the  public  was  satisfied  that  this 
charge  with  its  contemptible  affidavits  was  fabricated  by 


273  LIFE    OF 

Messrs.  Wedderburne  and  Manduit,  and  had  no  real 
foundation.  At  the  close  of  these  proceedings  Dr. 
Franklin  came  forward  with  the  following  address  to  the 
printers. 

"  Sirs, — Finding  that  two  gentlemen  have  been  unfor 
tunately  engaged  in  a  duel  about  a  transaction  and  its 
circumstances  of  which  both  of  them  are  totally  ignorant 
and  innocent,  I  think  it  incumbent  on  me  to  declare  (for 
the  prevention  of  farther  mischief,  as  far  as  such  a  decla 
ration  may  contribute  to  prevent  it,)  that  I  alone  am  the 
person  who  obtained  and  transmitted  to  Boston  the  let 
ters  in  question.  Mr.  W.  could  not  communicate  them, 
because  they  were  never  in  his  possession;  and  for  the 
same  reason  they  could  not  be  taken  from  him  by  Mr.  T. 
They  were  not  of  the  nature  of  private  letters  between 
friends.  They  were  written  by  public  officers  to  persons 
in  public  stations,  on  public  affairs,  and  intended  to  pro 
cure  public  measures.  They  were  therefore  handed  to 
other  public  persons,  who  might  be  influenced  by  them 
to  produce  those  measures.  Their  tendency  was  to  in 
cense  the  mother  country  against  her  colonies,  and  by 
the  steps  they  recommended,  to  widen  the  breach  they 
effected.  The  chief  caution  expressed  with  regard  to 
privacy,  was  to  keep  their  contents  from  the  colony 
agents,  who  the  writers  apprehended  might  return  them, 
or  copies  of  them,  to  America.  That  apprehension  was 
it  seems  well  founded,  for  the  first  agent  who  laid  his 
hands  on  them  thought  it  his  duty  to  transmit  them  to  his 
constituents. 

Craven  Street,  Dec.  25th,  1773." 

Mr.  Wedderburne  in  his  speech  before  the  council  was 
pointedly  severe  against  this  letter.  "  After  the  mis 
chiefs,  said  he,  of  this  concealment  had  been  left  for  five 
months  to  have  their  full  operation,  at  length  comes  out 
a  letter  which  is  expressive  of  the  coolest  and  most  de 
liberate  malevolence.  My  lords,  W7hat  poetic  fiction  only 
had  penned  for  the  breast  of  a  cruel  African,  Dr.  Frank 
lin  has  realized  and  transcribed  from  his  own.  His  too 


ARTHUR  LEE.  273 

is  the  language  of  Zanga.  Know  then  'twas  I.  I  forg 
ed  the  letter — I  disposed  the  picture — I  hated — I  despis 
ed — and  I  destroy." 

The  greater  part  of  his  speech  was  a  violent  philippic 
against  the  Doctor.  He  was  certainly  eloquent  and  art 
ful.  Insomuch  that  notwithstanding  the  great  decency 
and  decorum  that  distinguish  their  lordships,  he  made 
them  so  far  forget  themselves  and  the  character  in  which 
they  officiated,  as  to  cry  out  'hear  him,  hearpiim.'  There 
were  present  with  the  lord  president  other  lords,  among 
whom  was  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  The  decision 
was  "  that  the  petition  should  be  dismissed  as  groundless, 
vexatious  and  scandalous,  and  calculated  only  for  the  se 
ditious  purpose  of  keeping  up  a  spirit  of  clamour  and  dis 
content  in  the  said  province." 

In  August  Richard  Penn  arrived  with  a  petition  for  the 
throne  from  the  general  congress  of  America,  which  that 
august  body  desired  might  be  presented  by  him,  and  the 
agents  for  the  several  colonies.  Mr.  Bollan  and  myself 
were  the  only  agents  in  town.  Mr.  Bollan,  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  and  myself,  were  the  only  agents  that  would  act. 
We  presented  the  petition  through  Lord  Dartmouth  to 
the  throne,  and  received  an  answer  from  that  nobleman 
that  his  majesty  had  received  it  very  graciously,  and  for 
its  importance,  would  lay  it  before  his  two  houses  of  par 
liament  as  soon  as  they  should  meet.  The  ministerial 
tone  was  now  much  softened,  because  the  petition  and 
address  to  the  people  were  conceived  in  terms  of  such 
moderation  and  good  sense,  that  they  made  a  very  fa 
vourable  impression  upon  the  public  mind.  I  knew  the 
king  and  his  ministers  too  well  to  trust  to  their  profes 
sions.  I  therefore  thought  it  necessary  to  wrarn  my  coun 
trymen  against  the  delusion  of  these  appearances.  With 
this  view  I  wrote  to  my  brother  R.  H.  Lee,  who  was  a 
member  of  congress,  the  following  letters,*  which  I  knew 
he  would  communicate  with  effect. 

The  alarming  procedure  of  the  British  king  and  parlia- 

*  The  letters  here  spoken  of,  with  a  note  containing  the  complimentary  expres 
sions  of  Lord  Chatham  on  the  subject  of  the  address  of  congress,  will  be  found  in 
No.  I.  Appendix,  amongst  the  "Letters  of  A.  Lee." 

VOL.  I.  35 


274  LIFE     OF 

ment  obliged  the  Americans  to  meet  in  general  congress 
at  Philadelphia,  to  consult  on  proper  measures  for  the 
general  safety.  The  congress  agreed  upon  a  petition  to 
the  king,  stating  their  grievances,  avowing  their  loyalty, 
and  supplicating  redress.  This  petition  was  transmitted 
with  the  following  letter  to  the  colonial  agents  in  London. 

"To  Paul  Wentworth,  Esq.,  Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin,  Wil 
liam  Bollan,  Esq.,  Dr.  Arthur  Lee,  Thomas  Life,  Esq., 
Edmund  Burke,  Esq.  and  Charles  Garth,  Esq. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  26th,  1774. 

Gentlemen, — We  give  you  the  strongest  proof  of  our 
reliance  on  your  zeal  and  attachment  to  the  happiness  of 
America  and  the  cause  of  liberty,  when  we  commit  the 
enclosed  paper  to  your  care.  We  desire  you  will  deliver 
it  into  the  hands  of  his  majesty;  and  after  it  has  been 
presented,  we  wish  it  may  be  made  public  through  the 
press,  together  with  the  list  of  grievances.  As  we  hope 
for  great  assistance  from  the  spirit  and  virtue  of  the  na 
tion,  it  is  our  earnest  desire  that  the  most  effectual  course 
be  taken  as  early  as  possible  to  furnish  the  trading  cities 
and  manufacturing  towns  throughout  the  united  kingdom 

O  c5  O 

with  our  memorial  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain.  We 
doubt  not  but  your  good  sense  and  discernment  will  lead 
you  to  avail  yourselves  of  every  assistance  that  may  be 
devised  from  the  advice  and  friendship  of  all  great  and 
good  men,  who  may  incline  to  aid  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  mankind.  The  gratitude  of  America,  expressed  in 
the  enclosed  vote  of  thanks,  we  desire  may  be  conveyed 
to  the  deserving  objects  of  it  in  the  manner  you  think 
may  be  most  acceptable  to  them.  It  is  proposed  that 
another  congress  be  held  on  the  10th  of  May  next,  at  this 
place  ;  but  in  the  mean  time  we  beg  the  favour  of  you 
gentlemen,  to  transmit  to  the  speakers  of  the  several  as 
semblies  the  earliest  information  of  the  most  authentic 
accounts  you  can  collect,  of  all  such  conduct  and  designs 
of  ministry  or  parliament  as  it  may  concern  America  to 
know. 

We  are,  &c.  &c. 

Signed,  HENRY  MIDDLETON,  Pres>t." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  275 

The  remainder  of  this  commencement  of  a  history  of 
the  American  revolution,  by  Mr.  Lee,  has  been  lost.  The 
author  adds  here  a  letter  from  Thomas  Gushing  to  him, 
who  presided  as  speaker  of  the  assembly  of  Massachu 
setts  during  the  years  1769,  1770,  1771,  and  1772.  It 
was  written  after  Mr.  Cushing's  return  from  the  first 
congress  at  Philadelphia.  He  had  corresponded  with 
Mr.  Lee  while  he  acted  as  agent  in  London  of  the  colony 
of  Massachusetts. 

"  BOSTON,  Feb.  — ,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  favour  of  the 
6th  Dec.  last.  I  heartily  rejoice  to  hear  you  are  safely 
arrived  in  London  ;  we  are  much  obliged  to  ypu  for  travel 
ling  night  and  day  from  Rome,  in  order  to  do  what  ser 
vice  you  can  at  so  important  a  crisis.  The  people  in 
America  are  not  at  all  dismayed  at  the  king's  speech ; 
they  wish  for  peace,  and  for  an  amicable  and  equitable 
settlement  of  this  unhappy  controversy;  but  if  their  hopes 
should  be  called  off  by  the  intemperate  and  violent  con 
duct  of  the  mother  country,  after  the  conciliatory  offers 
that  have  been  made  by  the  continental  congress,  by 
which  they  have  reduced  the  dispute  to  mere  matter  of 
speculation,  and  administration  should  determine  to  carry 
into  execution  the  late  acts  of  parliament  by  a  military 
force,  the  people  of  America  I  am  persuaded  will  make 
the  last  appeal.  They  are  determined  life  and  liberty 
shall  go  together.  You  need  not  be  concerned ;  firm 
ness  and  unanimity  prevail  through  all  the  colonies,  the 
association  of  the  continental  congress  is  sacredly  adher 
ed  to,  and  1  have  just  been  informed  that  the  merchants 
at  New- York  have  obliged  a  vessel  that  arrived  there 
from  Scotland  since  the  first  of  February,  to  return  im 
mediately  without  breaking  bulk.  Our  people  are  prompt 
and  forward  in  their  military  exercises.  There  never 
was  since  we  have  been  a  people  such  a  military  spirit 
prevailing  as  at  present ;  but  God  forbid  we  should  set 
tle  this  dispute  by  arms.  May  the  great  Governor  of  the 
universe  direct  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and  lead  them 
into  such  measures  as  may  restore  peace,  harmony,  and 


276  LIFE   OF 

happiness  to  both  countries.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  see 
ing  your  brother,  Col.  Lee,  at  the  congress  at  Philadel 
phia,  and  spending  many  an  agreeable  hour  with  him ; 
he  is  a  steady  friend  to  his  country,  and  an  able  defend 
er  of  her  rights.  Pray  let  me  hear  from  you  by  every 
opportunity,  and  advise  me  constantly  of  the  designs  of 
administration  relative  to  America. 

I  am  with  great  truth  your  sincere  friend  and  humble 
servant,  THOMAS  GUSHING. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

P.  S.  The  terms  of  accommodation  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  colonies,  which  you  and  I  have  joined  in 
judgment  in,  and  have  heretofore  thought  reasonable, 
happen  to  be  approved  by  all  the  leading  men  in  Ameri 
ca,  as  you  will  perceive  by  the  resolutions  of  the  conti 
nental  congress.  T.  C." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  277 


APPENDIX  III. 

"  PARIS,  June  7,  1779. 

To  his  excellency  Mon.  le  Comte  d'Aranda. 
Mr.  Lee  has  the  honour  to  present  his  respects  to  the 
Ambassador  of  Spain  ;  and  to  beg  him  to  transmit  to  his 
Court  the  annexed  memorial. 

"  PARIS,  June  6, 1779. 

To  his  excellency  Count  Florida  Blanca,  Prime  Minis 
ter  of  Spain. 

I  have  the  honour  of  enclosing  to  your  Excellency  a 
memorial,  which  the  opportunities  I  have  had  of  knowing 
the  temper  and  circumstances  of  Great  Britain,  make  me 
presume  to  submit  to  your  consideration.  The  earnest 
desire  I  have  of  rendering  some  service  to  Spain,  and  the 
common  interest  that  must  subsist  in  the  success  of  the 
war,  should  it  happen,  are  the  motives,  and  I  hope  will 
be  the  apology,  for  what  I  offer. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c.  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  June  6,  1779. 

Memorial  to  his  excellency  Count  Florida  Blanca. 
The  English  having  taken  possession  of  Savannah,  in 
Georgia,  are  extending  themselves  in  that  state,  so  as  to 
form  a  connexion  with  and  establish  an  influence  over 
the  Indian  nations  that  border  on  all  that  country.  They 
design  also  to  possess  themselves  of  Port  Royal,  in  South 
Carolina,  and  if  possible,  of  Charleston.  These  acqui 
sitions,  if  they  are  suffered,  with  their  contiguous  pos 
sessions,  will  give  them  such  a  command  upon  that,eoast, 
and  in  the  Gulf,  as  well  as  such  means  of  exciting  the 
savages,  and  seconding  their  enterprises  against  the 
neighbouring  territories  of  Spain,  as  may  be  difficult  to 
resist,  if  they  are  not  prevented.  What  renders  it  im 
practicable  for  the  Americans  to  repel  the  enemy,  is, their 
superiority  at  sea,  which  at  the  same  time  that  it  sup- 


278  LIFE  OF 

ports  their  posts  on  the  land,  enables  them  to  make  di 
versions  in  various  quarters,  so  as  to  keep  up  a  general 
alarm,  and  prevent  our  force  from  being  united  in  any 
one  point.  With  this  view,  they  have  very  lately  invad 
ed  the  state  of  Virginia,  in  the  bay  of  Chesapeake,  to  with 
hold  the  aid  which  that  state  would  send  to  South  Caro 
lina  and  Georgia.  In  this  situation,  it  is  in  his  majesty's 
power  to  give  very  effectual  assistance  to  the  invaded 
states,  and  prevent  the  enemy  from  making  such  danger 
ous  establishments  and  such  an  augmentation  of  their 
power.  The  naval  force  of  the  English  in  Georgia  and 
South  Carolina,  will  consist  of  a  fifty  gun  ship,  the  Ex 
periment  lately  sailed,  and  three  frigates.  In  the  bay 
of  Chesapeake  there  are  a  sixty-four  and  forty-four  gun 
ship,  with  some  armed  tenders.  A  small  squadron  there 
fore  of  three  or  four  large  ships  and  a  few  frigates,  sent 
from  the  Havannah,  would  destroy  the  enemy's  ships  in 
Georgia,  South  Carolina  arid  Chesapeake  bay ;  and  de 
liver  their  troops  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 

The  state  of  the  enemy's  fleets  in  Europe  and  the 
West  Indies,  will  not  permit  them  at  present  to  augment 
their  force  on  the  coast  of  America.  The  scfuadron  ac 
tually  sailed,  under  Admiral  Arbuthnot  to  New- York, 
consists  of  four  ships  of  the  line  and  one  frigate  ;  name 
ly,  the  Robust  74,  the  Russel  74,  the  Europe  64,  the 
Alliance  64,  and  the  Guadaloupe  28.  As  this  squadron 
must  support  the  operations  of  their  main  army,  and  pro 
tect  Halifax,  Rhode  Island  and  New- York,  it  is  not  prob 
able  they  will  detach  any  additional  force  from  thence 
to  the  southward,  so  that  their  armaments  there,  if  not 
withdrawn,  must  necessarily  fall  a  sacrifice  to  a  Spanish 
squadron." 

«  PARIS,  December  16,  1779. 

To  his  excellency  Count  Florida  Blanca. 
Sir, — You  will  have  the  goodness  to  permit  my  recall 
ing  to  your  consideration  the  facts  I  already  had  the 
honour  of  stating  to  you,  relative  to  the  plan  of  the  com 
mon  enemy,  to  establish  themselves  in  Georgia  and 
South  Carolina,  in  order  to  carry  on  more  effectually  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  279 

war  against  the  possessions  of  Spain  in  America,  and 
against  the  United  States.  I  have  the  most  undoubted 
intelligence  that  they  are  more  and  more  determined  on 
pursuing  that  plan.  The  good  intentions  of  Count  d'Es- 
taign  to  drive  them  from  Georgia  having  unfortunately 
failed,  and  the  departure  of  the  French  fleet  having  left 
them  again  a  decided  superiority  on  our  coast,  must  give 
them  fresh  encouragement  to  prosecute  their  enterprise, 
and  will  render  the  assistance  of  his  Catholic  Majesty's 
squadron  at  the  Havannah  absolutely  necessary,  to  pre 
vent  its  succeeding.  Suffer  me  therefore  to  entreat  most 
earnestly  your  excellency's  attention  to  this,  if  other 
more  near  and  important  objects  of  the  war  should  have 
hitherto  diverted  it." 

"  Sir, — I  received  in  due  time  the  two  letters  of  the 
7th  and  25th  of  June,  with  which  your  honour  favour 
ed  me,  in  both  which  you  explain  the  situation  of  Eng 
land,  and  the  plan  which  you  think  the  powers  at  war 
with  that  crown  ought  to  pursue,  joined  with  various 
observations  relative  to  the  situation  of  these  united 
American  provinces.  I  can  assure  you  sir,  that  I  have 
read  with  great  pleasure  and  consideration,  the  wise  and 
prudent  reflections  contained  in  those  letters.  I  assure 
you  I  shall  make  a  proper  use  of  them.  I  embrace  this 
opportunity  of  offering  you  my  best  services,  and  of  as 
suring  you  of  my  prayer  for  the  preservation  of  your  life 
many  years.  COUJNT  FLORIDA  BLANCA. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


280  LIFE  OF 


APPENDIX   IV.     (a) 

Instructions  to  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee,  Commissioners 
appointed  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America  to  the  Court  of 
France. 

"THERE  is  herewith  delivered  to  you  a  plan  of  a  trea 
ty  with  his  most  Christian  majesty  of  France,  approved 
of  in  congress  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica. 

It  is  the  wish  of  congress  that  the  treaty  should  be 
concluded,  and  you  are  hereby  instructed  to  use  every 
means  in  your  power  for  concluding  it  conformably  to  the 
plan  you  have  received.  If  you  shall  find  that  to  be  im 
practicably,  you  are  hereby  authorized  to  relax  the  de 
mands  of  the  United  States,  and  to  enlarge  their  offers, 
agreeably  to  the  following  directions.  If  his  most  Chris 
tian  majesty  shall  not  consent  that  the  subjects,  people, 
and  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  shall  have  the  privi 
leges  proposed  in  the  second  article,  then,  the  United 
States  ought  not  to  give  the  subjects  of  his  most  Chris 
tian  majesty  the  privileges  proposed  in  the  first  article ; 
but  that  the  United  States  shall  give  to  the  subjects  of 
his  most  Christian  majesty  the  same  privileges,  liberties, 
and  immunities,  at  least,  and  the  like  favour  in  all  things, 
which  any  foreign  nation  the  most  favoured  shall  have, 
provided  his  most  Christian  majesty  shall  give  to  the  sub 
jects,  people,  and  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  the 
same  benefits,  privileges,  and  immunities,  which  any  the 
most  favoured  foreign  nation  now  has,  uses,  or  enjoys. 
And  in  case  neither  of  these  propositions  of  equal  advan 
tages  are  agreed  to,  then  the  whole  of  the  said  articles 
are  to  be  rejected,  rather  than  obstruct  the  farther  pro 
gress  of  the  treaty.  The  third  article  must  be  insisted 
on.  The  sixth  article  ought  to  be  obtained  if  possible, 
but  should  be  waived  rather  than  the  treaty  should  be  in- 


ARTHUR   LEE.  281 

terrupted  by  insisting  upon  it ;  his  most  Christian  majes 
ty  agreeing  nevertheless  to  use  his  interest  and  influence 
to  procure  passes  from  the  states  mentioned  in  this  arti 
cle,  for  the  vessels  of  the  subjects  and  inhabitants  of 
the  United  States  upon  the  Mediterranean.  The  seventh 
article  will  probably  be  attended  with  some  difficulty.  If 
you  find  his  most  Christian  majesty  determined  not  to 
agree  to  it,  you  are  empowered  to  add  to  it  as  follows. 
That  the  United  States  will  never  be  subject,  or  acknow 
ledge  allegiance  or  obedience  to  the  king,  or  crown,  or 
parliament  of  Great  Britain,  nor  grant  to  that  nation  any 
exclusive  trade,  or  any  advantages  or  privileges  in  trade, 
more  than  his  most  Christian  majesty  ;  neither  shall  any 
treaty  for  terminating  the  present  war  between  the  king 
of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  or  any  war  which 
may  be  declared  by  the  king  of  Great  Britain  against 
his  rnost  Christian  majesty,  in  consequence  of  this  trea 
ty,  take  effect  until  the  expiration  of  six  calendar  months 
after  the  negotiation  for  that  purpose  shall  have  been  du 
ly  notified,  in  the  former  instance  by  the  United  States 
to  his  most  Christian  majesty,  and  in  the  other  instance 
by  his  most  Christian  majesty  to  the  United  States,  to 
the  end  that  both  these  parties  may  be  included  in  the 
peace,  if  they  think  proper.  The  eleventh  and  twelfth 
articles  are  to  be  waived,  if  you  find  that  the  treaty  will 
be  interrupted  by  insisting  on  them.  You  will  press  the 
thirteenth  article,  but  let  not  the  fate  of  the  treaty  depend 
upon  obtaining  it.  If  his  most  Christian  majesty  should 
be  unwilling  to  agree  to  the  fifteenth  and  twenty-fifth 
articles,  you  are  directed  to  consent  that  the  goods  and 
effects  of  enemies  on  board  the  ships  and  vessels  of  either 
party  shall  be  liable  to  seizure  and  confiscation.  The 
twenty-fourth  article  is  not  to  be  insisted  on.  You  will 
solicit  the  court  of  France  for  an  immediate  supply  of 
twenty  or  thirty  thousand  muskets  and  bayonets,  and  a 
large  supply  of  ammunition  and  brass  field  pieces,  to  be 
sent  under  convoy  by  France.  The  United  States  en 
gage  for  the  payment  of  the  arms,  artillery,  and  ammu 
nition,  and  to  indemnify  France  for  the  expense  of  the 
convoy.  Engage  a  few  good  engineers  in  the  service  of 
VOL.  i.  36 


282  LIFE    OF 

the  United  States.  It  is  highly  probable  that  France 
means  not  to  let  the  United  States  sink  in  the  present 
contest  ;  but  as  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  true  accounts 
of  our  condition  may  cause  an  opinion  to  be  entertained 
that  we  are  able  to  support  the  war  on  our  own  strength 
and  resources  longer  than  in  fact  we  can  do,  it  will  be 
proper  for  you  to  press  for  the  immediate  and  explicit 
declaration  of  France  in  our  favour,  upon  a  suggestion 
that  a  re-union  with  GreatBritain  may  be  the  consequence 
of  a  delay. 

Should  Spain  be  disinclined  to  our  cause  from  an  ap 
prehension  of  danger  to  her  dominions  in  South  America, 
you  are  empowered  to  give  the  strongest  assurances  that 
that  crown  will  receive  no  molestation  from  the  United 
States  in  the  possession  of  those  territories.  You  will 
transmit  to  us  the  most  speedy  and  full  intelligence  of 
your  progress  in  this  business,  and  of  any  other  Europe 
an  transaction  that  it  may  import  us  to  know. 

You  are  desired  to  get  the  best  and  earliest  informa 
tion  that  you  possibly  can  of  any  negotiations  that  the 
court  of  London  may  be  carrying  on,  for  obtaining  foreign 
mercenaries  to  be  sent  against  these  states  the  next  cam 
paign  ;  and  if  any  such  design  is  in  agitation,  you  will 
endeavour  to  prevail  with  the  court  of  France  to  exert 
its  influence  in  the  most  effectual  manner,  to  prevent  the 
execution  of  such  designs.  You  are  desired  to  obtain  as 
early  as  possible  a  public  acknowledgment  of  the  inde 
pendency  of  these  states  on  the  crown  and  parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  by  the  court  of  France.  In  conducting 
this  important  business  the  congress  have  the  greatest 
confidence  in  your  address,  abilities,  vigilance,  and  attach 
ment  to  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  and  wish  you 
every  success. 

By  order  of  congress, 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  President." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  283 

"  In  Congress,  October  16th,  1776. 

Additional  instructions  to  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane, 

and  Arthur  Lee,  Commissioners  from  the  United  States 

of  America  to  the  king  of  France. 

Whilst  you  are  negotiating  the  affair  you  are  charged 
with  at  the  court  of  France,  you  will  have  opportunities 
of  conversing  frequently  with  the  ministers  and  agents 
of  other  European  princes  and  states  residing  there. 

You  shall  endeavour,  when  you  find  occasion  fit  and 
convenient,  to  obtain  from  them  a  recognition  of  our  in 
dependency  and  sovereignty,  and  to  conclude  treaties  of 
peace,  amity,  and  commerce,  between  their  princes  or 
states  and  us  ;  provided  that  the  same  be  not  inconsistent 
with  the  treaty  you  shall  make  with  his  most  Christian 
majesty,  that  they  do  not  oblige  us  to  become  a  party  in 
any  war  which  may  happen  in  consequence  thereof,  and 
that  the  immunities,  exemptions,  privileges,  protection, 
defence,  and  advantages,  or  the  contrary,  thereby  stipu 
lated,  be  equal  and  reciprocal.  If  that  cannot  be  effect 
ed,  you  shall  to  the  utmost  of  your  power  prevent  their 
taking  part  with  Great  Britain  in  the  war  which  his  Bri 
tannic  majesty  prosecutes  against  us,  or  entering  into  of 
fensive  alliances  with  that  king,  and  protest  and  present 
remonstrances  against  the  same,  desiring  the  interposition, 
mediation,  and  good  offices,  on  our  behalf,  of  his  most 
Christian  majesty  the  king  of  France,  and  of  any  other 
princes  or  states  whose  dispositions  are  not  hostile  to 
wards  us.  In  case  overtures  be  made  to  you  by  the 
ministers  or  agents  of  any  European  princes  or  states, 
for  commercial  treaties  between  them  and  us,  you  may 
conclude  such  treaties  accordingly. 

By  order  of  congress, 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  President." 

"In  Congress,  October  22d,  1776,  Resolved,  that  the 
commissioners  going  to  the  court  of  France,  be  directed 
to  procure  from  that  court,  at  the  expense  of  these  Unit 
ed  States,  either  by  purchase  or  loan,  eight  line  of  battle 
ships,  of  74  and  64  guns,  well  manned  and  fitted  in  every 


284  LIFE    OF 

respect  for  service  ;  that  as  these  ships  may  be  useful  in 
proportion  to  the  quickness  with  which  they  reach  North 
America,  the  commissioners  be  directed  to  expedite  this 
negotiation  with  all  possible  diligence. 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  President." 

Letters  of  Instruction,  &c.  from  the  Committee  of  For 
eign  Affairs  to  the  Commissioners  in  France,  and 
from  them  to  the  Committee. 

"BALTIMORE,  MARYLAND,  December  21,  1776. 

Honourable  Gentlemen, — After  expressing  our  hopes 
that  this  will  find  you  all  three  safely  fixed  at  Paris,  we 
proceed  with  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  Mr. 
Deane's  letter  of  the  first  of  October.  When  we  reflect 
on  the  character  and  views  of  the  court  of  London,  it 
ceases  to  be  a  wonder  that  the  British  ambassador  and 
all  other  British  agents  should  employ  every  means  that 
tended  to  prevent  European  powers,  but  France  more 
especially,  from  giving  America  aid  in  this  war.  Pros 
pects  of  accommodation,  it  is  well  known,  would  effec 
tually  prevent  foreign  interference,  and  therefore  without 
one  serious  design  of  accommodating  on  any  principles 
but  the  absolute  submission  of  America,  the  delusive  idea 
of  conciliation  hath  been  industriously  suggested  on  both 
sides  the  water,  that  under  cover  of  this  dividing  and 
aid-withholding  prospect,  the  vast  British  force  sent  to 
America  might  have  the  fairest  chance  of  succeeding. 
And  this  policy  hath  in  fact  done  considerable  injury  to 
the  United  States,  as  we  shall  presently  show,  by  a  just 
detail  of  this  campaign,  for  it  is  not  yet  ended.  You 
know,  gentlemen,  that  at  the  moment  a  potent  land  and 
marine  force  was  preparing  to  be  sent  here,  an  act  was 
passed  for  appointing  commissioners,  whom  too  many 
expected  were  to  give  peace  to  America.  As  therefore 
the  war  might  be  soon  concluded,  so  were  our  military 
arrangements  accommodated,  and  the  troops  taken  into 
service  the  last  spring,  consisting  of  regular  corps  and 
bodies  of  militia,  were  all  engaged  for  short  periods.  With 
these  the  compaign  begun  in  various  parts  of  North  Ame 
rica.  Dr.  Franklin  is  so  well  acquainted  with  the  pro- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  285 

gress  of  the  war  in  Canada,  previous  to  his  departure, 
that  we  need  only  observe  the  campaign  has  ended  as 
favourably  for  us  in  that  quarter,  as  we  could  reasonably 
expect.  The  enemy  having  been  able  to  pierce  no  far 
ther  than  Crown  Point,  after  a  short  stay,  and  recon- 
noitering  General  Gates's  army  at  Ticonderoga,  thought 
proper  to  recross  the  lake,  and  leave  us  in  quiet  posses 
sion  of  these  passes.  General  Gates  having  left  a  proper 
force  at  Ticonderoga,  and  on  the  communication,  retired 
with  the  rest  of  his  troops.  New-York  and  its  neigh 
bourhood  not  being  defensible  by  an  army  singly,  against 
a  strong  land  and  sea  force  acting  in  conjunction,  was 
of  necessity  yielded  to  the  enemy,  after  some  contest ; 
General  Washington  retiring  after  the  situation  of  the 
country  above  Kingsbridge  no  longer  enabled  the  enemy 
to  receive  aid  from  their  ships.  General  Howe  having 
stopped  here,  and  General  Carleton  at  Crown  Point,  ef 
fectually  disappointed  the  great  object  of  joining  the<  two 
armies.  The  latter,  as  we  have  said,  returning  to  Can 
ada,  and  the  former  retreating  from  the  White  Plains 
towards  New-York,  gave  us  a  favourable  prospect  of  see 
ing  a  happy  end  put  to  this  dangerous  campaign.  How 
ever,  many  causes  have  concurred  in  producing  an  unlucky 
reverse  of  fortune  ;  the  nature  of  the  country,  the  un 
common  fineness  of  the  weather  even  to  this  day,  and 
above  all  the  short  enlistments,  which  gave  the  soldiery 
an  opportunity  of  going  home,  tired  as  they  were  with 
the  operations  of  an  active  summer.  When  General 
Howe  retreated  from  the  White  Plains,  he  halted  his 
whole  army  on  the  North  River,  between  Dobb's  Ferry 
and  Kingsbridge,  where  he  remained  for  some  time. 
Having  effected  so  little  of  the  great  business  that  brought 
him  here,  and  the  season  allowing  him  time  for  it,  most 
men  were  of  opinion  that  the  next  attempt  would  be  to 
get  possession  of  Philadelphia  by  a  march  through  the 
Jerseys,  whilst  a  fleet  should  be  sent  up  the  Delaware  to 
facilitate  the  enterprise.  To  guard  against  such  a  ma 
noeuvre,  General  Washington  crossed  the  North  River 
with  all  the  battalions  that  had  been  raised  to  the  west 
ward  of  it,  leaving  General  Lee,  with  the  eastern  troops, 


286  LIFE   OF 

to  guard  the  pass  of  the  high  lands  on  Hudson  River.    In 
this  situation  of  things,  General  Howe  made  a  sudden 
attack  on  Fort  Washington  with  the  greatest  part  of  his 
army,  and  carried  it  with  a  considerable  loss  :  here  he 
made  near  3000  of  our  men  prisoners.     By  this  event  it 
became  unnecessary  longer  to  hold  Fort  Lee,  or  Fort 
Constitution  as  it  was  formerly  called,   which  is  on  the 
west  side  of  the  North  River,  nearly  opposite  to  Fort 
Washington.     It  had  therefore  been  determined  to  aban 
don  Fort  Lee,  but  before  the  stores  could  be  all  removed, 
the  enemy  came  suddenly  upon  it,  and  the  garrison  re 
treated,  leaving  some  of  their  baggage  and  stores  behind. 
About  this  time  General  Howe   became  possessed  of  a 
letter,  (by  the  agency  of  some  wicked  person,  who  con 
trived  to  get  it  from  the  express)  written  by   General 
Washington  to  the  Board  of  War,  in  which  he  had  given 
an  exact  account  when,  the  time  of  service  of  all  our  bat 
talions  would    expire,    and   his  apprehensions  that  the 
men  would  not  re-enlist,  without  first  going  home  to  see 
their  families  and  friends.     Possessed  of  this  intelligence, 
the  opportunity  was  carefully  watched,    and  a  vigorous 
impression  actually    made  at  the  very  crisis  when  our 
army  in  the  Jerseys  was  reduced  to  3000  men,  by  the  re 
tiring  of  numbers  and  the  sickness  of  others,  and  before 
our  militia  could  in  this  extensive  country,  be  brought  up 
to  supply  their  places.     The  enemy  marched   rapidly 
on  through  the  Jerseys,  whilst  our   feeble    army   was 
obliged  to  retreat  from  post  to  post  until  it  crossed  the 
Delaware  at  Trenton  where  about  2500  militia  from 
Philadelphia  joined  the  general.     Since  General  Howe's 
arrival  on  the  border  of  the  Delaware  various  manoeu 
vres  and  stratagems  have  been  practised  to  effect  a  pas 
sage  over  the  river,  but  they  have  hitherto  failed.     Gen 
eral  Washington's  small  army  is  placed  along  the  west 
side  of  Delaware,  from  Corrill's  ferry  to  within  fourteen 
miles  of  Philadelphia  ;   with  the  gondolas  and  one  frig 
ate  of  32  guns,  and  other  armed  vessels  on  the  river 
above  the  cheveaux  defrisc  over  the  passage  of  it.     Gen. 
Lee,  who  had  crossed  the  North  River  writh  as  many  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  287 

the  eastern  troops  as  could  be  spared  from  the  defence 
of  the  high  lands,  (either  to  join  Gen.  Washington  or  to 
act  on  the  enemies'  rear,  as  occasion  might  point  out) 
was  the  other  day  unfortunately  surprised  and  made 
prisoner  by  a  party  of  70  light  horse,  who  found  him 
in  a  house  a  few  miles  in  the  rear  of  his  army  with  his 
domestics  only.  This  loss  though  great,  will  in  some 
degree  be  repaired  for  the  present  by  Gen.  Gates,  who 
we  understand  has  joined  the  army  commanded  by  Gen. 
Lee,  and  who  we  have  reason  to  think  has  by  this  time 
effected  a  junction  of  his  force  with  that  of  Gen.  Wash 
ington.  As  the  militia  are  marching  from  various  quar 
ters  to  reinforce  the  general,  if  the  enemy  do  not  quickly 
accomplish  their  wishes  of  possessing  Philadelphia,  we 
hope  not  only  to  have  that  city,  but  to  see  Gen.  Howe 
retreat  as  fast  as  he  advanced  through  the  Jerseys. 
Gen.  Clinton,  with  a  fleet  in  which  it  is  said  he  carried 
8000  men,  has  gone  from  New-York  through  the  Sound  ; 
some  suppose  for  Rhode  Island,  but  neither  his  destina 
tion  nor  its  consequences  are  yet  certainly  known  to  us. 
Thus  gentlemen  we  have  given  you  a  true  detail  of  the 
progress  and  present  state  of  our  affairs,  which,  although 
not  in  so  good  a  posture  as  they  were  two  months  ago,  are 
by  no  means  in  so  bad  a  way  as  the  emissaries  of  the 
British  court  will  undoubtedly  represent  them.  If  the 
great  land  and  sea  force  with  which  we  have  been  at 
tacked,  be  compared  with  the  feeble  state  which  the 
commencement  of  this  war  found  us  with  respect  to  mili 
tary  stores  of  all  kinds,  soldiers,  clothing,  navy  and  reg 
ular  force,  and  if  the  infinite  art  be  considered  with 
which  Great  Britain  hath  endeavoured  to  prevent  our 
getting  these  necessaries  from  foreign  parts,  which  has 
in  part  prevailed,  the  wonder  will  rather  be  that  our 
enemies  have  made  so  little  progress  than  that  they 
have  made  so  much.  All  views  of  accommodation  with 
Great  Britain,  but  on  principles  of  peace  as  independ 
ent  states,  and  in  a  manner  perfectly  consistent  with  the 
treaties  our  commissioners  may  make  with  foreign  states, 
being  totally  at  an  end,  since  the  declaration  of  inde 
pendence  and  the  embassy  to  the  court  of  France,  con- 


288  LIFE   OF 

gress  have  directed  the  raising  94  battalions  of  infantry 
with  some  cavalry.  Thirteen  frigates  from  24  to  36 
guns  are  already  launched  and  fitting,  and  two  ships  of 
the  line  with  five  more  frigates  are  ordered  to  be  put  on 
the  stocks.  We  hear  the  levies  are  going  on  well  in  the 
different  states.  Until  the  new  army  is  collected  the  mi 
litia  must  curb  the  enemies'  progress.  The  very  consid 
erable  force  that  Great  Britain  has  already  in  North  Ame 
rica,  the  possibility  of  recruiting  it  here  within  their  own 
quarters,  by  force  and  fraud  together,  added  to  the  rein 
forcements  that  may  be  sent  from  Europe,  and  the  diffi 
culty  of  finding  funds  in  the  present  depressed  state  of 
American  commerce,  all  conspire  to  prove  incontestably, 
that  if  France  desires  to  preclude  the  possibility  of 
North  America  being  ever  reunited  with  Great  Britain, 
now  is  the  favourable  moment  for  establishing  the  glory, 
strength,  and  commercial  greatness  of  the  former  king 
dom,  by  the  ruin  of  her  ancient  rival.  A  decided  part 
now  taken  by  the  court  of  Versailles,  and  a  vigorous 
engagement  in  the  war  in  union  with  North  America, 
would  with  ease  sacrifice  the  fleet  and  army  of  Great 
Britain,  at  this  time  chiefly  collected  about  New- York. 
The  inevitable  consequence  would  be  the  quick  reduc 
tion  of  the  British  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  already 
barred  of  defence  by  the  removal  of  their  troops  to  this 
continent.  For  reasons  herein  assigned,  gentlemen,  you 
will  readily  discern  how  all-important  it  is  to  the  secu 
rity  of  American  independence  that  France  should  enter 
the  war  as  soon  as  may  be,  and  how  necessary  it  is  if  it 
be  possible,  to  procure  from  her  the  line-of-battle  ships 
you  were  desired  in  your  instructions  to  obtain  for  us, 
the  speedy  arrival  of  which  here,  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  might  decide  the  contest  at  one  stroke.  We  shall 
pay  proper  attention  to  what  Mr.  Deane  writes  concern 
ing  Dr.  Williamson  and  Mr.  Hopkins,  and  we  think  the 
ill  treatment  this  country  and  Mr.  Deane  have  received 
from  these  men,  strongly  suggest  the  necessity  of  invin 
cible  reserve  with  persons  coming  to  France  as  Ame 
ricans  and  friends  to  America,  whom  the  most  irrefraga 
ble  proofs  have  not  removed  all  doubt  about.  The  Bri- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  289 

tish  recall  of  their  Mediterranean  passes,  is  an  object  of 
great  consequence,  and  may  require  much  intercession 
with  the  court  of  France  to  prevent  the  mischief  that 
may  be  desired  to  American  commerce  therefrom.  But 
this  subject  has  been  already  touched  upon  in  your  in 
structions  on  the  sixth  article  of  the  treaty  proposed  to 
be  made  with  France.  As  all  affairs  relative  to  the  con 
duct  of  commerce  and  remittance  pass  through  another 
department,  we  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  the  secret  com 
mittee  and  Mr.  Thomas  Morris  their  agent  in  France,  for 
every  information  on  these  subjects.  The  neighbourhood 
of  Philadelphia  having  by  the  enemies'  movements  be 
come  the  seat  of  war,  it  was  judged  proper  that  congress 
should  adjourn  to  this  town,  where  the  public  business 
may  be  attended  to  with  the  undisturbed  deliberation 
that  its  importance  demands.  The  congress  was  accord 
ingly  opened  here  on  the  20th  inst.  As  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  the  conference  with  Lord  Howe  on  Staten 
Island  may  be  misrepresented  to  the  injury  of  these 
states,  we  do  ourselves  the  pleasure  to  enclose  you  an  au 
thenticated  account  of  that  whole  business,  which  the 
possibility  of  Dr.  Franklin's  not  arriving  renders  proper. 
This  step  was  taken  to  unmask  his  lordship,  and  evince 
to  the  world  that  he  did  not  possess  powers,  which  for 
the  purposes  of  delusive  division,  it  had  been  suggested 
he  did.  Mr.  Deane's  proposition  of  a  loan  is  accepted  by 
congress,  and  they  have  desired  two  millions  sterling  to 
be  obtained  if  possible.  The  necessity  of  keeping  up 
the  credit  of  our  paper  currency  and  the  variety  of  im 
portant  uses  that  may  be  made  of  this  money,  have  in 
duced  congress  to  go  so  far  as  six  per  cent.,  but  the  in 
terest  is  heavy,  and  it  is  hoped  you  may  be  able  to  do  the 
business  on  much  easier  terms.  The  resolves  of  con 
gress  on  this  subject  are  enclosed  and  your  earliest  atten 
tion  to  them  is  desired,  that  we  may  know  as  soon  as 
possible  the  event  of  this  application.  Another  resolve 
of  congress  enclosed  will  show  you  that  congress  approve 
of  armed  vessels  being  fitted  out  by  you  on  continental 
account,  provided  the  court  of  France  dislike  not  the 
measure  ;  and  blank  commissions  for  this  purpose  will  be 
VOL.  i.  37 


290  LIFE    OF 

sent  you  by  the  next  opportunity.  Private  ships  of  war 
or  privateers  cannot  be  admitted  where  you  are,  because 
the  securities  necessary  in  such  cases  to  prevent  irregular 
practices  cannot  be  given  by  the  owners  and  command 
ers  of  such  privateers.  Another  resolve  of  congress 
which  we  have  the  honour  to  enclose  you,  directs  the  con 
duct  to  be  pursued  with  regard  to  Portugal.  We  have 
nothing  farther  to  add  at  present,  but  to  request  that  you 
will  omit  no  good  opportunity  of  informing  us  how  you 
succeed  in  your  mission,  what  events  take  place  in  Eu 
rope  by  which  these  states  may  be  affected,  and  that  you 
forward  us  in  regular  succession  some  of  the  best  Lon 
don,  French,  and  Dutch  news-papers,  with  any  valuable 
political  publications  that  may  concern  North  America. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be,  gentlemen,  with  great  re 
spect  and  esteem  your  most  obedient  and  very  humble 
servants,  BENJ.  HARRISON, 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
WILL.  HOOPER, 

JNO.    WlTHERSPOON, 

ROBT.  MORRIS,  of  Philad. 

P.  S. — The  American  captures  of  British  vessels  at 
sea  have  not  been  less  numerous  or  less  valuable  than 
before  Dr.  Franklin  left  us.  The  value  of  these  cap 
tures  has  been  estimated  at  two  millions." 

"  BALTIMORE,  2d  Feb.  1777. 

Hon.  Gentlemen, — You  will  receive  enclosed  copies 
of  our  letters  of  the  21st  December,  and  of  the  resolves 
of  congress  accompanying  them.  It  concerns  us  not  less 
than  we  are  sure  it  will  you,  that  you  should  have  heard 
so  seldom  from  us,  but  the  vigilance  of  the  British 
cruisers  has  prevented  our  most  earnest  solicitude  for  this 
purpose.  The  manner  in  which  they  now  conduct  the 
business  proves  the  necessity  of  the  request  made  by 
congress  for  the  loan  or  sale  of  a  few  capital  ships.  The 
entrance  into  Delaware  and  Chesapeake  being  narrow, 
by  placing  one  40  or  50  gun  ship  for  the  protection  of 
their  frigates,  they  both  stop  our  commerce  and  our  cor 
respondence.  Formerly  their  frigates  protected  their 


ARTHUR    LEE.  291 

traders,  but  now  that  we  have  frigates  their  larger  ships 
protect  their  frigates ;  and  this  winter  has  been  so  un 
commonly  favourable  that  they  have  been  able  to  keep 
the  sea,  undisturbed  by  those  severe  gales  of  wind  so 
usual  off  this  coast  in  the  winter  season.     If  we  had  a 
few  line  of  battle  ships  to  aid  our  frigates,  the   com 
merce  of  North  America,  so  beneficial  to  ourselves  and 
so  advantageous  to  France,  would  be  carried  on  maugre 
the  opposition  of  Great  Britain.     As  we  have  not  re 
ceived  any  of  those  military  stores  and  clothing  promis 
ed  by  Mr.   Deane,  we  have  much  reason  to  fear  they 
have  fallen  into  the  enemies'  hands,  which  would  render 
a  fresh  supply  necessary.     Except  Mr.  Deane's  favour  of 
September   17th,   which  is  but  just  nowr  received,  and 
that  of  October  the  1st,  we   have  not  heard   from   him 
since  the  summer,  so  that  we  have  been  as  destitute  of 
European  as  we  have  been  of  true  American  intelligence. 
The  enclosed  papers  will  furnish  you  with  authentic  ac 
counts  of  our  successes  against  our  enemies  since  the 
24th  December.     They  have  paid  severely  for  their  visit 
of  parade  through  the  Jerseys,  and  these  events  are  an 
abundant  proof  of  British  folly  in  attempting  to  subdue 
North  America.    Although  the  short  enlistments  had  dis 
persed  our  army  directly  in  the  face  of  a  hostile  force, 
and   thereby  induced  a  proud  enemy  to   suppose  their 
work  was  done,  yet  they  suddenly  found  themselves  at 
tacked  on  all  sides  by  a  hardy  active  militia,  who  have 
constantly  been  beating  up  their  quarters,  captivating  and 
destroying  their  troops,  so  that  in  the  six  or  seven  last 
weeks  they  have  not  looked  much  fewer  than  3000 ; 
about  2000  of  whom  with  many  officers  are  now  our 
prisoners.    Instead  of  remaining  cantoned  in  the  pleasant 
villages  of  Jersey,  as  the  enclosed  authentic  copy  of  Gen. 
Howe's  order  to  Col.  de  Dourp  (the  original  of  which  fell 
into  our  hands  by  the  colonel's  flight  from  Bordenton)  will 
show  you,  that  they  are  now  collected  upon  the  Bruns 
wick  Heights,  where   they  suffer  every  kind  of  distress 
from  want  of  forage,  fuel,  and  other  necessaries,  whilst 
Gen.  Washington's  army  of  militia  so  environs  them,  that 
they  never  show  their  faces  without  their  lines,  but  they 


292  LIFE    OF 

get  beaten  back  with  loss  and  disgrace.  Being  thus  situ 
ated,  we  have  reason  to  hope  that  this  part  of  their  army 
(and  it  is  the  most  considerable  part)  will  by  the  end  of 
the  winter  be  reduced  very  low  by  deaths,  desertion,  and 
captivity.  Gen.  Heath  with  a  body  of  eastern  troops, 
is  making  an  impression  on  New- York  by  King's  Bridge, 
which  we  understand  has  obliged  the  enemy  to  recall 
their  troops  from  Rhode  Island,  for  the  defence  of  that 
city.  The  regular  corps  that  are  to  compose  the  new 
army  are  making  up  in  the  several  states  as  fast  as  pos 
sible  ;  but  arms,  artillery,  tent  cloth,  and  clothing,  will 
be  greatly  wanted.  For  these  our  reliance  is  on  the 
favour  and  friendship  of  his  most  Christian  majesty.  If 
you  are  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  them,  the  propriety  of 
sending  them  in  a  strong  ship  of  war  must  be  very  evi 
dent  to  you  gentlemen,  when  you  know  our  coasts  are 
so  covered  with  British  cruisers  of  from  20  to  50  guns, 
though  but  few  of  the  latter.  We  believe  they  have  but 
two  ships  of  40  and  two  or  three  of  50  guns  in  their 
whole  fleet  on  the  North  American  station  ;  and  these 
are  employed,  one  of  them  to  cover  a  frigate  or  two  at 
the  capes  of  each  bay,  whilst  the  rest  remained  at  New- 
York. 

We  beg  leave  to  turn  your  attention  to  the  enclosed 
propositions  of  congress,  and  we  doubt  not  you  will  urge 
their  success  with  that  zeal  and  careful  assiduity  that 
objects  so  necessary  to  the  liberty  and  safety  of  your 
country  demand. 

We  are  exceedingly  anxious  to  hear  from  you,  and  re 
main  with  particular  sentiments  of  esteem  and  friendship 
honourable  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  and  very  hum 
ble  servants,  BENJ.  HARRISON, 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

JNO.  WlTHERSPOON." 
"BALTIMORE,  9th  January  1777. 

Honourable  Gentlemen, — Captain  Hammond  having 
been  detained  longer  than  we  expected,  furnishes  us  with 
an  opportunity  of  giving  you  the  information  we  have 
since  our  last  received  from  the  army,  through  a  commit- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  293 

tee  of  congress  left  at  Philadelphia ;  for  we  have  yet  no  reg 
ular  account  from  General  Washington.  On  the  second 
instant,  General  Washington  having  received  information 
that  the  enemy  were  on  their  inarch  to  attack  him  at 
Trenton,  ordered  two  brigades  of  militia  to  advance  and 
annoy  them  on  the  road  leading  from  Princeton  to  Tren 
ton,  who  falling  in  with  the  enemy  about  three  miles 
from  the  latter  place,  engaged  them ;  but  being  over 
powered  by  numbers,  made  a  retreating  fight,  until  they 
joined  the  main  body,  who  were  drawn  up  on  the  heights, 
west  of  a  bridge  that  divides  the  village  of  Trenton  near 
ly  in  two  parts.  The  enemy  attempting  to  force  the 
bridge,  were  repulsed  with  loss  by  a  body  of  men  with  ar 
tillery,  placed  there  to  receive  them.  In  the  mean  time, 
some  batteries  being  opened  on  the  heights,  soon  drove  the 
enemy  from  that  part  of  the  town  possessed  by  them. 
Thus  the  affair  ended  for  that  evening.  But  General 
Washington  having  received  intelligence  that  Gen.  Howe 
was  in  person  coming  up  to  join  his  army  with  a  strong 
re-inforcement,  directed  fires  to  be  made  on  the  heights 
to  deceive  the  enemy,  decamped  at  midnight,  and  made 
a  forced  inarch  in  order  to  meet  Gen.  Howe  and  give  him 
battle  before  he  joined  his  main  body.  About  three 
miles  short  of  Princeton,  the  van  of  our  army  fell  in 
with  600  British  infantry,  strongly  posted  behind  a  fence, 
and  upon  a  hill,  with  artillery.  They  were  attacked, 
and  after  a  smart  engagement  routed,  having  lost  280, 
killed  and  taken  prisoners ;  among  whom  one  colonel, 
one  major,  several  captains  and  subalterns  were  slain, 
and  about  20  officers  made  prisoners.  The  fugitives 
were  pursued  through  Princeton,  where  our  army  halted 
a  while.  In  this  affair  six  pieces  of  artillery  with  abun 
dance  of  baggage  fell  into  our  hands.  At  Princeton  it 
was  learnt  that  General  Howe  was  not  with  this  party, 
but  that  he  remained  at  Brunswick  with  three  or  four 
thousand  men.  There  being  a  considerable  force  in  the 
rear,  and  our  men  being  greatly  fatigued  with  their 
march,  and  their  baggage  chiefly  left  behind,  (it  having 
been  sent  to  Burlington)  the  general  proceeded  to  Som 
erset  court-house  that  evening,  a  little  westward  of  the 


294  LIFE    OF 

road  leading  to  Brunswick,  and  about  seven  or  nine  miles 
from  that  place.  Here  we  understand  he  expected  to  be 
joined  by  a  body  of  1500  or  2000  fresh  troops,  and  that 
his  intention  was  to  attack  Gen.  Howe  in  Brunswick.  On 
Friday  morning,  when  the  enemy  at  Trenton  missed  our 
army,  they  returned  towards  Princeton ;  but  it  seems 
they  left  three  thousand  Hessians  behind  them,  who  fol 
lowing  afterwards  were  so  fatigued  with  travelling  and 
want  of  food,  that  numbers  were  left  on  the  road,  and 
were  straggling  about  the  country  in  threes  and  fours. 
Many  were  taken  by  the  country  people  and  brought  in 
prisoners  ;  many  came  to  Trenton  and  surrendered  them 
selves.  The  militia  of  Jersey  were  rising  generally,  and 
it  was  thought  fe\v  of  these  Hessians  would  get  back 
again.  This  is  the  present  state  of  our  information,  and 
we  hourly  expect  a  well  authenticated  account  of  the 
whole,  and  of  much  greater  successes.  We  shall  en 
deavour  to  give  you  the  speediest  account  of  what  shall 
farther  come  to  our  knowledge  from  good  authority. 

The  above  relation  is  taken  from  a  gentleman  who  was 
in  the  action,  and  who,  the  committee  inform  us  is  a  gen 
tleman  of  sense  and  honour.  The  general  has  been  too 
much  engaged  to  write,  and  we  suppose  waits  the  final 
issue.  We  most  earnestly  wish  you  success  in  your  ne 
gotiations,  and  are  with  perfect  esteem,  honourable  gen 
tlemen,  your  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servants. 

BENJ.  HARRISON, 
RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 
In  secret  committee. 

P.  S.  In  the  engagement  near  Princeton  we  lost  fif 
teen  privates,  one  colonel,  and  brigadier  general  Mercer,  a 
very  good  officer  and  a  worthy  gentleman. 

Passy,  March  21,  1777.  The  above  is  a  copy  of  the 
last  letter.,  The  preceding  gives  an  account  of  the  taking 
prisoners  -three  battalions  of  Hessians  at  Trenton,  De 
cember  26,  of  which  I  suppose  you  have  already  seen 
the  particulars.  B.  F." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  295 

"PHILADELPHIA,  January  14,  1777. 

Honourable  Gentlemen, — I  have  the  honour  to  enclose 
you  herein  a  copy  of  two  resolves  of  congress,  passed 
the  19th  and  29th  November,  by  which  the  secret  com 
mittee  are  directed  to  import  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  brass  cannon,  and  arms  and  equipage  complete  for 
three  thousand  horse. 

You  will  observe  they  are  also  directed  to  confer  with 
the  cannon  committee  as  to  how  many  they  can  provide 
here  of  the  field  pieces  ;  but  we  pay  little  regard  to  that 
point,  well  knowing  they  will  not  be  able  to  procure 
proper  metal  for  many  of  them.  Therefore  I  must  re 
quest  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  secret  com 
mittee,  that  you  will  contract  immediately  for  these 
necessary  supplies,  and  send  them  out  to  these  states  by 
various  conveyances,  as  quick  as  possible.  Indeed  I 
hope  you  may  procure  some  line  of  battle  ships  to  come 
out  with  them,  and  then  there  will  be  little  danger  of 
their  coming  safe.  I  most  sincerely  hope  the  court  of 
France  may  be  disposed  to  favour  all  our  views.  That 
they  will  accommodate  you  with  sufficient  loans  to  pay 
for  these  and  all  other  stores  we  want  from  Europe,  for 
although  we  have  plenty  of  valuable  produce,  that  \vould 
soon  provide  you  with  ample  funds,  if  we  could  get  it 
exported  safely,  yet  the  difficulties  and  impediments  we 
meet  with  will  render  it  impossible  to  get  it  away  half 
fast  enough.  Nothing  in  our  power  shall  be  left  undone, 
and  Mr.  Morris  will  be  ordered  to  supply  you  with  money 
as  fast  as  he  receives  it  from  the  net  proceeds  of  our  con 
signments. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  esteem  and  re 
gard,  honourable  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  ROBERT  MORRIS, 

Chairman  of  the  secret  committee  of  Congress. 

P.  S.  These  resolves  would  have  been  sent  long 
since,  but  our  ports  have  been  blocked  up  by  the  British 
men  of  war,  and  the  confusion  we  were  put  in  on  the 
rapid  march  through  the  Jerseys  and  near  approach  to 


296  LIFE    OF 

this  city  by  the  enemy,  has  put  it  totally  out  of  our  power 
to  forward  any  despatches  for  some  time  past. 

(Third  copy.)  R.  M. 

The  Honourable  Benj.  Franklin,  Silas  Deane  and  Arthur 
Lee,  Esquires,  Commissioners,  fyc.  Paris." 

"  In  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs. 

(Duplicate.)  YORK-TOWN,  PENN.  Oct.  6th,  1777. 

Honourable  Gentlemen, — Since  ours  to  you  by  return 
of  the  packet  from  New-Hampshire,  and  duplicates  by 
Mr.  McCreary  from  Maryland,  we  have  not  written:  nor 
have  we  received  any  of  your  favours  during  the  last  two 
months,  except  a  letter  of  old  date,  (April  29th)  signed 
by  Mr.  Deane  and  Doctor  Lee.  Capt.  Hammond  being 
not  yet  arrived,  although  he  sailed  in  April,  it  is  too  pro 
bable  that  he  has  either  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  ene 
my,  or  miscarried  at  sea.  Two  reasons  have  prevented 
us  from  writing  hitherto;  because  from  your  assurances 
we  had  room  to  expect  a  monthly  packet,  and  because 
the  progressive  state  of  the  war  gave  us  room  to  look 
daily  for  some  more  decisive  event  than  had  happened, 
and  which  might  wrarrant  the  expense  of  a  particular 
packet ;  as  the  casual  conveyance  by  merchant  vessels  is 
almost  entirely  stopped  by  the  number  and  vigilance  of 
British  cruisers. 

We  shall  now  give  you  an  accurate  detail  of  the  war 
in  the  northern  and  middle  departments,  where  alone  it 
has  raged  since  our  last.  You  were  before  apprized  of 
the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga,  and  the  retreat  of  our 
army  from  thence  towards  Albany.  Gen.  Burgoyne  was 
rapid  in  pursuit  of  his  successes,  and  pressed  quickly  on 
as  far  as  Fort  Edward,  near  Hudson  River,  about  twenty 
miles  above  Albany.  Here  his  progress  was  interrupted 
by  the  American  army,  which  halted  and  was  reinforced 
a  little  below  him.  This  circumstance  with  the  follow 
ing  events  have  continued  that  interruption,  and  bid  fair 
to  render  abortive  at  least,  the  great  advantages  expected 
by  our  enemies  from  their  first  successes  on  the  lakes. 
The  better  to  effect  his  purpose  Gen.  Burgoyne  had  de 
tached  Gen.  St.  Leger,  with  a  body  of  regular  troops, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  297 

Canadians  and  Indians,  by  the  Oneida  Lake  and  Wood 
Creek,  to  take  Fort  Schuyler,  (formerly  Stanwix)  and  to 
make  an  impression  along  Mohawk  River.     This  part  of 
the  plan  has  been  totally  defeated  by  the  bravery  of  Gen. 
Herkirner,  with  the  Tryon  County  militia,  and  by  the 
gallant  defence  of  Fort  Schuyler,  by  Col.  Gansevort  and 
Lt.  Col.  Willet.     The  former  of  these  met  the  enemy  in 
the  field,  defeated  them,  and  killed  a  great  number  of 
their  Indian  allies.     This  defeat  being  obtained  by  mili 
tia,  they  dispersed  as  usual  and  left  the  enemy  to  collect 
and  lay  siege  to  Fort  Schuyler,  which  was  defended  with 
great  gallantry  by  the  two  officers  above  mentioned,  un 
til  the  approach  of  Gen.  Arnold  with  a  body  of  troops 
occasioned  the  enemy  to  raise  the  siege  of  that  fortress, 
and  to  retreat  with  great  precipitation,  leaving  their  bag 
gage,  ammunition,  provisions,  and  some  artillery,  which 
fell  into  our  hands.     Another  body  of  troops  was  detach 
ed  by   Gen.  Burgoyne,  under  command  of  Lieut.  Col. 
Baum,   to  the  eastward,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting 
horses  to  mount  the  troopers,  provisions  and  teams  for 
the  use  of  the  army.     This  detachment  was  met,  attack 
ed,  and  defeated,  by  the  brave  Gen.  Stark  and  the  New- 
Hampshire  militia,  at  a  place  called  Bennington,  now 
rendered  famous  by  the  total  overthrow  of  1500  regular 
troops,  (posted  behind  works  and  fortified  with  cannon) 
by  2000  militia.    The  two  wings  of  Gen.  Burgoyne  being 
thus  cut  off,  his  body  remained  inactive  until  the  19th  of 
last  month,  when  he  moved  on  to  attack  Gen.  Gates,  who 
commands  the  northern  army,  and  was  well  posted  at 
the  heights  above  Bekmus's.     The  consequence  of  this 
attack  you  will  see  related  by  Gen.  Gates  himself  among 
the  enclosed,  as  well  as  the  account  of  our  successes  in 
the  rear  of  the  enemy  on  the  lakes  George  and  Cham- 
plain,  by  Col.  Brown,  who  had  been  detached  for  the 
purpose  by  Gen.  Lincoln,  who  is  also  in  Gen.  Burgoyne's 
rear  with  a  strong  body  of  troops.     Our  enemy  being 
thus  surrounded  on  all  sides,  with  little  prospect  of  safe 
retreat,  and  a  strong  army  in  front,  growing  stronger  every 
day  by  reinforcements,  we  hope  ere  long  to  be  able  to 
give  you  information  of  definitive  success  over  the  British 
VOL.  i.  38 


298  LIFE  OF 

army  in  that  quarter.  An  aid  of  Gen.  Gates,  who  brought 
these  last  accounts,  tells  us  that  by  the  concurring  testi 
mony  of  prisoners,  deserters,  and  our  own  people  who 
have  escaped  from  the  enemy,  their  loss  could  not  be  less 
than  1000  or  1200  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing; 
and  that  Gen.  Burgoyne  himself  was  wounded  in  the 
shoulder  by  a  rifle  ball. 

In  the  middle  department  the  war  has  been  less  favour 
able  to  us,  as  you  will  see  by  what  follows.  About  the 
middle  of  August  the  British  fleet  appeared  in  Chesa 
peake  Bay,  and  landed  Gen.  Howe's  army  at  the  head 
of  Elk,  about  50  miles  from  Philadelphia.  Gen.  Wash 
ington's  army,  which  had  crossed  the  Delaware  on  the 
embarkation  of  the  British  troops,  and  the  appearance  of 
the  fleet  off  the  capes  of  that  river,  now  proceeded  to 
meet  the  enemy,  and  came  up  with  them  near  Wilming 
ton.  After  various  skirmishes  and  manoeuvres,  a  general 
engagement  took  place  at  Chad's  Ford  over  the  Brandy- 
wine,  on  the  llth  of  Sept.  last.  This  battle  terminated 
in  leaving  the  enemy  in  possession  of  the  field,  with  nine 
pieces  of  our  artillery.  Our  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing,  did  not  exceed  600  ;  that  of  the  enemy,  as  far 
as  we  have  been  able  to  receive  information,  was  near 
2000.  An  orderly  book  taken  from  them  since  the  bat 
tle,  makes  it  1900.  Gen.  Washington  retreated  across  the 
Schuylkill,  and  having  refreshed  his  army,  recrossed  that 
river  in  two  days  after  the  former  battle,  with  the  design 
to  attack  the  enemy,  who  had  remained  close  by  the  field 
of  action  until  he  came  up  with  them  again.  To  be  bet 
ter  prepared  for  battle,  and  to  be  guarded  against  the  con 
sequences  of  a  defeat,  our  army  marched  without  baggage, 
and  left  their  tents  behind.  In  this  situation,  and  just  in 
the  moment  of  beginning  an  attack  upon  the  enemy,  a 
heavy,  long  continued,  and  cold  rain,  with  high  wind, 
came  on,  and  prevented  it.  The  ammunition  in  the 
cartridge-boxes  was  all  rendered  unfit  for  use,  the  arms 
were  injured,  and  the  troops  a  good  deal  hurt  and  dispir 
ited.  In  these  circumstances  it  became  necessary  to  re 
tire  from  before  the  enemy  to  a  place  of  safety,  in  order 
to  clean  the  arms,  replace  the  cartridges,  and  refresh  the 


ARTHUR    LEE,  299 

men.  The  enemy  were  also  without  tents ;  but  they 
have  good  blankets,  are  better  clothed  than  our  men,  and 
have  tin  receptacles  to  keep  dry  their  cartridges.  Gen. 
Howe,  judging  of  our  situation,  put  his  army  in  motion, 
and  endeavoured  to  distress  us  by  marches,  counter-march 
es,  and  frequent  shows  of  designing  to  give  battle.  After 
a  variety  of  manoeuvres,  the  enemy  crossed  Schuylkill 
below  our  troops,  and  marching  to  Philadelphia,  have 
possessed  themselves  of  that  city. 

Gen.  Washington  having  rested  and  refreshed  his  troops, 
and  being  reinforced,  is  now  moving  towards  the  ene 
my.  This  unfavourable  rain  has  injured  our  affairs  con 
siderably,  by  having  thrown  a  number  of  our  men  into 
hospitals,  and  by  the  distress  and  embarrassment  of  our 
army  consequent  thereupon  ;  however,  they  are  recover 
ing  again,  and  we  hope  ere  long  to  give  Gen.  Howe 
reason  to  repent  his  possession  of  Philadelphia.  The 
real  injury  to  America  from  the  loss  of  that  city,  is  not 
so  great  as  some  are  apt  at  first  view  to  imagine,  unless 
the  report  and  misconception  of  this  matter  in  Europe 
should  too  much  dispirit  our  friends  and  inspirit  our  ene 
mies. 

But  we  rely  on  your  careful  and  just  representation  of 
it,  to  prevent  the  ill  impressions  it  may  otherwise  make. 
When  this  contest  first  began,  we  foresaw  the  probability 
of  losing  our  great  towns  on  the  water,  and  so  expressly 
told  our  enemies  in  the  address  of  the  first  congress  ; 
but  we  are  blest  with  an  extensive  sea-coast,  by  which 
we  can  convey  and  receive  benefits  independent  of  any 
particular  spot :  and  it  is  far  from  being  clear  to  us  that 
the  enemy  will  be  able  to  hold  Philadelphia,  as  we  are 
yet  masters  of  the  Delaware  below,  and  have  hopes  of 
keeping  it,  so  as  to  prevent  the  British  fleet  from  getting 
up  to  the  city.  Should  this  be  the  case,  Gen.  Howe's 
visit  cannot  be  of  long  duration. 

You  say  that  "  the  vessels  of  the  United  States  will 
be  received  at  the  Havannah  as  those  of  France, the  most 
favoured  nation."  We  wish  to  be  informed  whether  all 
North  American  products  may  be  carried  thither,  or  pri 
zes  taken  to  and  disposed  of  in  that  port,  or  any  other  of 


300  LIFE    OF 

his  Catholic  majesty  in  America.     You  likewise  mention 
a  late  draught  of  the  Mississippi,  taken  for  the  govern 
ment  of  Great  Britain.     We  are  desirous  of  being  fur 
nished  with  a  copy.     It  is  with  pleasure  we  read  your 
assurance  of  sending  the  soldiers  clothing,  and  other  arti 
cles  for  the  army,  in  time  to  meet  the  approaching  cold 
season.     They  will  be  greatly  wanted.     As  the  degree 
of  success  the  enemy  have  met  with  this  year  will  proba 
bly  support  the  hopes  of  a  vindictive  court,  and  occasion 
the  straining  of  every  nerve  for  the  accomplishment  of 
its  tyrannic  views,  we  doubt  not  your  most  strenuous  ex 
ertions  to  prevent  GreatBritain  from  obtaining  Prussian  or 
German  auxiliaries  for  the  next  campaign  ;  and  we  think 
with  you  that  it  is  an  object  of  great  importance  to  cul 
tivate  and  secure  the  friendship  of  his  Prussian  majesty, 
as  well  for  preventing  that  evil,  as  for  obtaining  his  pub 
lic  recognition  of   our  independence,  and  leave  of  his 
ports  for  the  purposes  of  commerce,  and  disposal  of  pri 
zes.     The  original  papers  which  you  mention  in  a  tripli 
cate  to  have  sent,  never  came  to  hand  ;  so  that  we  are 
able  only  to  conjecture  the  disposition  of  that  monarch. 
The  marine  force  of  the  enemy  is  so  considerable  in  these 
seas,  and  so  over-proportionate  to  our  infant  navy,  that  it 
seems  necessary  and  wise  to  send  our  ships  to  distress  the 
commerce  of  our  enemies  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 
For  this  purpose  the  marine  committee  have  already  or 
dered  some  vessels  to  France,  under  your  direction  as  to 
their  future  operations,  and  we  expect  more  will  be  sent. 
But  our  frigates  are  not  capable  of  carrying  much  bulky 
commodity  for   commercial  purposes,  without  unfitting 
them  for  war ;  besides,  the  consideration  of  our  being 
obliged  to  get  them  away  how  and  when  wre  can,  or  en 
danger  their  being  taken,  prevents  our  sending  them  to 
those  staple  colonies,  where  the  commodities  wanted  are 
to  be  obtained.     The  reciprocal  benefits  of  commerce 
cannot  flow  from  or  to  North  America,  until  some  mari 
time  power  in  Europe  will  aid  our  cause  with  marine 
strength.     And  this  circumstance  gives  us  pain,  lest  it 
should  be  judged  unwillingness  on  our  part  to  pay  our 
debts,  when  the  truth  is  we  have  the  greatest  desire  of 


ARTHUR  LEE.  301 

doing  so,  have  materials  in  abundance,  but  not  the  pow 
er  of  conveying  them. 

This  leads  us  to  reflect  on  the  great  advantages  that 
must  unavoidably  accrue  to  all  parties,  if  France  and 
Spain  were  to  afford  effectual  aid  on  the  sea  by  loan  or 
sale  of  ships  of  war,  according  to  the  former  propositions 
of  congress  ;  or  if  the  Farmers  General  could  be  prevail 
ed  upon  to  receive  in  America,  the  tobacco  or  other  pro 
ducts  of  this  northern  continent  which  France  may  want. 

We  are  gentlemen,  your  very  humble  servants, 

JNO.    WlTHERSPOON, 

BENJ.  HARRISON, 
RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
JAMES  LOVELL, 
THOMAS  HEYWARD,  Jun. 
Hon.  Messrs.  Franklin,  Deane,  and  Lee. 

P.  S. — Oct.  9th.  On  the  4th  an  engagement  be 
tween  the  two  armies  took  place  near  Germantown ; 
the  circumstances  of  which  may  be  known  by  the  en 
closed  papers  numbered  6,  7,  8." 

"  In  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

YORK-TOWN,  May  14th,  1778. 

Sir, — Your  several  favours  of  Oct.  6th,  Nov.  27th,  and 
Dec.  8th,  were  delivered  to  us  on  the  2nd  inst,  the  de 
spatches  by  Mr.  Deane  and  those  by  Capt.  Young  arriv 
ing  the  same  day.     We  had  before  received  your  short 
letter  of  the  1st  of  June,  but  are  yet  without  that  of  the 
29th  of  July,  in  which  you  had  informed  us  '  at  large'  of 
your  proceedings  in   Prussia.     Its  contents  would  have 
proved  highly  agreeable  to  us  in  those  months,  when  we 
were  quite  uninformed  of  the  proceedings  and  prospects 
of  your  colleagues  at  Paris.     Impressed  with  a  sense  of 
the  value  of  the  king  of  Prussia's  "  warmest  wishes  for 
our  success,"  we  give  assurances  of  equal  wishes  in  con 
gress  for  that  monarch's  prosperity.    We  have  little  doubt 
of  open  testimonies  of  his  majesty's  friendship  in  con 
sequence  of  the  late  decision  of  the  king  of  France. 

Your  information  in  regard  to  our  connexion  with  the 
fictitious  house  of  Roderique,  Hortales,  and  Co.  is  more 


309  LIFE    OF 

explicit  than  any  we  had  before  received  ;  but  we  farther 
expect  that  all  mystery  should  be  removed  ;  surely  there 
cannot  now  be  occasion  for  any,  if  there  ever  was  for  half 
that  which  is  past. 

Our  commercial  transactions  will  very  speedily  be  put 
under  the  direction  of  a  board,  consisting  of  persons  not 
members  of  congress ;  it  being  impracticable  for  the 
same  men  to  conduct  the  deliberative  and  executive 
business  of  the  continent  now,  in  its  great  increase.  It 
has  been  next  to  impossible  to  make  remittances  for  many 
months  from  the  staple  colonies,  their  coasts  having  been 
constantly  infested  by  numerous  and  strong  cruisers  of 
the  enemy.  We  hope  the  alliance  of  maritime  powers 
with  us  will  remove  our  embarrassment,  and  give  us  op 
portunity  to  carry  into  effect  our  hearty  wishes  to  main 
tain  the  fairest  commercial  reputation. 

There  will  be  great  impropriety  in  our  making  a  dif 
ferent  settlement  for  the  supplies  received  from  Spain 
from  those  received  from  France.  We  are  greatly 
obliged  to  the  friends  who  have  exerted  themselves  for 
our  relief,  and  we  wish  you  to  signify  our  gratitude  upon 
every  proper  opportunity.  But  having  promised  to  make 
remittances  to  the  house  of  Hortales  &L  Co.  for  the  prime 
cost,  charges,  interest,  and  usual  mercantile  commission 
upon  whatever  is  justly  due  to  that  house,  we  must  keep 
the  same  line  with  Messrs.  Gardoqui.  On  the  one  hand 
we  would  not  willingly  give  disgust  by  slighting  princely 
generosity,  nor  on  the  other  submit  to  unnecessary  obli 
gations. 

The  unanimity  with  which  congress  has  ratified  the 
treaties  with  France,  and  the  general  glad  acceptance  of 
the  alliance  by  the  people  of  these  states,  must  shock 
Great  Britain,  who  seems  to  have  thought  that  no  cruel 
ty  from  her  would  destroy  our  former  great  partiality  in 
her  favour.  What  plan  she  will  adopt  in  consequence 
of  her  disappointment,  time  only  can  discover.  But  we 
shall  aim  to  be  in  a  posture  either  to  negotiate  honour 
able  peace,  or  continue  this  just  war. 

We  stand  in  need  of  the  advice  and  assistance  of  all 
our  friends  in  the  matter  of  finance,  as  the  quality  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  803 

our  paper  money,  necessarily  emitted,  has  produced  a 
depreciation  which  will  be  ruinous,  if  not  speedily  check 
ed.  We  have  encouraging  accounts  of  the  temper  of 
the  Hollanders  of  late,  and  expect  we  may  find  relief 
from  that  quarter  among  others. 

A  few  weeks,  if  not  a  few  days,  must  produce  fruitful 
subjects  for  another  letter,  when  we  shall,  in  our  line  of 
duty,  renew  our  assurances  of  being  with  great  regard, 
sir,  your  affectionate  humble  servants. 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
JAMES  LOVELL, 
ROBERT  MORRIS." 

uln  congress,  May  7th,  1778,  Resolved,  that  the  com 
missioners  appointed  for  the  courts  of  Spain,  Tuscany, 
Vienna  and  Berlin,  should  live  in  such  style  and  man 
ner  at  their  respective  courts  as  they  may  find  suita 
ble  and  necessary  to  support  the  dignity  of  their  public 
character,  keeping  an  account  of  their  expenses,  which 
shall  be  reimbursed  by  the  congress  of  the  United  States 
of  America. 

That  besides  the  actual  expenses  of  the  commissioners, 
a  handsome  allowance  be  made  to  each  of  them  as  a  com 
pensation  for  his  services. 

That  the  commissioners  at  the  other  ceurts  in  Europe 
be  empowered  to  draw  bills  of  exchange,  from  time  to 
time,  for  the  amount  of  their  expenses,  upon  the  com 
missioners  at  the  court  of  France. 

May  9th,  1778.  Whereas  there  are  more  captains  in 
the  navy  than  there  are  ships  provided  for  them, 

Ordered,  that  the  committee  for  foreign  affairs  be  di 
rected  to  write  to  the  commissioners  of  the  United  States 
at  foreign  courts,  and  inform  them  that  congress  expect 
they  will  not  recommend  any  foreign  sea  officers,  nor 
give  any  of  them  the  least  expectation  of  being  employed 
as  captains  in  the  navy  of  the  United  States. 
Extract  from  the  minutes. 

CHARLES  THOMPSON,  Jun." 


304  LIFE    OF 

"  In  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

YORK-TOWN,  May  14,  1778. 

Our  affairs  have  now  a  universally  good  appearance. 
Every  thing  at  home  and  abroad  seems  verging  towards 
a  happy  and  permanent  period.  We  are  preparing  for 
either  war  or  peace  ;  for  although  we  are  fully  persuad 
ed  that  our  enemies  are  weaned,  beaten  and  in  des 
pair,  yet  we  shall  not  presume  too  much  on  that  belief, 
and  the  rather,  as  it  is  our  fixed  determination  to  admit 
no  terms  of  peace  but  such  as  are  fully  in  character  with 
the  dignity  of  independent  states,  and  consistent  with 
the  spirit  and  intention  of  our  alliances  on  the  continent 
of  Europe. 

We  believe,  and  with  great  reason  too,  that  the  honour 
and  fortitude  of  America  have  been  rendered  suspicious 
by  the  arts,  intrigues,  and  specious  misrepresentations  of 
our  enemies.     Every  proceeding  and  policy  of  ours  has 
been  tortured  to  give  some  possible  colouring  to  their  as 
sertions  of  a  doubtful  disposition  in  America,  as  to  her 
final  perseverance  in  maintaining  her  independence  ;  and 
perhaps  the  speeches  of  several  of  the  ministry  in  both 
houses  of  the  British  parliament,  who  seem  to  persist  in 
the  possibility  of  a  reconciliation,  might  contribute  to 
wards  that  suspicion.     We  at  this  time  feel  ourselves  ex 
ceedingly  happy  in  being  able  to  show,  from  the  accident 
al  arrangement  of  circumstances,  such  as  we  could  have 
neither  the  policy  to  foresee,  nor  power  to  alter,  that  the 
disposition  of  America  on  that  head  was  fixed  and  final. 
For  a  proof  of  which  we  desire  your  attention  to  the  fol 
lowing. 

The  English  ministry  appear  to  have  been  very  indus 
trious  in  getting  their  two  conciliatory  bills  (even  before 
they  had  been  read  once)  over  to  America,  as  soon  as 
possible,  the  reason  of  which  haste  we  did  not  then  fore 
see  ;  but  the  arrival  of  jour  despatches  since,  with  the 
treaties,  have  unriddled  the  affair.  General  Howe  was 
equally  industrious  in  circulating  them  by  his  emis 
saries,  through  the  country.  Mr.  Try  on  at  New- York 
did  the  same,  and  both  these  gentlemen  sent  them,  under 
sanction  of  a  flag,  to  General  Washington,  who  immedi- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  305 

ately  sent  the  first  he  received  to  congress.  Mr.  Tryon's 
letter,  which  covered  them,  and  General  Washington's 
answer  thereto,  you  will  find  in  Hall's  &  Sellers'  Ga 
zette,  printed  at  Yorktown  2d  May. 

Those  bills  are  truly  unworthy  the  attention  of  any 
body  ;  but  lest  the  silence  of  congress  should  be  misun 
derstood  or  furnish  the  enemy  with  new  ground  for  false 
insinuation,  they  were  instantly  referred  to  a  committee 
of  congress,  whose  judicious  and  spirited  report  was 
unanimously  approved  by  the  house  April  22d,  and  pub 
lished  and  circulated  through  the  several  states  with  all 
possible  expedition. 

The  despatches  in  charge  of  Mr.  Deane  did  not  arrive 
till  the  second  of  May,  ten  days  after  the  reports  were 
published  ;  and  his  expedition  in  bringing  the  despatches 
to  congress  prevented  any  intelligence  arriving  before 
him.  Enclosed  are  the  reports  referred  to,  to  which  we 
recommend  your  attention  in  making  them  as  public  as 
possible  in  Europe,  prefacing  them  with  such  an  explan 
atory  detail  of  circumstances  as  shall  have  a  tendency  to 
place  the  politics  of  America  on  the  firm  basis  of  national 
honour,  integrity  and  fortitude. 

We  admire  the  true  wisdom  and  dignity  of  the  court 
of  France  in  her  part  of  the  construction  and  ratification 
of  those  treaties ;  they  have  a  powerful  and  effectual 
tendency  to  dissolve  that  narrowness  of  mind,  which 
mankind  have  been  too  unhappily  bred  up  in.  In  those 
treaties,  we  see  the  politician  founded  on  the  philosopher, 
and  harmony  of  affection  made  the  ground-work  of  mutu 
al  interest.  France,  by  her  open  candour,  has  won  us 
more  powerfully  than  any  reserved  treaties  could  possi 
bly  bind  us,  and  at  a  happy  juncture  of  times  and  circum 
stances,  laid  the  seeds  of  an  eternal  friendship. 

It  is  from  an  anxiety  of  preserving  inviolate  this  cordial 
union,  so  happily  begun,  that  we  desire  your  attention  to 
the  eleventh  and  twelfth  articles  of  the  treaties  of  amity 
and  commerce.  The  unreserved  confidence  of  congress 
in  the  good  disposition  of  the  court  of  France  will  suffi 
ciently  appear  by  their  having  unanimously  ratified  those 
treaties,  and  then  trusted  any  alteration  or  amendment  to 

VOL.  i.  39 


306  LIFE   OF 

mutual  concession  afterwards.  We  are  apprehensive 
that  the  general  and  extensive  tenour  of  the  twelfth  ar 
ticle  may  in  future  be  misunderstood,  or  rendered  incon 
venient  or  impracticable ;  and  in  the  end  become  detri 
mental  to  that  friendship  we  wish  ever  to  exist.  To 
prevent  which,  you  will  herewith  receive  instructions 
and  authority  for  giving  up  on  our  part  the  whole 'of  the 
eleventh  article,  proposing  it  as  a  condition  to  the  court 
of  France,  that  they  on  their  part  give  up  the  whole  of 
the  twelfth  article,  those  two  being  intended  as  recipro 
cal  balances  to  each  other. 

It  is  exceedingly  distressing  to  congress  to  hear  of 
misconduct  in  any  of  the  commanders  of  armed  vessels 
under  the  American  flag.  Every  authentic  information 
you  can  give  on  this  head  will  be  strictly  attended  to, 
and  every  means  taken  to  punish  the  offenders,  and  make 
reparation  to  the  sufferers.  The  chief  consolation  we 
find  in  this  disagreeable  business,  is  that  the  most  expe 
rienced  states  have  not  always  been  able  to  restrain  the 
vices  and  irregularities  of  individuals.  Congress  has 
published  a  proclamation  for  the  more  effectually  sup 
pressing  and  punishing  such  practices  ;  but  we  are  rather 
inclined  to  hope,  that  as  the  line  of  connexion  and  friend 
ship  is  now  clearly  marked,  and  the  minds  of  the  seamen 
relieved  thereby  from  that  unexplainable  mystery  respect 
ing  their  real  prizes,  which  before  embarrassed  them, 
that  such  irregularities  will  be  less  frequent,  or  totally 
cease,  to  which  end  the  magnificent  generosity  of  the 
court  of  France  to  the  owners  of  the  prizes,  which  for 
"  reasons  of  state"  had  been  given  up,  will  happily  con 
tribute.  We  are  gentlemen,  your  obedient  humble  ser 
vants.  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

JAMES  LOVELL. 

The  Honourable  Commissioners  at  Parish 

"  In  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

YORKTOWN,  May  15,  1778. 

Gentlemen, — Your  pressing  request  for  5000  hhds.  of 
tobacco,  is  a  matter  as  embarrassing  to  congress  as  to 


ARTHUR    LEE.  307 

yourselves.  Their  anxiety  to  get  it  to  you  is  as  great 
as  yours  to  receive  it.  We  have  already  lost  considera 
ble  quantities  in  the  attempt  ;  and  thereby  furnished  our 
enemies  gratis  with  what  was  designed  to  discharge  your 
contracts  with,  and  promote  the  interests  and  commerce 
of  our  friends.  We  request  your  particular  attention  to 
this  information.  It  is  a  matter  of  the  highest  moment 
to  our  allies  as  well  as  to  ourselves.  In  the  present  state 
of  things,  it  is  very  probable  that  England  will  not.  in 
terrupt  the  trade  of  France  in  her  own  bottoms,  and  our 
desire  is,  as  well  for  her  benefit  as  ours,  that  France 
would  open  the  trade  from  her  own  ports,  so  that  the  in 
tentional  advantages  of  the  treaties  may  fully  operate  to 
both  countries.  We  need  not  enlarge  on  this  head,  as 
your  own  discernment  and  judgment  will  furnish  you 
with  all  the  reasons  necessary  therefor. 

In  addition  to  what  is  mentioned  in  our  letter  No.  — , 
respecting  the  1 1th  and  12th  articles,  we  observe,  that  the 
12th  is  capable  of  an  interpretation  and  misuse,  which 
was  probably  not  thought  of  at  the  time  of  constructing 
it,  which  is,  that  it  opens  a  door  for  all  or  a  great  part  of 
the  trade  of  America  to  be  carried  through  the  French 

O 

islands  to  Europe,  and  puts  all  future  regulations  out  of 
our  power,  either  of  imposts  or  prohibitions,  which, 
though  we  might  never  find  it  our  interest  to  use,  yet  it 
is  the  keeping  those  in  our  power,  that  may  hereafter 
enable  us  to  preserve  equality  with,  and  regulate  the  im 
posts  of  tl^e  countries  we  trade  with.  The  general  trade 
of  France  is  not  under  the  like  restriction  ;  every  article 
on  our  part  being  staked  against  the  single  article  of 
molasses  on  theirs.  Therefore  congress  thinks  it  more 
liberal  and  consistent  that  both  articles  should  be  ex 
punged. 

We  have  no  material  military  transaction  to  acquaint 
you  with.  The  enemy  yet  remain  in  Philadelphia,  but 
some  late  movements  make  it  probable  they  will  not 
stay  long.  Our  army  is  yet  at  the  Valley  Forge.  The 
enemy  through  the  course  of  the  winter  have  carried  on  a 
low,  pitiful,  and  disgraceful  kind  of  war  against  individu 
als,  whom  they  have  picked  up  by  sending  out  little  par- 


308  LIFE   OF 

ties  for  that  purpose,  and  revengefully  burning  several  of 
their  houses.  Yet  all  this  militates  against  themselves, 
by  keeping  up  an  inflammable  indignity  in  the  country 
towards  them  ;  and  on  the  whole  we  know  not  which 
most  to  wonder  at,  their  folly  in  making  us  hate  them  af 
ter  their  inability  for  conquest  and  desire  of  peace  are 
confessed,  or  their  scandalous  barbarity  in  expressing  their 
resentments. 

You  will  see  gentlemen,  by  the  contract  which  the 
commercial  committee  has  signed  with  the  agent  of  Mr. 
Beaumarchais,  that  congress  was  desirous  of  keeping  a 
middle  course,  so  as  not  to  appear  to  slight  any  determin 
ed  generosity  of  the  French  court,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  show  a  promptness  to  discharge  honourably  the  debts 
which  may  be  justly  charged  against  these  states  by  any 
persons.  We  depend  upon  you  to  explain  the  affair 
fully,  as  you  seem  to  make  a  distinction  between  the 
military  stores  and  the  other  invoices,  while  no  such  dis 
tinction  appears  in  the  letters  of  Mr.  Deane  and  Mr. 
Beaumarchais.  In  short  we  are  rather  more  undetermin 
ed  by  your  late  despatches  than  we  were  by  your  long  si 
lence. 

Congress  being  at  this  time  deeply  engaged  in  a  vari 
ety  of  pressing  business,  and  the  foreign  committee  thin 
of  members,  you  will  be  pleased  to  excuse  us  from  be 
ing  more  particular  in  our  answer  to  your  several  de 
spatches,  as  well  as  in  our  information  of  the  state  of 
our  affairs. 

We  are  gentlemen  your  very  humble  servants, 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
JAMES  LOVELL. 

To  the  Commissioners  at  Paris. 

P.  S.  You  will  see  what  we  have  written  to  Mr.  Du 
mas,  and  you  will  point  out  to  us  what  will  be  our  line  of 
honour  to  him  and  justice  to  these  states." 

"  In  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

YORK-TOWN,  PEKTN.  June  21, 1778. 

Gentlemen, — The  British  commissioners  have  arrived 
and  transmitted  their  powers  and  propositions  to  congress, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  309 

which  have  received  the  answer  you  will  see  in  the  Penn 
sylvania  Gazette  of  the  20th  instant. 

On  the  18th  of  this  month  Gen.  Clinton,  with  the 
British  army  (now  under  his  command)  abandoned  Phila 
delphia,  and  the  city  is  in  possession  of  our  troops.  The 
enemy  crossed  into  Jersey,  but  whether  with  design  to 
push  for  Amboy,  or  to  embark  below  Bordentown  on 
the  Delaware,  is  yet  uncertain.  Gen.  Washington  has 
put  his  army  in  motion,  and  is  following  the  enemy  into 
Jersey. 

There  has  arrived  here  a  Mr.  Holker  from  France, 
who  has  presented  a  paper  to  congress  declaring  that  he 
comes  with  a  verbal  message  to  congress  from  the  min 
ister  of  France,  touching  our  treating  with  Great  Britain, 
and  some  other  particulars,  W7hich  for  want  of  his  paper 
we  cannot  at  present  enumerate.  The  style  of  his  pa 
per  is,  as  from  the  representative  of  the  court,  but  he  has 
no  authentic  voucher  of  his  mission  for  the  delivery  of 
this  verbal  message.  We  desire  of  you  gentlemen  to 
give  us  the  most  exact  information  in  your  power  con 
cerning  the  authenticity  of  Mr.  Holker's  mission  for  this 
purpose. 

We  are  gentlemen,  with  esteem  and  regard,  your  most 
obedient  and  very  humble  servants, 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
Signed,  THOS.  HEYWARD,  jr. 

JAMES  LOVELL." 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  July  16th,  1779. 

Sir, — Two  days  ago  several  of  your  letters  came  to 
hand,  the  latest  being  of  April  6th.  It  is  much  to  be 
regretted  that  this  one  in  particular  did  not  earlier  ar 
rive. 

One  copy  of  its  contents  was  sent  immediately  to  Gen. 
Washington,  and  another  to  Governor  Trumbull,  but  alas, 
too  late  !  Fairfield  had  been  destroyed  by  the  fire  of  the 
enemy.  We  are  mistaken  however  if  that  enemy  does 
not  find  the  unprofitableness  of  this  kind  of  warfare  to 
wards  their  main  purpose.  America  must  be  dead  in 
deed  to  all  proper  spirit,  if  such  doings  will  not  render 


310  LIFE  OF 

her  both  vigilant  and  active  as  in  the  beginning  of  the 
contest. 

It  is  matter  of  much  conjecture  why  you  have  not 
been  able  for  some  months  back  to  give  us  interesting 
accounts  from  Spain ;  all  we  know  is  through  Mr.  Ge 
rard. 

We  have  sent  so  many  sets  of  the  journals  of  con 
gress  that  you  will  doubtless  get  one.  They  are  chiefly 
directed  to  Dr.  Franklin.  You  will  find  the  parts  in 
which  you  are  personally  interested  to  be  under  the  fol 
lowing  dates.  April  6,  15,  20,  21,  22,  26,  28,  30;  May 
3,  22,  24,  25,  27  ;  June  H. 

We  shall  speedily  write  again.  In  the  mean  time  be 
assured  that  we  are  with  much  regard  sir,  your  humble 
servants,  JAMES  LOVELL, 

For  the  committee. 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 

"PARIS,  Feb.  6th,  1777. 

Gentlemen, — Since  our  last,  a  copy  of  which  is  en 
closed,  Mr.  Hodge  arrived  here  from  Martinique,  and 
has  brought  safely  the  papers  he  was  charged  with.  He 
had  a  long  passage  and  was  near  being  starved.  We  are 
about  to  employ  him  in  a  service  pointed  out  by  you  at 
Dunkirk  or  Flushing.  He  has  delivered  us  three  sets  of 
the  papers  we  wanted.  But  we  shall  want  more,  and 
beg  you  will  not  fail  to  send  them  by  several  opportu 
nities. 

A  private  company  has  been  just  formed  here  for  the 
importation  of  tobacco,  who  have  made  such  proposals 
to  the  Farmers  General  as  induced  them  to  suspend  the 
signing  of  their  agreement  with  us,  though  the  terms  had 
been  settled  and  the  writings  drawn.  It  seems  now  un 
certain  whether  it  will  be  revived  or  not.  The  com 
pany  have  offered  to  export  such  goods  as  we  should 
advise,  and  we  have  given  them  a  list  of  those  most 
wanted.  But  so  changeable  are  minds  here,  on  occa 
sion  of  news  good  or  bad,  that  one  cannot  be  sure  that 
even  this  company  will  proceed.  With  an  universal 
good  will  to  our  cause  and  country  apparent  in  all  com- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  81 

panics,  there  is  mixed  an  universal  apprehension  that  we 
shall  be  reduced  to  submission,  which  often  chills  the 
purpose  of  serving  us. 

The  want  of  intelligence  from  America  and  the  im 
possibility  of  contradicting  by  that  means  the  false  news 
spread  here  and  all  over  Europe  by  the  enemy,  has  a  bad 
effect  on  the  minds  of  many  who  would  adventure  in  trade 
to  our  ports,  as  well  as  on  the  conduct  of  the  several 
governments  of  Europe.  It  is  now  more  than  three 
months  since  our  B.  F.  left  Philadelphia,  and  we  have 
not  received  a  single  letter  of  later  date,  Mr.  Hodge 
having  left  that  place  before  him.  We  are  about  pur 
chasing  some  cutters,  to  be  employed  as  packets.  In 
the  first  we  despatch  we  shall  write  more  particularly 
concerning  our  proceedings  here  than  by  these  merchant 
ships  we  can  venture  to  do ;  for  the  orders  given  to 
sink  letters  are  not  well  executed.  One  of  our  vessels 
was  lately  carried  into  Gibraltar,  being  taken  by  an  Eng 
lish  man-of-war,  and  we  hear  there  were  letters  for  us 
which  the  captain,  just  as  he  was  boarded,  threw  out  of 
the  cabin  window,  which  floating  on  the  water  were 
taken  up ;  and  a  sloop  despatched  with  them  to  London. 
We  also  just  now  hear  from  London  through  the  minis 
try  here,  that  another  of  our  ships  is  carried  into  Bristol 
by  the  crew,  who  consisted  of  eight  American  seamen 
with  eight  English ;  four  of  the  Americans  being  sick 
the  other  four  were  overpowered  by  the  eight  English, 
and  carried  in  as  aforesaid  ;  the  letters  were  despatched 
to  court. 

From  London  they  write  to  us  that  a  body  of  10,000 
men,  chiefly  Germans,  are  to  go  out  this  spring,  under 
the  command  of  Gen.  Burgoyne  for  the  invasion  of  Vir 
ginia  and  Maryland.  The  opinion  of  this  court  founded 
on  their  advices  from  Germany,  is  that  such  a  number 
can  by  no  means  be  obtained.  But  you  will  be  on  your 
guard.  The  Amphitrite  and  the  Seine  from  Havre,  and 
the  Mercury  from  Nantes  are  all  now  at  sea,  laden  with 
arms,  ammunition,  brass  field-pieces,  and  stores,  clothing, 
canvass,  &c.,  which  if  they  safely  arrive,  will  put  you  in 


312  LIFE    OF 

a  much  better  condition  for  the  next  campaign  than  you 
were  the  last.  Some  excellent  engineers  and  officers  of 
artillery  will  also  be  with  you  pretty  early.  Also  some 
few  for  the  cavalry ;  officers  of  infantry  of  all  ranks  have 
offered  themselves  without  number.  It  is  quite  a  busi 
ness  to  receive  their  applications  and  refuse  them.  Many 
have  gone  over  at  their  own  expense,  contrary  to  our  ad 
vice  ;  to  some  few  of  those  who  were  well  recommend 
ed,  we  have  given  letters  of  introduction. 

The  conduct  of  our  general  in  avoiding  a  decisive 
action,  is  much  applauded  by  the  military  people  here, 
particularly  Marshals  Maillebois,  Broglio,  and  d'Arcy. 
M.  Maillebois  has  taken  the  pains  to  write  his  senti 
ments  of  some  particulars  useful  in  carrying  on  our  war, 
which  we  send  enclosed.  But  that  which  makes  the 
greatest  impression  in  our  favour  here  is  the  prodigious 
success  of  our  armed  ships  and  privateers.  The  damage 
we  have  done  their  West  India  trade  has  been  estimated 
in  a  representation  to  Lord  Sandwich  by  the  merchants 
of  London  at  £1,800,000  sterling,  which  has  raised  in 
surance  to  28  per  cent.,  being  higher  than  at  any  time 
in  the  last  war  with  France  and  Spain.  This  mode  of 
exerting  our  force  against  them  should  be  pushed  with 
vigour.  It  is  that  in  which  we  can  most  sensibly  hurt 
them.  And  to  secure  a  continuance  of  it  we  think  one 
or  two  of  the  engineers  we  send  over  may  be  usefully 
employed  in  making  some  of  our  ports  impregnable.  As 
we  are  well  informed  that  a  number  of  cutters  are  build 
ing  to  cruise  in  the  West  Indies  against  our  small  priva 
teers  it  may  not  be  amiss,  we  think,  to  send  your  larger 
vessels  thither,  and  ply  in  other  quarters  with  the  small 
ones. 

A  fresh  misunderstanding  between  the  Turks  and 
Russia  is  likely  to  give  so  much  employment  to  the 
troops  of  the  latter,  as  that  England  can  hardly  expect 
to  obtain  any  of  them.  Her  malice  against  us,  is  how 
ever  so  high  at  present  that  she  would  stick  at  no  ex 
pense  to  gratify  it.  The  New-England  colonies  are  ac 
cording  to  our  best  information  destined  to  destruction, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  313 

and  the  rest  to  slavery  under  a  military  government. 
But  the  Governor  of  the  world  sets  bounds  to  the  rage  of 
men  as  well  as  to  that  of  the  ocean. 

Finding  that  our  residence  here  together  is  nearly  as 
expensive  as  if  we  were  separate  ;  and  having  reason  to 
believe  that  one  of  us  might  be  useful  in  Madrid,  and  an 
other  in  Holland,  and  some  courts  further  northward,  we 
have  agreed  that  Mr.  Lee  go  to  Spain,  and  either  Mr. 
Deane  or  myself  to  the  Hague.  Mr.  Lee  sets  out  to 
morrow,  having  obtained  passports  and  a  letter  from  the 
Spanish  ambassador  here  to  the  minister  there.  The 
journey  to  Holland  will  not  take  place  so  soon.  The 
particular  purposes  of  these  journeys  we  cannot  prudent 
ly  now  explain. 

It  is  proper  we  should  acquaint  you  with  the  behav 
iour  of  one  Nicholas  Davis,  who  came  to  us  here  pre 
tending  to  have  served  as  an  officer  in  India,  to  be  orig 
inally  from  Boston,  and  desirous  of  returning  to  act  in 
defence  of  his  country,  but  through  the  loss  of  some 
effects  coming  to  him  from  Jamaica,  and  taken  by  our 
privateers,  unable  to  defray  the  expense  of  his  passage. 
We  furnished  him  with  thirty  louis,  which  was  fully  suffi 
cient  ;  but  at  Havre  just  before  he  sailed,  he  took  the 
liberty  of  drawing  on  us  for  near  forty  more,  which  we 
have  been  obliged  to  pay.  As  in  order  to  obtain  that 
credit  he  was  guilty  of  several  falsehoods,  we  now  doubt 
his  ever  having  been  an  officer  at  all.  We  send  his  note 
and  draught,  and  hope  you  will  take  proper  care  of  him. 
He  says  his  father  was  a  clergyman  in  Jamaica.  He 
went  in  the  Seine  and  took  charge  of  two  blankets  for 
M.  Morris. 

We  hope  your  union  continues  firm,  and  the  courage 
of  our  countrymen  unabated.  England  begins  to  be  very 
jealous  of  this  court,  and  we  think  with  some  reason. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be  with  sincere  esteem  gen 
tlemen,  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE. 

The  Hon'ble  the  Secret  Committee. 

True  copy,  examined.  W.  T.  FRANKLIN." 

VOL.  i.  40 


314  LIFE    OF 


"  PARIS,  April  28th,  1777. 

Gentlemen, — We  wrote  to  you  pretty  fully  on  the 
state  of  affairs  here  in  ours  of  the  12th  of  March  and 
19th  of  this  month,  since  which  there  has  been  little 
alteration.  There  is  yet  no  certainty  of  a  sudden  de 
claration  of  war,  but  the  preparations  go  on  vigorously 
both  here  and  in  Spain,  the  armies  of  France  drawing 
towards  the  sea  coasts,  and  those  of  Spain  to  the  frontiers 
of  Portugal,  and  their  fleets  fitting  in  the  ports  ;  but  the 
court  still  gives  assurances  of  peace  to  the  British  am 
bassador,  the  nation  in  general  all  the  while  calling 
out  for  war. 

We  have  received  the  resolution  of  congress  of  Feb. 
5th  for  sending  over  a  great  quantity  of  clothing  upon 
the  credit  of  the  states,  in  case  we  cannot  borrow  money 
of  the  government  to  pay  for  them.  We  wrote  before 
that  the  loan  proposed  was  at  present  impracticable  ; 
and  we  have  not  yet  received  the  credit  we  expected 
from  Spain  ;  the  arms  we  have  bought,  ships  building, 
and  the  brass  cannon  ordered  will  demand  great  sums  ;  but 
as  we  shall  receive  a  payment  from  the  Farmers  Gen 
eral  next  month,  and  hope  you  will  be  very  diligent  in 
sending  remittances,  we  shall  go  as  far  upon  our  credit 
as  it  can  carry  us,  in  sending  the  clothing  required. 
Flints  sufficient  we  apprehend  are  already  gone. 

We  have  according  to  orders,  notified  the  several  courts 
of  the  intention  of  congress  to  send  ministers  to  them ; 
and  delivered  a  remonstrance  to  the  Portuguese  ambas 
sador  concerning  the  proceeding  of  that  court.  As  the 
minister  for  Prussia  may  not  soon  arrive,  and  that  court 
has  shown  a  disposition  to  treat,  by  entering  into  a  cor 
respondence  with  us,  we  have  thought  it  might  be  well 
that  one  of  us  should  visit  it  immediately  to  improve  its 
present  good  dispositions,  and  obtain  if  possible,  the  priv 
ilege  of  their  ports  to  trade  and  fit  ships  in  and  to  sell 
our  prizes.  Mr.  Lee  has  readily  undertaken  this  journey, 
and  will  soon  set  out  for  Berlin  with  Mr.  Carmichael, 
who  has  already  been  there  and  paved  the  way,  and 


ARTHUR    LEE.  315 

whom  we  recommend  to  congress  as  a  faithful,  service 
able  man  that  ought  to  be  encouraged. 
We  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE. 
To  the  Hon'ble  the  Secret  Committee." 

Dr.  Franklin  believes  there  was  some  addition  made 
to  this  letter  before  it  was  sent,  but  is  not  certain. 

W.  T.  F. 

"  PASST,  near  PARIS,  Sept.  6th,  1777. 

Gentlemen, — It  is  long  since  we  had  a  line  from  you, 
the  last  received  being  of  the  date  of .  We  sup 
pose  the  same  causes  have  occasioned  your  hearing  so 
seldom  from  us ;  the  difficulty  of  finding  safe  convey 
ances,  and  sometimes  the  loss  of  the  despatches  by  the 
way. 

Mr.  Lee  informs  you,  we  suppose,  of  his  negotiations 
in  Prussia,  and  of  his  safe  return  hither.  There  appears 
in  that,  as  well  as  in  every  other  country  in  Europe  a 
disposition  to  share  in  our  commerce  and  to  oblige  us, 
as  far  as  may  be  done  without  oifending  England.  We 
have  numbers  of  letters  from  eminent  houses  there,  pro 
posing  to  furnish  us  with  a  variety  of  commodities  at  rea 
sonable  rates,  to  be  received  by  us  in  Europe  and  paid 
for  here.  We  advise  them  to  send  their  goods  in  their 
own  ships,  and  protect  their  own  trade  to  and  from  our 
coasts. 

We  enclose  you  a  copy  of  the  memorial  we  sent  to 
Portugal,  to  which  we  have  yet  received  no  answer. 
That  court  has  been  lately  much  employed  in  adjusting 
its  differences  with  Spain,  which  it  is  said  are  now  nearly 
all  accommodated,  and  that  they  will  accede  to  the  fam 
ily  compact. 

This  court  continues  the  same  conduct  that  it  has  held 
ever  since  our  arrival.  It  professes  to  England  a  resolu 
tion  to  observe  all  treaties,  and  proves  it  by  restoring 
prizes  too  openly  brought  into  their  ports  ;  imprisoning 
such  persons  as  are  found  to  be  concerned  in  fitting  out 


316  LIFE   OF 

armed  vessels  against  England  from  France  ;  warning 
frequently  those  from  America  to  depart,  and  repeating 
orders  against  the  exportation  of  warlike  stores.  To  us 
it  privately  professes  a  real  friendship,  wishes  success  to 
our  cause,  winks  at  the  supplies  we  obtain  here  as  much 
as  it  can,  without  giving  open  grounds  of  complaint  to 
England,  privately  affords  us  very  essential  aids,  .and 
goes  on  preparing  for  war.  How  long  these  two  parts 
will  continue  to  be  acted  at  the  same  time,  and  which 
will  finally  predominate,  may  be  a  question.  As  it  is  the 
true  interest  of  France  to  prevent  our  being  re-annexed 
to  Britain,  that  the  British  power  may  be  diminished, 
and  the  French  commerce  augmented,  we  are  inclined 
to  believe  the  sincerity  is  towards  us ;  more  especially 
as  the  universal  bent  of  the  nation  is  manifestly  in  our 
favour.  Their  not  having  yet  commenced  a  war,  is  ac 
counted  for  by  various  reasons :  the  treaties  subsisting 
among  the  powers  of  Europe,  by  which  they  are  obliged 
to  aid  those  attacked  more  than  those  attacking,  which 
it  is  supposed  will  make  some  difference  ;  the  not  being 
fully  prepared  ;  the  absence  of  their  seamen  in  the  fish 
ery  and  West  Indies  ;  and  the  treasure  expected  from 
New  Spain,  with  the  sugars  from  the  islands,  have  all, 
it  is  said,  hitherto  contributed  to  restrain  the  national 
desire  of  a  breach  with  England,  in  which  her  trouble 
some  power  may  be  reduced,  the  wealth  and  strength  of 
France  increased,  and  some  satisfaction  obtained  for  the 
injuries  received  in  the  unfair  commencement  of  the  last 
war.  England  too  is  extremely  exasperated  at  the  sight 
of  her  lost  commerce  enjoyed  by  France,  the  favour  our 
armed  vessels  have  met  with  here,  and  the  distress  of 
their  remaining  trade  by  our  cruisers,  even  on  their  own 
coasts  ;  and  yet  she  seems  afraid  of  beginning  a  war  with 
this  country  and  Spain  together,  while  she  has  our  war 
upon  her  hands.  In  such  a  situation,  some  accident  may 
probably  bring  on  a  war  sooner  than  desired  by  either 
party.  In  the  mean  time,  perhaps  the  delay  may  have 
this  good  effect  for  us,  that  enjoying  the  whole  harvest 
of  plunder  upon  the  British  commerce,  which  otherwise 
France  and  Spain  would  divide  with  us,  our  infant  naval 


ARTHUR    LEE.  317 

power  finds  such  plentiful  nourishment  as  has  increased 
and  must  increase  its  growth  and  strength  most  marvel 
lously. 

It  gave  us  great  joy  to  hear  of  the  arrival  of  the  Mer 
cury,  Amphitrite,  and  other  vessels  carrying  supplies. 
Another  ship  with  a  similar  cargo,  which  had  long  been 
detained  at  Marseilles,  we  hope  will  soon  arrive  with 
you.  We  hope  also  that  you  will  receive  between  twen 
ty  and  thirty  thousand  suits  of  clothes  before  winter,  and 
from  time  to  time  quantities  of  new  and  good  arms, 
which  we  are  purchasing  in  different  parts  of  Europe. 
But  we  must  desire  you  to  remember  that  we  are,  thus 
far,  disappointed  in  your  promises  of  remittance,  either 
by  the  difficulties  you  find  in  shipping,  or  by  captures, 
and  that  though  far  short  of  completing  your  orders,  we 
are  in  danger  of  being  greatly  embarrassed  by  debts,  of 
failing  in  performance  of  our  contracts,  and  losing  our 
credit,  with  that  of  the  congress.  For  though  we  have 
received  three  quarterly  payments  of  the  two  millions  of 
livres  formerly  mentioned  to  you,  and  expect  the  last 
next  month,  our  contracts  go  beyond ;  and  we  must  re 
serve  the  continuance  of  that  aid  for  the  purpose  it  was 
promised,  to  answer  your  draughts  for  interest,  if  that 
proposal  of  ours  has  been  adopted.  Particularly  we  beg 
you  will  attend  to  the  affair  of  tobacco  for  the  Farmers 
General,  with  whom  we  have  contracted  to  supply  5000 
hogsheads,  for  which  they  have  advanced  us  one  million 
livres  in  ready  money,  and  are  to  pay  the  rest  on  delive 
ry,  as  we  formerly  advised  you.  Your  vigorous  exertions 
in  these  matters  are  the  more  necessary,  as  during  the 
apparent  or  supposed  uncertainty  of  our  affairs,  the  loan 
we  were  directed  to  obtain  of  two  millions  sterling,  has 
hitherto  been  judged  impracticable.  But  if  the  present 
campaign  should  end  favourably  for  us,  perhaps  we  may 
be  able  to  accomplish  it  another  year,  as  some  jealousy 
begins  to  be  entertained  of  the  English  funds  by  the 
Dutch  and  other  moneyed  people  of  Europe,  to  the  in 
crease  of  which  jealousy  we  hope  a  paper  we  have  drawn 
up  (a  copy  whereof  we  enclose)  may  in  some  degree 
contribute,  when  made  public. 


318  LIFE   OP 

Mr.  Deane  has  written  fully  to  you  on  the  effect  our 
cruisers  have  had  on  the  coast  and  commerce  of  Britain, 
which  makes  our  saying  much  on  that  head  unnecessary. 
We  cannot,  however,  omit  this  opportunity  of  expressing 
our  satisfaction  in  the  conduct  of  the  captains,  and  of 
recommending  them  warmly  to  the  congress.  The  os 
tensible  letter  and  answer  from  and  to  the  minister  for 
foreign  affairs,  copies  of  which  we  enclose,  will  show  the 
conduct  which  the  court  has  thought  and  thinks  itself  at 
present  obliged  to  hold  with  regard  to  our  cruisers  and 
their  prizes,  of  which  it  seems  fit  some  notice  should  be 
given  to  the  several  states. 

As  the  English  goods  cannot  in  foreign  markets  face 
those  of  the  French  or  Dutch,  loaded  as  they  are  with 
the  high  ensurance  from  which  their  competitors  are  ex 
empted  ;  it  is  certain  the  trade  of  Britain  must  diminish 
while  she  is  at  war  with  us,  and  the  rest  of  Europe  at 
peace.  To  evade  this  mischief,  she  now  begins  to  make 
use  of  French  bottoms  ;  but  as  we  have  yet  no  treaty  with 
France,  or  any  other  power  that  gives  to  free  ships  the 
privilege  of  making  free  goods,  we  may  weaken  that 
project  by  taking  the  goods  of  our  enemy  wherever  we 
find  them,  paying  the  freight.  Arid  it  is  imagined  that 
the  captains  of  the  vessels  so  freighted,  may  by  a  little 
encouragement  be  prevailed  on  to  facilitate  the  necessary 
discovery. 

Spain  not  having  yet  resolved  to  receive  a  minister 
from  the  congress,  Mr.  Franklin  still  remains  here.  She 
has,  however,  afforded  the  aids  we  formerly  mentioned, 
and  supplies  of  various  articles  have  continued  till  lately 
to  be  sent,  consigned  to  Mr.  Gerry,  much  of  which  we 
hear,  have  safely  arrived.  We  shall  use  our  best  endeav 
ours  to  obtain  a  continuance  and  increase  of  those  aids. 

You  will  excuse  our  mentioning  to  you  that  our  ex 
penses  here  are  necessarily  very  great,  though  we  live 
with  as  much  frugality  as  our  public  character  will  per 
mit.  Americans  who  escape  from  English  prisons 
destitute  of  every  thing,  and  others  who  need  assist 
ance  are  continually  calling  upon  us  for  it,  and  our  funds 


ARTHUR    LEE.  319 

are  very  uncertain,  having  yet  received  but  about  64,571 
livres  of  what  was  allotted  for  our  support  by  congress. 

The  Horfble  the  Secret  Committee." 

A  true  copy  ;  attest,  W.  T.  FRANKLIN. 

"  PASSY,  near  PARIS,  Oct.  7th,  1777. 

Gentlemen, — We  received  duly  your  despatches  by  Mr, 
McCrery  and  Capt.  Young,  dated  May  20th  and  30th, 
June  13th,  18th,  and  26th,  and  July  2d.  The  intelligence 
they  contain  is  very  particular  and  satisfactory.  It  re 
joices  us  to  be  informed  that  unanimity  continues  to  reign 
among  the  states,  and  that  you  have  so  good  an  opinion 
of  your  affairs,  in  which  we  join  with  you.  We  under 
stand  that  you  have  also  written  to  us  of  later  dates,  by 
Capt.  Holm.  He  is  arrived  at  port  L'Orient,  but  being 
chased  and  nearly  taken,  he  sunk  his  despatches. 

We  are  also  of  your  sentiments  with  regard  to  the  in 
terests  of  France  and  Spain  respecting  our  independence, 
which  interests  we  are  persuaded  they  see  as  well  as  we, 
though  particular  present  circumstances  induce  them  to 
postpone  the  measures  that  are  proper  to  secure  those 
interests.  They  continue  to  hold  the  same  conduct  de 
scribed  in  our  last,  which  went  by  Wickes  and  Johnson, 
a  copy  whereof  we  send  herewith,  as  Johnson  is  unfortu 
nately  taken  ;  we  have  lately  presented  an  earnest  me 
morial  to  both  courts,  stating  the  difficulties  of  our  situa 
tion,  and  requesting  that  if  they  cannot  immediately  make 
a  diversion  in  our  favour,  they  would  give  a  subsidy  suffi 
cient  to  enable  us  to  continue  the  war  without  them,  or 
afford  the  states  their  advice  and  influence  in  making  a 
good  peace.  Our  present  demand  to  enable  us  to  fulfil 
your  orders,  is  for  about  8,000,000  livres.  Couriers  we 
understand  are  despatched  with  this  memorial  to  Madrid, 
by  both  the  ambassador  of  Spain  and  the  minister  here  ; 
and  we  are  desired  to  wait  with  patience  the  answer,  as 
the  two  courts  must  act  together.  In  the  mean  time  they 
give  us  fresh  assurances  of  their  good  will  to  our  cause, 
and  we  have  just  received  a  fourth  sum  of  500,000  livres. 
But  we  are  continually  charged  to  keep  the  aids  that  are 
or  maybe  afforded  us  a  dead  secret  even  from  the  congress, 


320  LIFE   OF 

where  they  suppose  England  has  some  intelligence  ;  and 
they  wish  she  may  have  no  certain  proofs  to  produce 
against  them  with  the  other  powers  of  Europe.     The 
apparent  necessity  of  your  being  informed  of  the  true 
state  of  your  affairs,  obliges  us  to  dispense  with  this  in 
junction  ;  but  we  entreat  that  the  greatest  care  may  be 
taken  that  no  part  of  it  shall  transpire,  nor  of  the  assur 
ances  we  have  received  that  no  repayment  will  ever  be 
required  from  us  of  what  has  been  already  given  us,  either 
in  money  or  military  stores.    The  great  desire  here  seems 
to  be  that  England  should  strike  first,  and  not  be  able 
to  give  her  allies  a  good  reason.    The  total  failure  of  re 
mittances  from  you  for  a  long  time  past,  has  embarrassed 
us  exceedingly;  the  contract  we  entered  into  for  clothing 
and  arms  in  expectation  of  those  remittances,  and  which 
are  now  beginning  to  call  for  payment,  distress  us  much, 
and  we  are  in  imminent  danger  of  bankruptcy  ;  for  all 
your  agents  are  in  the  same  situation,  and  they  all  recur 
to  us  to  save  their  and  your  credit.     We  were  obliged  to 
discharge  a  debt  of  Merckles  at  Bourdeaux,  amounting 
to  about  5000  livres,to  get  that  vessel  away,  and  he  now 
duns  us  every  post  for  between  4  and  £5000  sterling  to 
disengage  him  in  Holland,  where  he  has  purchased  arms 
for  you.     With  the  same  view  of  saving  your  credit  Mr. 
Ross  was  furnished  with  £20,000  sterling  to  disentangle 
him.     All  the  captains  of  your  armed  vessels  come  to  us 
for  their  supplies,  and  we  have  not  received  a  farthing  of 
the  produce  of  their  prizes,  as  they  are  ordered  into  other 
hands.     Mr.  Hodge  has  had  large  sums  of  us.     But  to 
give  you  some  idea  for  the  present,  till  more  perfect  ac 
count  can  be  rendered,  of  the  demands  upon  us    that 
we  have  paid,  we  enclose  a  sketch  for  your  perusal;  and 
shall    only  observe    that    we  have  refused  no    applica 
tion  in  which  your  credit  appeared  to  be  concerned,  ex 
cept  one  from  the  creditors  of  a  Mr.  Ceronis,  said  to  be 
your  agent  in  Hispaniola,  but  of  whom  we  had  no  know 
ledge;  and  we  had  reason  to  hope  that  you  would  have 
been  equally  ready  to  support  our  credit  as  we  have  been 
of  yours,  and  from  the  same  motives,  the  good  of  the 
public  for  whom  we  are  all  acting,  the  success  of  our 


ARTHUR    LEE.  321 

business  depending  considerably  upon  it.  We  are  sorry 
therefore  to  find  all  the  world  acquainted  here,  that  the 
commissioners  from  congress  have  not  so  much  of  your 
regard  as  to  obtain  the  change  of  a  single  agent  who  dis 
graces  us  all.  We  say  no  more  of  this  at  present,  con 
tenting  ourselves  with  the  consciousness  that  we  recom 
mended  that  change  from  the  purest  motives,  and  that  the 
necessity  of  it,  and  our  uprightness  in  proposing  it,  will 
soon  fully  appear. 

Messrs.  Guardoqui,  at  Bilboa,  have  sent  several  car 
goes  of  naval  stores,  cordage,  sail-cloth,  anchors,  &c.  for 
the  public  use,  consigned  to  Elbridge  Gerry,  Esq.  They 
complain  that  they  have  no  acknowledgment  from  that 
gentleman  of  the  goods  being  received,  though  they  know 
the  vessels  arrived.  We  have  excused  it  to  them,  on  the 
supposition  of  his  being  absent  at  congress.  We  wish 
such  acknowledgment  may  be  made,  accompanied  with 
some  expressions  of  gratitude  towards  those  from  whom 
the  supplies  came,  without  mentioning  who  they  are  sup 
posed  to  be.  You  mention  the  arrival  of  the  Amphitrite 
and  Mercury,  but  say  nothing  of  the  cargoes. 

Mr.  Hodge  is  discharged  from  his  imprisonment  on  our 
solicitation,  and  his  papers  restored  to  him.  He  was  well 
treated  while  in  the  Bastile.  The  charge  against  him 
was,  deceiving  the  government  in  fitting  out  Cunningham 
from  Dunkirk,  who  was  represented  as  going  on  some 
trading  voyage,  but  as  soon  as  he  was  out  began  a  cruise 
on  the  British  coast,  and  took  six  sail.  He  is  now  safe 
in  Ferrol. 

We  have  received  and  delivered  the  commissions  to 
Mr.  W.  Lee  and  Mr.  Izard.  No  letters  came  with  them 
for  those  gentlemen  with  information  how  they  are  to 
be  supported  on  their  stations.  We  suppose  they  write 
to  you,  and  will  acquaint  you  with  their  intentions. 

Some  propositions  are  privately  communicated  to  us, 
said  to  be  on  the  part  of  Prussia,  for  forming  a  commer 
cial  company  at  Embden.  We  shall  put  them  into  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Lee. 

We  do  not  see  a  probability  of  our  obtaining  a  loan  of 
the  £2,000,000  sterling  from  any  of  the  money  holders  in 

VOL.  i.  41 


322  LIFE  OF 

Europe,  till  our  affairs  are  in  their  opinion  more  firmly 
established  ;  what  may  be  obtained  from  the  two  crowns 
either  as  loan  or  subsidy,  we  shall  probably  know  on  the 
return  of  the  couriers,  and  we  hope  we  shall  be  able  to 
write  more  satisfactorily  on  those  heads  by  Capt.  Young, 
who  will  by  that  time  be  ready  to  return. 

With  the  greatest  respect,  we  have  the  honour  to  be 
gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  humble  servants, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  the  Horfble  the  Secret  Committee." 
(True  copy.)     Attest,     W.  T.  FRANKLIN. 

"  PASSY,  Nov.  30th,  1777, 

Gentlemen, — In  a  former  letter  we  acquainted  you 
that  we  had  engaged  an  officer,  one  of  the  most  skilful 
in  naval  affairs  that  this  country  possessed,  to  build  us  a 
frigate  in  Holland,  on  a  new  construction  (draughts  of 
which  we  sent  you),  and  to  go  over  in  her  to  America  and 
enter  your  sea  service.  The  frigate  is  almost  finished. 
She  is  very  large,  is  to  carry  30  twenty-four-pounders  on 
one  deck,  and  is  supposed  equal  to  a  ship  of  the  line. 
But  the  infinite  difficulties  we  find  in  equipping  and 
manning  such  a  ship  in  any  neutral  port,  under  the  re- 
trictions  of  treaties,  together  with  the  want  of  supplies 
from  you,  have  induced  us  to  sell  her  to  the  king,  who 
by  a  large  pension  offered  to  our  officer,  has  engaged  him 
to  remain  in  his  service,  and  pays  us  what  we  have  ex 
pended  on  her. 

We  have  built  a  small  frigate  at  Nantes,  which  we 
hope  to  get  away  soon,  laden  with  supplies  of  various 
sorts.  We  meet  with  difficulties  too  in  shipping  arms 
and  ammunition  in  her,  but  hope  they  will  be  surmount 
ed.  Several  other  vessels,  some  under  the  direction  of 
Mr.  Ross,  others  belonging  to  French  merchants,  are 
almost  ready  to  sail  for  America,  and  we  had  thoughts  of 
sending  them  in  a  little  fleet  under  convoy  of  the  Ra 
leigh  and  Alfred  ;  but  on  consultation,  considering  the 
spies  maintained  by  England  in  all  the  ports,  and  thence 
the  impossibility  of  making  up  such  a  fleet,  without  its 


ARTHUR    LEE.  323 

being  known  so  as  to  give  time  for  a  superior  force  to  lie 
in  wait  for  it,  we  concluded  the  chance  better,  to  send 
them  off  singly  as  they  should  be  ready.  In  these  ves 
sels  are  clothes  ready  made  for  3,000  men,  besides  arms, 
cloths,  linens,  and  naval  stores  to  great  amount,  bought 
by  us  and  Mr.  Ross.  The  private  adventures  also  will 
be  very  considerable.  And  as  we  shall  continue  our 
endeavours  to  complete  your  orders,  we  hope  if  the  ships 
have  common  success  in  passing,  you  will  be  better  pro 
vided  for  the  next  campaign  than  you  have  been  for  any 
of  the  preceding. 

How  we  are  enabled  to  make  these  supplies  must  be 
a  matter  of  some  surprise  to  you,  when  you  reflect  that 
little  or  nothing  from  you  has  been  received  by  us  since 
what  came  by  Capt.  Wickes,  till  now  by  the  arrival  of 
the  Amphitrite ;  and  that  the  seeming  uncertainty  of 
your  public  affairs  have  prevented  hitherto  our  obtaining 
the  loan  proposed.  We  have  however  found  or  made 
some  friends  who  have  helped,  and  will,  we  are  confi 
dent,  continue  to  help  us. 

Being  anxious  for  supporting  the  credit  of  congress 
paper  money,  we  procured  a  fund  for  payment  of  the  in 
terest  of  all  the  congress  had  proposed  to  borrow.  And 
we  mentioned  in  several  of  our  letters,  that  we  should 
be  ready  to  pay  all  bills  drawn  for  the  discharge  of  such 
interest  to  the  full  value  in  money  of  France,  that  is  five 
livres  for  every  dollar  of  interest  due.  We  were  persuad 
ed  that  thus  fixing  the  value  of  the  interest  would  fix  the 
value  of  the  principal,  and  consequently  of  the  whole 
mass.  We  hope  this  will  be  approved,  though  we  have 
yet  no  answer.  We  cannot  apply  that  fund  to  any  other 
purpose,  and  therefore  wish  to  know  as  soon  as  may  be 
the  resolution  of  congress  upon  it.  Possibly  none  of 
those  letters  have  reached  you,  for  your  answers  have 
miscarried  ;  for  the  interceptions  of  our  correspondence 
have  been  very  considerable.  Adams,  by  whom  we 
wrote  early  in  the  summer,  was  taken  on  this  coast,  hav 
ing  sunk  his  despatches.  We  hear  that  Hammond  shar 
ed  the  same  fate  on  your  coast.  Johnson,  by  whom  we 
wrote  in  September,  was  taken  going  out  of  the  channel; 


324  LIFE    OF 

and  poor  Capt.  Wickes,  who  sailed  at  the  same  time 
and  had  duplicates,  we  just  now  hear  has  foundered  near 
Newfoundland,  every  man  perishing  but  the  cook.  This 
loss  is  extremely  to  be  lamented ;  as  he  was  a  gallant 
officer  and  a  very  worthy  man.  Your  despatches  also, 
which  were  coming  by  a  small  sloop  from  Morris's  River, 

and  by  the Packet,  were  both  sunk  on  the  vessels 

being  boarded   by  English  men-of-war.      The  Amphi- 
trite's  arrival  with  a  cargo  of  rice  and  indigo,   1000  bar 
rels  of  the  one  and  20  of  the  other,  is  a  seasonable  sup 
ply  to  us  for  our  support,  we  not  having  for  some  time 
past  (as  you  will  see  by  our  former  letters)  any  expecta 
tions  of  farther  supply  from  Mr.  Morris  ;  and  though  we 
live  here  with  as  much  frugality  as  possible,  the  unavoid 
able  expenses  and  the   continual  demands  upon  us  for 
assistance  to  Americans  who  escape  from  English  prisons, 
&c.   &c.  endanger  our  being  brought  to  great  difficul 
ties  for  subsistence.     The  freight  of  that  ship  too  calls 
for  an  enormous  sum,  on  account  of  her  long  demurrage. 
We  begin  to  be  much  troubled  with  complaints  of  our 
armed  vessels  taking  the  ships  and  merchandise  of  neu 
tral  nations.     From  Holland  they  complain  of  the  tak 
ing  of  the  sloop  Chester,  Capt.  Bray,  belonging  to  Rot 
terdam,  by  two  privateers  of  Chaiiestown,  called  the  Fair 
American  and    the    Experiment  ;    from    Cadiz,   of   the 
taking  the  French  ship  Fortune,  Capt.  Kenguon,  by  the 
Civil  Usage  privateer,  having  on  board  Spanish  property ; 
and  here  of  the  taking  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  from 
Cork,  with  beef  belonging  to  the  marine  of  France,  just 
off  the  mouth  of  Bourdeaux  River.     We  send  herewith 
the  report  we  have  received,  and  answers  given  relating 
to  these  captures,  and  we  earnestly  request  that  if  upon 
fair  trials  it  shall  appear  that  the  allegations  are  true, 
speedy  justice  may  be  done,  and  restoration  made  to  the 
reclaimers  ;    it  being  of  the  utmost  consequence   to  our 
affairs  in  Europe,  that  we  should  wipe  off  the  aspersions 
of  our  enemies,  who  proclaim  us  every  where  as  pirates, 
and  endeavour  to  excite  all  the  world  against  us.     The 
Spanish  affair  has  already  had  very  ill  effects  at  that 
court,  as  we  learn  by  the  return  of  the  courier  mentioned 


ARTHUR    LEE.  325 

in  our  last.  We  have  by  letters  to  our  correspondents 
at  the  several  ports,  done  all  in  our  power  to  prevent 
such  mischiefs  for  the  future,  a  copy  of  which  we  here 
with  send  you. 

The  European  maritime  powers  embarrass  themselves 
as  well  as  us,  by  the  double  part  their  politics  oblige 
them  to  act.  Being  in  their  hearts  our  friends,  and  wish 
ing  us  success,  they  would  allow  us  every  use  of  their 
ports  consistent  \vith  their  treaties,  or  that  we  can  make 
of  them  without  giving  open  cause  of  complaint  to  Eng 
land.  And  it  being  so  difficult  to  keep  our  privateers 
within  those  bounds,  we  submit  it  to  consideration 
whether  it  would  not  be  better  to  forbear  cruising  on 
the  coasts  and  bringing  prizes  in  here,  till  an  open  war 
takes  place,  which,  though  by  no  means  certain,  seems 
every  now  and  then  to  be  apprehended  on  both  sides. 
Witness  among  other  circumstances  the  recall  of  their 
fishing  ships  by  France ;  and  the  king  of  England's  late 
speech.  In  consequence  of  this  embarrassed  conduct 
our  prizes  cannot  be  sold  publicly,  of  which  the  purchas 
ers  take  advantage  in  beating  down  the  price.  And 
sometimes  the  admiralty  courts  are  obliged  to  lay  hold 
of  them  in  consequence  of  orders  from  court,  obtained 
by  the  English  ambassador.  Our  people  of  course  com 
plain  of  this  as  unfriendly  treatment ;  and  as  we  must  not 
counteract  the  court,  in  the  appearance  they  seem  inclin 
ed  to  put  on  towards  England,  we  cannot  set  our  folks 
right  by  acquainting  them  with  the  essential  services  our 
cause  is  continually  receiving  from  this  nation ;  and  we 
are  apprehensive  that  resentment  of  that  supposed  un 
kind  usage,  may  induce  some  of  them  to  make  reprisals, 
and  thereby  occasion  a  great  deal  of  mischief.  You  will 
see  some  reason  for  this  apprehension  in  the  letter  from 
Capt.  Babson,  which  we  send  you  herewith,  relating  to 
their  two  prizes  confiscated  here  for  false  entries,  and 
afterwards  delivered  up  to  the  English  :  for  which  how 
ever  we  have  hopes  of  obtaining  full  satisfaction,  having 
already  a  promise  of  part.  The  king  of  England's 
speech,  blusters  towards  those  kingdoms,  as  well  as  to 
wards  us.  He  pretends  to  great  resolution  both  of  con- 


326  LIFE    OF 

tinuing  this  war,  and  of  making  two  others,  if  they  give 
him  occasion.    Yet  it  is  conceived  he  will  with  difficulty 
find  men  or  money  for  another  campaign  of  that  already 
on  his  hands ;  and  all  the  world  sees  that  it  is  not  for 
want  of  will  that  he  puts  up  with  daily  known  advantages 
afforded  us  by  his  neighbours.     They  however,  we  have 
reason  to  believe,  will  not,  as  long  as  they  can  avoid  it, 
begin  the  quarrel,  nor  give  us  any  open  assistance  of 
ships  or  troops.     Indeed  we  are  scarce  allowed  to  know 
that   they  give  us  any  aid  at  all  ;  but    are    left  to  im 
agine,  if  we  please,  that  the  cannon,  arms,  &c.  which 
we   have  received  and  sent,  are  the   effects  of  private 
benevolence  and  generosity.     We  have  nevertheless  the 
strongest  reasons   to  confide  that  the  same  generosity 
will  continue  ;  and  it  leaves  America  the  glory  of  work 
ing  out  her  deliverance  by  her  own  virtue  and  bravery  ; 
on  which  with  God's  blessing  we  advise  you  chiefly  to 
depend.     You  will  see  by  the  papers,  and  a  letter  of  in 
telligence  from  London,  that  the  continuance  of  the  war 
is  warmly  condemned  in  parliament,  by  their  wisest  and 
ablest  men,  in   the  debates  on  the  speech  ;  but  the  old 
corrupt  majority  continues  to  vote  as  usual,  with  the  min 
isters.     In  order  to  lessen  their  credit  for  the  new  loans, 
we  have  caused  the  paper  which  we  formerly  mentioned, 
to  be  translated  and  printed  in  French  and  Dutch  by  our 
agent  in  Holland.     When  it  began  to  have  a  run  there, 
the  government  forbid   the  farther  publication,  but  the 
prohibition  occasions  it  to  be  more  sought  after,  read, 
and  talked  of. 

The  monument  for  Gen.  Montgomery  is  finished,  and 
gone  to  Havre  in  nine  cases  to  lie  for  a  conveyance.  It 
is  plain  but  elegant,  being  done  by  one  of  the  best  artists 
here,  who  complains  that  the  300  guineas  allowed  him 
is  too  little  ;  and  we  are  obliged  to  pay  the  additional 
charges  of  package,  &c.  We  see  in  the  papers  that  you 
have  voted  other  monuments,  but  we  have  received  no 
orders  relating  to  them. 

The  Raleigh  and  Alfred  will  be  well  fitted  and  fur 
nished  with  every  thing  they  want,  the  congress  part 
of  their  prizes  being  nearly  equal  to  their  demands. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  327 

Be  pleased  to  present  our  dutiful  respects  to  the  con 
gress,  and  assure  them  of  our  most  faithful  services. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be  gentlemen,  your  most  obe 
dient,  humble  servants.  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE. 
The  Horfble  the  Secret  Committee." 

«  PARIS,  Dec.  18th,  1777. 

Gentlemen, — Since  ours  of  Nov.  30th,  a  copy  of  which 
is  herewith  sent  you,  we  received  your  despatches  of 
Oct.  6th,  from  Yorktown ;  they  came  to  us  by  a  packet 
from  Boston,  which  brought  the  great  news  of  Bur- 
goyne's  defeat  and  surrender,  news  that  apparently  oc 
casioned  as  much  general  joy  in  France,  as  if  it  had  been 
a  victory  of  their  own  troops  over  their  own  enemies, 
such  is  the  universal,  warm,  and  sincere  good  will  and 
attachment  to  us  and  our  cause  in  this  nation.  We  took 
the  opportunity  of  pressing  the  ministry  by  a  short  me 
morial  to  the  conclusion  of  our  proposed  treaty,  which  had 
so  long  lain  under  their  consideration,  and  been  from 
time  to  time  postponed.  A  meeting  was  had  according 
ly,  on  Friday,  the  1 2th  inst.,  in  which  some  difficulties 
were  mentioned  and  removed,  some  explanations  asked 
and  given  to  satisfaction.  As  the  concurrence  of  Spain 
is  necessary,  we  were  told  that  a  courier  should  be  des 
patched  the  next  day  to  obtain  it,  which  we  are  since 
assured  was  done  ;  and  in  three  weeks  from  the  time 
the  answer  is  expected. 

On  signifying  to  the  ministry  the  importance  it  might 
be  of  at  this  juncture,  when  probably  Great  Britain  would 
be  making  some  propositions  of  accommodation,  that  the 
congress  should  be  informed  explicitly  what  might  be  ex 
pected  from  France  and  Spain,  M.  Gerard,  one  of  the 
secretaries,  came  yesterday  to  inform  us  by  order  of  the 
king,  that  after  long  and  full  consideration  of  our  affairs 
and  propositions  in  council,  it  was  decided,  and  his  ma 
jesty  was  determined  to  acknowledge  our  independence 
and  make  a  treaty  with  us  of  amity  and  commerce ;  that 
in  this  treaty  no  advantage  would  be  taken  of  our  pre- 


328  LIFE    OF 

sent  situation,  to  obtain  terms  from  us  which  otherwise 
would  not  be  convenient  for  us  to  agree  to,  his  majesty 
desiring  that  the  treaty  once  made  should  be  durable, 
and  our  amity  subsist  forever ;  which  could  not  be  expect 
ed  if  each  nation  did  not  find  its  interest  in  the  continu 
ance  as  well  as  in  the  commencement  of  it.     It  was 
therefore  his  intention  that  the  terms  of  the  treaty  should 
be  such,  as  we  might  be  willing  to  agree  to  if  our  state 
had  been  long  since  established,  and  in  the  fullness  of 
strength  and  power ;  and  such  as  we  shall  approve  of 
when  that  time  shall  come.     That  his  majesty  was  fixed 
in  his  determination  not  only  to  acknowledge  but  to  sup 
port  our  independence  by  every  means  in  his  power. 
That  in  doing  this  he  might  probably  be  soon  engaged 
in  war,  with  all  the  expenses,  risk,  and  damage,  usually 
attending  it ;  yet  he  should  not  expect  any  compensation 
from  us  on  that  account,  nor  pretend  that  he  acted  whol 
ly  for  our  sakes,  since  besides  his  real  good  will  to  us 
and  our  cause,  it  was  manifestly  the  interest  of  France 
that  the  power  of  England  should  be  diminished  by  our 
separation  from  it.     He  should  moreover  not  so  much 
as  insist,  that  if  he  engaged  in  a  war  with  England  on 
our  account,  we  should  not  make  a  separate  peace:   he 
would  have  us  be  at  full  liberty  to  make  a  peace  for  our 
selves,  whenever  good  and  advantageous  terms  were  offer 
ed  to  us.     The  only  condition  he  should  require  and  rely 
on  would  be  this,  that  we,  in  no  peace  to  be  made  with  Eng 
land,  should  give  up  our  independency,  and  return  to  the 
obedience  of  that  government.    That  as  soon  as  the  couri 
er  returned  from  Spain  with  the  concurrence  expected,  the 
affair  would  be  proceeded  in  and  concluded ;  and  of  this  we 
might  give  the  congress  the  strongest  assurance  in  our 
despatches,  only  cautioning  them  to  keep  the  whole  for 
the  present  a  dead  secret,  as  Spain  had  three  reasons  for 
not  immediately  declaring,  her  money  fleet  not  yet  come 
home,  her  Brazil  army  and  fleet  the  same,  and  her  peace 
with  Portugal  not  quite  completed ;  but  these  obstacles 
would  probably  soon  be  removed.    We  answered,  that  in 
what  had  been  communicated  to  us  we  perceived  and 
admired  the  king's  magnanimity  and  his  wisdom ;  that 


ARTHUR    LEE.  329 

he  would  find  us  faithful  and  firm  allies,  and  we  wished 
with  his  majesty  that  the  amity  between  the  two  nations 
might  be  eternal.  And  mentioning  that  republics  were 
usually  steady  in  their  engagements,  for  instance  the 
Swiss  Cantons,  the  secretary  remarked  that  France  had 
been  as  steady  with  regard  to  them,  two  hundred  years 
having  passed  since  their  first  alliance  for  fifty  years  had 
commenced,  which  had  been  renewed  from  time  to  time  ; 
and  such  had  been  her  uniform  good  faith  towards  them, 
that,  as  it  appeared  in  the  last  renewal,  the  protestant 
Cantons  were  free  from  their  ancient  prejudices  and  sus 
picions,  and  joined  readily  with  the  rest  in  the  league,  of 
which  we  herewith  send  you  a  copy. 

It  is  sometime  since  we  obtained  a  promise  of  an  ad 
ditional  aid  of  three  millions  of  livres,  which  we  shall 
receive  in  January.  Spain  we  are  told  will  give  an  equal 
sum,  but  finding  it  inconvenient  to  remit  here,  she  pur 
poses  sending  it  from  the  Havannah  in  specie  to  the  con 
gress.  What  we  receive  here  will  help  to  get  us  out  of 
debt. 

Our  vessels  laden  with  supplies  have  by  various  means 
been  delayed,  particularly  by  fear  of  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  English  cruising  ships,  who  swarm  in  the  bay  and 
channel.  At  length  it  is  resolved  they  shall  sail  togeth 
er,  as  they  are  all  provided  for  defence,  and  we  have  ob 
tained  a  king's  ship  to  convoy  them  out  of  the  channel, 
and  we  hope  quite  to  America.  They  will  carry  we 
think  to  the  amount  of  £70,000  sterling,  and  sail  in  a 
few  days.  Also,  in  consideration  of  the  late  frequent 
losses  of  bur  despatches  and  the  importance  of  the  pre 
sent,  we. have  applied  for  and  obtained  a  frigate  to  carry 
them.  These  extraordinary  favours,  of  a  nature  pro 
voking  to  Great  Britain,  are  marks  of  the  sincerity  of 
this  court,  and  seem  to  demand  the  thanks  of  the  con 
gress. 

We  have  accepted  five  bills  drawn  on  us  by  the  presi 
dent  in  favour  of  some  returned  officers,  and  shall  pay 
them  punctually.  But  as  we  receive  no  remittances  for 
our  support,  and  the  cargo  in  the  Amphitrite  is  claimed 
from  us  by  Mr.  Beaumarchais,  and  we  are  not  certain 
VOL.  i.  42 


330  LIFE    OF 

that  we  can  keep  it,  we  hope  congress  will  be  sparing 
in  their  draughts,  except  for  the  interest  mentioned  in  our 
former  letters;  of  which  we  now  repeat  the  assurances 
of  payment.  Otherwise  we  may  be  much  embarrassed, 
and  our  situation  rendered  extremely  uncomfortable. 

It  is  said  the  French  ambassador  at  London  has  de 
sired  to  be  recalled,  being  affronted  there,  where  the 
late  news  from  America  has  created  a  violent  ferment. 
There  is  also  talk  here  of  Lord  Stormont's  recall.  The 
stocks  in  England  fall  fast ;  and  on  both  sides  there  is 
every  appearance  of  an  approaching  war. 

Being  informed  by  the  concurring  reports  of  many 
who  had  escaped,  that  our  people,  prisoners  in  England, 
are  treated  with  great  inhumanity,  we  have  written  a 
letter  of  expostulation  to  Lord  North  on  the  subject, 
which  we  sent  over  by  a  person  express,  whom  we  have 
instructed  to  visit  the  prisons  under  the  directions  of  Mr. 
Hartley,  to  relieve  in  some  degree  the  most  necessitous. 
We  shall  hereafter  acquaint  you  with  the  result.  The 
expenses  we  are  put  to  by  those  who  get  to  us,  are  very 
considerable. 

The  supplies  now  going  out  from  hence,  and  what  we 
have  sent  and  are  sending  you  from  Spain,  though  far 
short  of  your  orders,  (which  we  have  executed  as  far  as 
\\e  were  able)  will  we  hope,  with  private  supplies  en 
couraged  by  us  and  others,  put  you  in  pretty  good  circum 
stances  as  to  clothing,  arms,  &c.  if  they  arrive.  And  we 
shall  continue  to  send  as  ability  and  opportunity  may 
permit. 

Please  to  present  our  best  respects  to  the  congress,  and 
believe  us  to  be,  with  sincere  and  great  esteem,  gentle 
men,  your  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servants, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  the  Hobble  Robert  Morris,  Esq." 
True  copy.    Attest.  W.  T.  FRANKLIN. 

«  PASSY,  near  PARIS,  Feb.  28th,  1778. 

Gentlemen, — Our  despatches  of  Dec.  18th,  which 
would  have  acquainted  you  with  the  state  of  our  affairs 


ARTHUR    LEE.  331 

here,  and  our  expectations  of  a  speedy  conclusion  of 
the  treaties  with  this  court,  are  unfortunately  returned  ; 
the  French  man-of-war  which  went  on  purpose  to  carry 
them,  having  met  with  some  disaster  at  sea,  which 
obliged  her  to  put  back,  after  a  long  struggle  of  six  weeks 
against  contrary  winds.  We  now  have  obtained  another 
ship  to  sail  with  them  immediately,  and  with  our  fresh 
despatches  containing  the  treaties  themselves,  which 
were  happily  concluded  and  signed  the  6th  inst.,  though 
hitherto  for  some  political  reasons  kept  a  secret  from  the 
public. 

The  English  parliament  adjourned  in  December,  for 
six  weeks.  During  that  time  their  ministers  strained 
every  nerve  to  raise  men  for  their  armies,  intending  to 
continue  the  war  with  vigour.  Subscriptions  were  set 
on  foot  to  aid  government  in  the  expense,  and  they  flat 
tered  themselves  with  being  able  to  enlist  10,000  volun 
teers.  But  whether  they  found  this  impracticable,  or 
were  discouraged  by  later  accounts  from  America,  or  had 
some  intimation  of  our  treaties  here,  their  vaunts  and 
threats  are  suddenly  abated;  and  on  the  17th  Lord 
North  made  a  long  discourse,  acknowledging  the  errors 
of  their  former  conduct  in  the  war  with  America,  and 
proposing  to  obtain  peace  by  the  means  of  two  bills,  of 
which  we  enclose  copies. 

We  make  no  remarks  on  these  bills  ;  the  judgment  of 
the  congress  can  be  at  no  loss  in  determining  on  the  con 
duct  necessary  to  be  held  with  regard  to  them.  And  we 
are  confident  they  will  not  answer  the  purpose  of  divid 
ing  in  order  to  subjugate,  for  which  they  are  evidently  in 
tended. 

Our  states  have  now  a  solid  support  for  their  liberty 
and  independence  in  their  alliance  with  France,  which 
will  be  certainly  fallowed  by  that  of  Spain  and  the  whole 
house  of  Bourbon,  and  probably  by  Holland  and  the 
other  powers  of  Europe,  who  are  interested  in  the  free 
dom  of  commerce,  and  in  keeping  down  the  power  of 
Britain.  Our  people  are  happy  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
new  constitutions  of  government,  and  will  be  so  in  their 
extended  trade  and  navigation,  unfettered  by  English  acts 


332  LIFE    OF 

and  custom-house  officers.  They  will  now  never  relish 
the  Egyptian  bondage  from  which  they  have  so  happily 
escaped.  A  long  peace  will  probably  be  the  consequence 
of  their  separation  from  England,  as  they  have  no  cause 
of  quarrel  with  other  nations ;  an  immediate  war  with 
France  and  Spain,  if  they  join  again  with  England,  and 
a  share  in  all  her  future  wars,  her  debts,  and  her  crimes. 
We  are  therefore  persuaded  that  their  commissioners 
will  be  soon  dismissed  if  at  all  received,  for  the  sooner 
the  decided  part  taken  by  the  congress  is  known  in  Eu 
rope,  the  more  extended  and  stable  will  be  their  credit, 
and  their  conventions  with  other  powers  more  easy  to 
make  and  more  advantageous. 

Americans  are  every  where  in  France  treated  with  re 
spect  and  every  appearance  of  affection.  We  think  it 
would  be  well  to  advise  our  people  in  all  parts  of  Ame 
rica  to  imitate  this  conduct  with  regard  to  the  French  who 
may  happen  to  be  among  us.  Every  means  should  be 
used  to  remove  ancient  prejudices,  and  cultivate  a  friend 
ship  that  must  be  so  useful  to  both  nations. 

Some  transactions  here  during  the  last  four  or  five 
months,  in  the  rigorous  observance  of  treaties  with  regard 
to  the  equipments  of  our  armed  vessels  in  the  ports,  and 
the  selling  of  our  prizes,  have  no  doubt  made  ill  impres 
sions  on  the  minds  of  our  seamen  and  traders  relative 
to  the  friendship  of  this  court.  We  were  then  obliged 
to  observe  a  secrecy  which  prevented  our  removing  those 
prejudices,  by  acquainting  our  people  with  the  substantial 
aids  France  was  privately  affording  us  ;  and  we  must 
continue  in  the  same  situation  till  it  is  thought  fit  to  pub 
lish  the  treaties.  But  we  can  with  pleasure  now  ac 
quaint  you  that  we  have  obtained  full  satisfaction  for  the 
owners  of  the  prizes  confiscated  here  for  a  breach  of  the 
laws  by  a  false  declaration,  they  being  entered  as  coming 
from  Statia,  and  the  payment  will  be  made  to  the  owners 
in  America.  We  mean  the  prizes  taken  by  Capt.  Bab- 
son  and  Hendricks  in  the  Boston  and  Hancock  privateers, 
which  prizes  after  confiscation  were,  for  reasons  of  state, 
restored  to  the  English.  This  is  a  fresh  proof  of  the 
good  will  and  generosity  of  this  court,  and  their  deter 
mination  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  America. 


ARTHUR   LEE.  338 

The  preparations  for  war  continue  in  all  the  ports  with 
the  utmost  industry,  and  troops  are  marching  daily  to  the 
sea  coasts,  where  three  camps  are  to  be  formed.  As 
France  is  determined  to  protect  her  commerce  with  us, 
a  war  is  deemed  inevitable. 

Mr.  W.  Lee  we  suppose  acquaints  you  with  the  de 
cease  of  Mr.  Morris,  his  colleague  in  the  commercial 
agency.  On  our  application  to  the  ministry,  an  order 
was  obtained  to  put  Mr.  Lee  in  possession  of  his  papers. 
If  that  department  has  been  found  useful  and  likely  to 
continue  so,  you  will  no  doubt  appoint  one  or  more  per 
sons  to  take  care  of  the  business,  as  Mr.  Lee  has  now 
another  destination.  Perhaps  the  general  commerce  like 
ly  to  be  soon  opened  between  Europe  and  America,  may 
render  such  an  appointment  unnecessary.  We  would 
just  add  for  the  consideration  of  congress,  whether,  con 
sidering  the  mention  of  Bermudas  in  one  of  the  articles, 
it  may  not  be  well  to  take  possession  of  that  island,  with 
the  consent  of  the  inhabitants,  and  fortify  the  same  as 
soon  as  possible.  And  also  to  reduce  some  or  all  of  the 
English  fishing  posts  in  or  near  Newfoundland. 

With  the  greatest  respect  we  have  the  honour  to  be, 
gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  humble  servants. 

B.  FRANKLIN, 
S.  DEANE, 
A.  LEE. 
HonSble  the  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs." 

Authentic  copy.     Attest,  W.  T.  FRANKLIN. 


(b)  Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  Mr.  Lee.     Journal 
continued. 

"PARIS,  Sept.  26th,  1777. 

Mr.  Grand  reported  his  having  delivered  the  memoire 
for  money  to  Count  Vergennes,  who  said  he  must  com 
municate  with  the  Spanish  court  upon  the  aid  required. 
He  was  then  informed  that  it  had  been  communicated  to 
Count  d'Aranda,  and  pressed  with  the  immediate  neces 
sity  the  commissioners  were  under  for  the  money.  Up- 


334  LIFE  OF 

on  that  he  promised  to  have  it  translated  immediately, 
and  laid  before  the  king.  In  the  evening  Mr.  G.  carried 
to  the  Spanish  ambassador  a  copy  of  the  proposals  made 
by  order  of  congress  to  the  French  court,  which  up 
on  reading,  he  said  had  never  before  been  mentioned  to 
him. 

Mr.  Lee  conversing  with  Mons.  Chaumont  upon  the 
present  state  of  things,  they  agreed  that  there  was  no 
prospect  of  a  war;  but  Mr.  C.  said-  the  conduct  of  the 
ministry  was  totally  incomprehensible,  and  perhaps  when 
they  had  arranged  leur  pctits  affaires,  they  might  go  to 
war.  Mr.  Lee  asked  him  whether  he  numbered  their  fi 
nances  in  that  description,  and  how  they  could  go  to  war 
without  money.  He  answered  that  France  was  very 
differently  circumstanced  in  that  respect  from  other 
countries.  For  that  the  king  could  at  any  time  say  to 
the  public  creditors,  I  must  apply  my  revenue  to  the  cur 
rent  expenses,  and  you  must  wait  till  it  is  convenient  to 
pay  you ;  that  this  would  occasion  no  disturbance.  It 
was  very  desirable,  he  said,  in  the  actual  situation  of 
France  to  continue  in  peace,  but  that  there  was  danger 
thereby  at  present  of  losing  the  national  character  of  a 
warlike  people,  in  wrhich  their  glory  and  perhaps  their 
safety  consisted. 

27th.  Mr.  L.  introduced  Mr.  Izard  to  the  Abbe  Ni- 
coli.  In  conversation  the  abbe  observed,  that  when  the 
states  of  America  had  established  their  independency 
they  would  quarrel  among  themselves,  as  the  Italian  and 
Grecian  states  had  done  ;  that  this  would  infallibly  hap 
pen,  unless  a  similar  mode  of  taxation  was  adopted 
among  them  all;  and  that  none  could  be  so  proper  as  a 
general  tax  upon  land,  formed  upon  an  universal  and  equal 
survey.  Mr.  Izard  answered  that  nothing  would  be  more 
unjust  than  such  a  tax,  because  the  man  who  possessed 
ten  thousand  acres  of  uncultivated  land  would  pay  ten 
times  as  much  as  him  who  had  a  thousand  acres  in  the 
most  profitable  cultivation.  The  abbe  seemed  to  admit 
the  justice  of  this  objection  ;  upon  which  Mr.  L.  observ 
ed,  that  for  the  very  reason  alleged  against  it,  such  a 
mode  of  taxation  appeared  to  him  the  best  that  could 


ARTHUR    LEE.  335 

be  devised,  because  it  would  compel  the  great  land 
holders  to  cultivate  their  lands,  or  sell  it  out  into  parcels 
to  those  who  could  ;  and  therefore  this  tax  would  answer 
at  once  the  public  demands,  and  promote  agriculture  and 
industry.  At  the  same  time  it  seemed  to  him  that  rea 
soning  from  ancient  republics,  whose  employment  and 
delight  were  war,  to  those  of  the  present  time,  whose 
object  were  peace  and  commerce,  was  exceedingly  erro 
neous.  It  is  certain,  that  with  the  Grecian  and  Roman 
states  peace  was  painful,  and  war  delightful;  but  with 
modern  states  it  is  directly  the  reverse ;  therefore  it  is 
probable  their  conduct  will  be  directly  opposite. 

29th.  Capt.  Young,  of  the  sloop  Independence,  arrived 
at  Passy  with  despatches  from  congress.  The  letters 
were  originals  of  copies  received  ten  days  before.  With 
them  came  a  commission  for  Mr.  Izard  to  the  court  of 
Florence  ;  for  Mr.  W.  Lee,  to  those  of  Vienna  and  Ber 
lin,  with  instructions  ;  for  myself  to  Madrid,  with  a  re 
servation  of  my  powers  at  this  court,  while  I  remained 
in  France.* 

30th.  Received  an  account  of  the  Lexington,  Capt. 
Johnson,  having  been  taken  by  an  English  cutter,  after 
a  long  and  obstinate  engagement,  in  which  most  of  her 
officers  were  killed.  I  read  a  paragraph  to  the  com 
missioners,  in  my  brother  Richard  Henry  Lee's  letter, 
stating  that  without  an  alliance  with  France  and  Spain, 
with  a  considerable  loan  to  support  their  funds,  it  would 
be  difficult  to  maintain  their  independence.  Resolved 
to  send  Mr.  Grand  next  day  to  Count  Vergennes,  for  an 
answer  to  their  memoire. 

1st  Oct.  Mr.  Grand  reported  that  Count  Vergennes 
had  not  yet  laid  the  memoire  before  the  king,  and  there 
fore  directed  him  to  come  on  Friday,  for  an  answer ;  that 
he  seemed  to  think  the  sum  of  fourteen  millions  of  livrest 
a  great  demand  ;  that  he  talked  of  an  alliance  as  a  thing 
yet  to  be  considered  of;  that  it  would  involve  all  Europe, 
and  assist  us  much  less  than  we  imagined.  He  said  we 

*  I  desired  the  advice  of  the  other  commissioners,  about  announcing  my  appoint 
ment  immediately.     Dr.  F.  said  he  would  consider  of  it,  and  the  other  said  nothing, 
t  The  nett  revenue  of  France  is  400  millions. 


336  LIFE    OF 

were  wrong  in  distrusting  Maurepas  and  Necker,  and 
still  more  in  the  unguarded  manner  in  which  we  did 
business,  so  that  Lord  Stormont  had  apprized  Mons. 
Maurepas,  that  a  memoire  was  intended  before  it  was 
presented,  and  on  account  of  it,  has  written  to  him,  Ver- 
gennes,  from  England.  He  desired  us  to  be  more  cau 
tious,  and  to  be  assured  that  there  was  a  traitor  in  the 
congress  itself,  who  gave  intelligence.  Mr.  Grand  com 
municated  these  things  to  me  in  private,  and  I  desired 
him  to  do  it  to  all  the  commissioners  together,  that  it 
might  suggest  to  them  some  caution  in  the  conduct  of 
our  affairs,  which  was  open  to  all  the  world.  He  did  so; 
and  it  was  considered  as  a  pretext  for  refusing  to  assist 
us  by  one,  and  as  an  unjust  accusation  by  the  other.  It 
was  said  that  if  Lord  Stormont  had  such  information 
from  some  one  about  us,  he  would  not  have  told  it,  be 
cause  that  would  prevent  any  farther  communication,  and 
therefore  it  seemed  improbable  that  Lord  Stormont  had 
told  them  so.  Mr.  Lee  said  that  in  these  cases  Lord 
Stormont's  object  was  to  excite  distrust  and  destroy  all 
confidence  between  them,  which  it  appeared  he,  aided 
by  other  things,  had  but  too  well  effected. 

The  discourse  of  an  alliance  was  moved  by  Mr.  Grand 
at  my  desire,  and  in  consequence  of  my  brother's  letter. 
I  drew  up  a  short  view  of  our  situation  for  his  instruc 
tion. 

3d  Oct.  Mr.  Grand  made  his  report  that  no  answer 
could  yet  be  given,  only  that  we  might  be  assured  of  the 
king's  good  disposition  ;  that  Spain  must  be  consulted, 
which  would  require  some  weeks ;  that  we  must  men 
tion  nothing  farther  to  congress  when  we  wrote,  but  that 
we  had  sent  them  such  and  such  things,  for  which  they 
need  give  themselves  no  trouble  about  making  returns  ;  that 
nothing  which  we  had  received  or  were  to  receive  was 
lent,  but  to  be  considered  as  given ;  that  war  in  Europe 
would  disable  them  from  aiding  us  with  money,  and 
perhaps  be  less  advantageous  to  us  than  we  imagined, 
because  Great  Britain  would  have  powerful  allies.  Mr. 
Grand  added  that,  as  far  as  he  could  judge  from  the 
count's  manner,  every  thing  was  favourably  disposed, 
and  we  might  rest  satisfied  of  something  being  done. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  337 

Mr.  Grand  proposed  to  the  commissioners  that  they  should 
make  a  present  of  their  ship  in  Holland  to  the  king,  as 
the  only  manner  of  getting  her  from  thence,  and  this 
measure  he  understood  would  be  very  acceptable,  and 
that  Mr.  Boux  approved  highly  of  the  scheme.  The  com 
missioners  were  of  opinion  that  such  a  proposition  should 
come  from  the  minister,  without  which  it  would  be  both 
foolish  and  indecent  in  them.  Mr.  Grand  was  therefore 
desired  to  state  her  situation  to  the  minister,  and  inform 
him  that  the  commissioners  were  ready  to  follow  his  ad 
vice  implicitly  concerning  the  disposal  of  her.  The  his 
tory  of  this  vessel  is  curious  enough.  Soon  after  the 
commissioners  arrived,  Sir  George  Grand,  banker  at  Am 
sterdam,  and  then  in  Paris,  Mr.  Grand,  and  Mr.  Chau- 
mont,  all  of  whom  were  in  the  confidence  of  the  minis 
try  and  strongly  recommended,  introduced  to  us  a  Capt. 
Boux,  of  the  French  navy,  of  whom  every  good  thing 
was  said  in  the  most  exaggerated  strain  of  commendation. 
He  was  the  most  ingenious,  the  most  disinterested,  and 
the  most  honest  man  in  France ;  zealous  for  our  cause, 
and  desirous  of  nothing  so  much  as  to  get  into  our  ser 
vice,  so  entirely  free  from  any  selfish  motive  that  he 
would  go  out  of  it  naked,  (such  was  the  expression)  as  he 
came  in.  Well  ;  this  extraordinary  man  laid  before  us 
a  multitude  of  plans  and  schemes,  which  upon  paper,  and 
in  terms  which  we  did  not  understand,  seemed  exceed 
ingly  plausible.  We  were  then  told  of  the  wonderful 
expedition,  cheapness,  and  certainty  of  building  frigates 
at  Amsterdam  ;  the  king  of  Spain  had  some  built  upon 
an  excellent  construction  of  28  guns,  for  £7000 ;  how 
ever  Sir  George  was  soon  to  go  thither,  and  he  would 
send  us  an  exact  account.  His  intelligence  was,  that 
that  they  would  cost  6000  each.  In  this  situation  of  the 
affair,  I  went  to  Spain.  While  I  was  absent,  the  business 
was  settled.  Mr.  Boux  agreed  to  go,  but  with  an  an 
nual  pension  of ,  all  his  expenses  paid,  and  those  of 

his  nephew,  who  was  now  introduced  as  one  of  the  ne 
cessary  actors  mfabulo.     The  first  thing  that  happened 
upon  his  arrival  was  the  drawing  for  £300,000,  which 
VOL.  i.  43 


338  LIFE    OF 

was  to  build  two  frigates.  When  I  returned  from  Spain, 
the  letters  from  Sir  G.  and  Mr.  B.  told  us  the  agree 
ment  was  made  for  one,  the  workmen  not  being  able  to 
undertake  for  more  within  the  time  limited.  But  no 
agreement  was  sent  us.  We  wrote  for  the  agreement, 
flattering  ourselves  that  the  half  of  what  we  had  paid 
would  be  refunded.  I  told  Mr.  Deane  then,  that  this 
was  a  vain  expectation,  for  as  he  who  paid  beforehand 
was  always  made  the  paymaster  for  him  who  did  not  pay 
at  all,  there  would  be  found  ways  and  means  to  dispose 
of  the  money  they  had  got  into  their  hands.  The  agree 
ment  was  at  length  sent,  and  it  had  absorbed  every  livre  ; 
however,  we  were  flattered  with  the  vessel  being  invin 
cible,  that  she  would  infallibly  be  at  sea  in  such  a  time, 
and  would  soon  reimburse  us  this  extraordinary  expense. 
Mr.  Boux  returned  the  beginning  of  May,  having  put 
every  thing  into  so  good  a  way  that  his  presence  it 
seemed  was  no  longer  necessary.  Mr.  Grand  tells  me 
Mr.  Boux  desired  Mr.  Deane  to  settle  the  account  of  his 
expenses,  which  he  had  never  done.  When  I  returned 
from  Germany,  I  found  Sir  George  was  pressing  for  con 
siderable  sums  more  to  equip  and  load  the  vessel.  But 
our  funds  being  exhausted,  I  suppose  he  was  informed  by 
Mr.  Grand  here  that  nothing  more  was  to  be  expected, 
and  our  next  tidings  was  the  melancholy  information,  that 
it  was  impossible  we  should  get  sailors  to  man  her.  It 
was  therefore  agreed  to  sell  her,  and  the  success  they 
had  in  drawing  us  into  this  foolish  and  expensive  scheme, 
induced  them  probably  to  think  that  we  might  be  duped 
still  farther,  in  the  proposition  I  have  mentioned,  which 
though  it  appeared  absurd  and  extravagant  to  us,  yet  no 
doubt  was  some  how  or  other  to  turn  out  to  Mr.  Boux's 
advantage. 

15th.  The  commissioners  received  a  letter  from  Capt. 
Thompson,  commander  of  the  Raleigh  at  Port  Louis,  in 
forming  them  of  his  arrival  there,  in  company  with  the 
Black  Prince  ship  of  war  and  two  West  India  prizes, 
and  that  he  was  under  our  orders,  as  appeared  from  a 
letter  from  the  marine  committee  signed  John  Hancock, 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  Whipple,  and  others.  He  sent  us 


ARTHUR  LEE.  339 

also  a  journal  of  his  cruise,  by  which  it  appeared  he  had 
fallen  in  with  the  Jamaica  fleet,  and  almost  sunk  the  Dru 
id,  one  of  her  convoy;  the  whole  of  which  he  would  have 
destroyed,  but  that  the  Black  Prince  was  so  tender  that 
she  could  not  carry  sail  nor  assist  him.  We  received  the 
same  day  an  account  of  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Chaumont's 
French  packet,  but  having  been  boarded  by  a  man-of-war, 
the  despatches  for  us  were  thrown  overboard.  Mr.  Girar- 
dot,  the  banker,  assured  us  there  were  more  than  fifty  sail 
to  go  soon  from  France  with  merchandise  for  America. 

16th.  I  had  some  conversation  with  Mr.  Deane  upon 
Mr.  Ross's  scheme,  which  he  said  had  occurred  to  him. 
He  was  for  directing  a  rendezvous  at  Martinique,  and 
getting  a  great  many  private  adventurers,  some  of  whom 
he  said  would  carry  upwards  of  30  guns,  to  join  the 
squadron.  I  gave  him  my  opinion,  that  the  success  did 
not  depend  so  much  upon  the  greatness  of  the  force,  as 
upon  the  secrecy  of  the  expedition.  That  if  it  was  com 
mitted  to  others  it  would  be  impossible  to  keep  it  se 
cret,  especially  to  Frenchmen,  whose  manner  was  to  talk 
much,  do  little,  and  protract  every  thing.  I  added  that  if 
the  scheme  was  judged  proper,  the  best  way  would  be 
to  leave  the  execution  of  it  to  one  of  our  number,  say  Mr. 
Ross. 

17th.  Mr.  Ross  breakfasted  with  Mr.  Lee,  and  the 
above  conversation  was  communicated  to  him.  He 
seemed  satisfied  that  it  would  not  be  safe  to  extend  it  to 
others.  Mr.  Lee  promised  him  a  letter  to  Mr.  Gardo- 
qui,  in  Spain,  requesting  him  to  take  a  cargo  belong 
ing  to  Mr.  Ross  out  of  the  hands  of  a  merchant  at  Co- 
runna. 

18th.  Signed  a  receipt,  to  the  king's  treasurer  for  half 
a  million  of  livres,  paid  to  our  banker,  Mr.  Grand,  from 
whom  we  took  a  receipt.  Mr.  G.  had  received  a  note  to 
come  to  Fontainbleau,  to  talk  with  M.  de  Sartine  about 
the  vessel  at  Amsterdam.  Mr.  Deane  proposed  accom 
panying  him,  but  without  any  communication  with  Mr. 
L.  I  desired  Mr.  G.  to  request  of  Mons.  Vergennes 
that  he  would  give  us  any  information  he  could,  touching 


340  LIFE  OF 

the  negotiations  of  England  in  Russia  and  Germany  for 
new  troops,  and  what  were  the  enemy's  plans  for  anoth 
er  campaign.  That  it  was  of  consequence  to  give  con 
gress  the  earliest  possible  intelligence  upon  this  subject, 
that  they  might  prepare  accordingly. 

19th.  Mr.  Lee  was  employed  in  extracting  from  the 
journals  of  congress,  their  proceedings  relative  to  the  pri 
soners  made  from  the  enemy.  Copies  of  these  he  meant 
to  distribute  over  Europe,  in  answer  to  the  calumnies  of 
the  British  court,  and  to  show  how  unjustifiable  the  cru 
el  conduct  of  that  court  to  American  prisoners  ought  to 
be  deemed. 

Mr.  Lee  received  the  following  note  and  letter  from 
Mr.  Deane. 

"  Mr.  Deane's  compliments  to  Mr.  Lee,  and  encloses 
him  a  letter  from  Mr.  S.  Deane,  which  is  on  a  subject 
that  ought  to  be  early  attended  to,  and  which  Mr.  Hodge 
and  Mr.  Carmichael  can  explain.  Mr.  D.  proposes  set 
ting  out  this  afternoon,  and  returning  on  Tuesday. 

Sunday  Morning." 

"  DUNKIRK,  Oct.  15th,  1777. 

Honoured  Gentlemen, — On  my  arrival  here  I  follow 
ed  your  instructions  concerning  the  vessel  to  be  equipped 
at  L'Orient.  A  difficulty  arises  about  sending  her  from 
hence.  Mr.  Morrell  having  some  time  since  been  inform 
ed  from  the  ministry  that  the  vessel  could  not  be  permit 
ted  to  depart  the  port.  He  informed  Mr.  Cailly  of  this 
circumstance,  in  consequence  of  which  Mr.  Cailly  writes 
Mr.  Chaumont  by  this  post,  and  waits  his  answer  as  far 
ther  orders  in  the  affair.  'Tis  likely  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Chaumont,  containing  a  copy  of  my  direction  to  him,  will 
be  shown  you.  This  with  Mr.  Morrell's  letter  will  fully 
explain  the  matter,  and  I  make  no  doubt  the  sloop  may 
soon  be  allowed  to  pass,  as  she  will  have  neither  guns 
nor  warlike  stores  on  board.  I  must  beg  leave  to  inform 
your  honours  that  there  are  several  Americans  still  here, 
and  at  a  considerable  expense,  which  has  been  represented 
to  me  by  Mr.  Coffin,  the  broker,  who  has  advanced  con- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  341 

siderably  for  them,  and  would  be  glad  to  receive  orders 
how  to  conduct  in  future.  Mr.  Carmichael  or  Mr.  Hodge 
can  likely  inform  you  of  farther  particulars  on  this  sub 
ject.  Their  spiritual  guide  is  still  here,  and  very  needy, 
and  I  am  told  ready  at  any  thing.  I  must  remark  to  your 
honours  that  it  is  necessary  the  sums  already  advanced 
by  Mr.  Coffin  be  now  replaced,  and  some  orders  given 
for  his  conduct  in  future  on  that  head,  as  those  persons, 
unless  restricted  to  a  certain  daily  allowance,  may  expend 
too  freely.  As  the  bills  are  considerably  in  arrears,  un 
less  something  is  determined  about  their  payment,  and 
the  management  in  future,  it  will  not  only  be  hard  usage 
on  those  who  have  advanced  the  money,  but  must  direct 
ly  deprive  those  American  people  of  any  farther  assist 
ance.  In  gratitude  to  the  gentlemen  with  whom  your 
business  has  been  entrusted  here,  at  least  so  far  as  I  have 
been  introduced  to  them,  I  must  take  the  liberty  to  ac 
knowledge  their  civility  and  readiness  in  each  particular, 
and  remain  your  honours'  most  devoted  and  obedient 
servant,  SIMEON  DEANE. 

The  Hotfble  Commissioners  from  the  United  States." 

To  Mr.  D.'s  note  I  answered  that  I  should  be  ready 
to  consider  the  business  mentioned,  with  which  I  was 
as  yet  entirely  unacquainted,  whenever  a  time  was  ap 
pointed. 

21st.  Received  a  letter  from  Baron  Schulenburg  in 
forming  me  that  his  Prussian  majesty  could  not  admit 
our  armed  vessels  into  his  ports,  and  must  wait  a  more 
favourable  opportunity  of  forming  a  connexion  with 
us,  which  would  give  him  much  satisfaction,  when 'it 
could  be  done  consistently  with  his  principles.  This 
letter  I  carried  to  Dr.  F.,  Mr.  D.  having  set  out  for  Fon- 
tainbleau  the  evening  before. 

23d.  Answered  Baron  Schulenburg's  letter,  express 
ing  my  regret  that  we  could  not  form  a  connexion  with 
a  monarch  of  such  reputation  for  wisdom  and  for  valour. 
Hoped  he  would  use  his  influence  to  prevent  our  enemies 
from  drawing  reinforcements  from  Germany,  Russia,  or 


343  LIFE    OF 

Denmark,  and  that  the  baron  would  communicate  to  me 
what  success  the  negotiations  of  our  enemies  were  likely 
to  have  on  that  subject. 

24th.  Dined  at  Passy.  No  communication  from  Mr. 
Deane  of  what  passed  at  Fontainbleau.  Asked  Dr.  F. 
for  Count  Vergennes's  letter,  our  last  memorial  and  let 
ter  to  the  committee,  that  I  might  copy  them.  Prom 
ised  them  to-morrow.  Upon  enquiring  whether  any  an 
swer  had  been  received  from  Capt.  Thompson,  a  letter 
was  produced  which  had  been  received  some  days,  in  which 
the  captain  observed  that  Mr.  Morris  had  applied  to  him 
for  the  sale  of  the  prizes,  to  which  he  answered  that  he 
had  put  them  into  hands  recommended  by  the  commis 
sioners.  From  this  it  appeared  that  he  understood  a  let 
ter  which  Mr.  Deane  wrote,  and  Mr.  L.  would  not  sign 
for  that  reason,  as  a  direction  to  put  the  prizes  into  other 
hands  than  those  appointed  by  the  committee,  which  we 
had  no  right  to  do,  and  which  was  raising  disputes  very 
indecently  and  unwisely.  All  this  I  told  Mr.  Deane, 
when  he  wanted  me  to  sign  the  letter,  but  it  went,  and  I 
have  my  share  of  the  blame.  I  mentioned  to  Dr.  F.  the 
necessity  of  our  sending  congress  an  account  of  the  ex 
penditure  of  the  three  millions  of  public  money  that  had 
passed  through  our  hands,  and  which  he  had  informed 
me  was  to  be  done  by  the  last  opportunity.  He  said  the 
principal  articles  to  which  it  had  been  applied  were 
sketched  in  some  former  letter.  I  asked  for  a  copy  of 
the  articles  sent  from  Marseilles,  which  had  been  in  his 
hands  for  some  time  without  my  having  seen  it.  It  was 
agreed  that  Mr.  Ross  should  be  desired  to  meet  us  next 
day,  to  talk  farther  upon  his  scheme,  and  Dr.  F.  said  he 
would  write  to  Capt.  Thompson  to  come  up  while  his 
ship  was  refitting  to  settle  the  plan  of  their  going  to 
gether.  Mr.  Lee  thought  this  would  delay  his  fitting 
out,  and  create  a  considerable  unnecessary  expense  ;  be 
cause  if  there  was  any  hope  of  secrecy  it  must  not  be 
communicated  to  any  of  the  captains  till  they  reached 
the  place  of  rendezvous,  and  upon  secrecy  the  success 
entirely  depended.  Dr.  F.  observed  upon  this  that  it 
had  already  been  talked  of,  for  Mr.  Izard  had  mentioned 


ARTHUR    LEE.  343 

it  to  him  yesterday,  therefore  some  one  must  have  told 
it  to  him.  This  is  the  second  instance  of  the  difficulty 
of  keeping  any  thing  secret.  When  I  was  going  to  Ber 
lin  no  one  was  acquainted  with  it  but  the  other  commis 
sioners,  Mr.  Carmichael,  who  then  pretended  an  inten 
tion  of  going  with  me  as  secretary,  and  the  grand  duke's 
envoy,  from  whom  I  received  directions  concerning  my 
route.  And  yet  Dr.  F.  complained,  in  a  manner  which 
seemed  to  charge  me  with  having  discovered  it,  that  Mr. 
Sayre  mentioned  it  to  him,  and  Mr.  Carmichael  declared 
Mr.  T.  had  told  him  he  had  the  information  from  me. 
This  Mr.  T.  has  not  only  denied  under  his  hand,  but 
acknowledged,  what  was  the  fact,  that  I  communicated 
it  to  him  two  days  only  before  I  set  out.  In  the  same 
manner  after  all  the  injunctions  of  secrecy,  Mr.  Ross 
had  discovered  his  scheme  to  Mr.  Izard. 

25th.  Having  some  conversation  with  Dr.  F.  upon  the 
present  state  of  things,  he  seemed  to  agree  with  me  in 
thinking  that  France  and  Spain  mistook  their  interest 
and  opportunity  in  not  making  an  alliance  with  us  now, 
when  they  might  have  better  terms  than  they  could  ex 
pect  hereafter.  That  it  was  well  for  us  they  left  us  to 
work  out  our  own  salvation  ;  which  the  efforts  we  had 
hitherto  made,  and  the  resources  we  had  opened,  gave 
us  the  fairest  reason  to  hope  we  should  be  able  to  do. 
He  told  me  the  manner  in  which  the  whole  of  this  busi 
ness  had  been  conducted,  was  such  a  miracle  in  human 
affairs,  that  if  he  had  not  been  in  the  midst  of  it,  and 
seen  all  the  movements,  he  could  not  have  comprehended 
how  it  was  effected.  To  comprehend  it  we  must  view 
a  whole  people  for  some  months  without  any  laws  or  gov 
ernment  at  all.  In  this  state  their  civil  governments 
were  to  be  formed,  an  army  and  navy  were  to  be  pro 
vided  by  those  who  had  neither  a  ship  of  war,  a  com 
pany  of  soldiers,  nor  magazines,  arms,  artillery  or  am 
munition.  Alliances  were  to  be  formed,  for  they  had 
none.  All  this  was  to  be  done,  not  at  leisure  nor  in  a 
a  time  of  tranquillity  and  communication  with  other  na 
tions,  but  in  the  face  of  a  most  formidable  invasion,  by 


344  LIFE    OF 

the  most  powerful   nation,  fully  provided  with  armies, 
fleets,  and  all  the  instruments  of  destruction,  powerfully 
allied  and  aided,  the  commerce  with  other  nations  in  a 
great  measure  stopped  up,  and  every  power  from  whom 
they  could  expect  to  procure  arms,  artillery,  and  ammuni 
tion,  having  by  the  influence  of  their  enemies  forbade 
their  subjects  to  supply  them  on  any  pretence  whatever. 
Nor  was  this  all ;  they  had  internal  opposition  to  encoun 
ter,  which  alone  would  seem  sufficient  to  have  frustrated 
all  their  efforts.     The  Scotch,  who  in  many  places  were 
numerous,  were  secret  or  open  foes  as  opportunity  offer 
ed.     The  Quakers,  a  powerful  body  in  Pennsylvania, 
gave  every  opposition  their  art,  abilities  and  influence 
could  suggest.     To  these  were  added  all   those  whom 
contrariety  of  opinion,  tory  principles,  personal  animosi 
ties,  fear  of  so  dreadful  and  dubious    an   undertaking, 
joined  with  the  artful  promises  and  threats  of  the  enemy 
rendered  open  or  concealed  opposers,  or  timid  neutrals, 
or  lukewarm  friends  to  the  proposed  revolution.     It  was, 
however,  formed  and   established  in  despite  of  all  these 
obstacles,  with  an  expedition,  energy,  wisdom,  and  suc 
cess  of  which  most  certainly  the  whole  history  of  human 
affairs  has  not,  hitherto,  given  an  example.     To  account 
for  it  we  must  remember  that  the  revolution  was  not  di 
rected  by  the  leaders  of  faction,  but  by  the  opinion  and 
voice  of  the  majority  of  the  people ;   that  the  grounds 
and  principles  upon  which  it  was  formed  were  known, 
weighed  and  approved  by  every  individual  of  that  major 
ity.     It  was  not  a  tumultuous  resolution,  but  a  deliberate 
system.     Consequently,  the  feebleness,  irresolution,  and 
inaction  which  generally,  nay,  almost  invariably  attends 
and   frustrates  hasty  popular  proceedings,  did  not  influ 
ence  this.     On  the  contrary,  every  man  gave  his  assist 
ance  to  execute  what  he   had  soberly  determined,  and 
the  sense  of  the  magnitude  and  danger  of  the  undertak 
ing  served  only  to  quicken  their  activity,  rouse  their  re 
sources,  and  animate  their  exertions.     Those  who  acted 
in  council  bestowed  their  whole  thoughts  upon  the  pub 
lic  ;  those  who  took  the  field  did,  with  what  weapons, 
ammunition   and   accommodation   they   could   procure. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  345 

In  commerce,  such  profits  were  offered  as  tempted  the 
individuals  of  almost  all  nations,  to  break  through  the 
prohibition  of  their  governments,  and  furnish  arms  and 
ammunition,  for  which  they  received  from  a  people 
ready  to  sacrifice  every  thing  to  the  common  cause,  a 
thousand  fold.  The  effects  of  anarchy  were  prevented 
by  the  influence  of  public  shame,  pursuing  the  man  who 
offered  to  take  a  dishonest  advantage  of  the  want  of  law. 
So  little  was  the  effects  of  this  situation  felt,  that  a  gen 
tleman,  who  thought  their  deliberations  on  the  establish 
ment  of  a  form  of  government  too  slow,  gave  it  as  his 
opinion  that  the  people  were  likely  to  find  out  that  laws 
were  not  necessary,  and  might  therefore  be  disposed 
to  reject  what  they  proposed,  if  it  were  delayed.  Dr. 
Franklin  assured  me  that  upon  an  average  he  gave  twelve 
hours  in  the  twenty-four  to  public  business.  One  may 
conceive  what  progress  must  be  made  from  such  exer 
tions  of  such  an  understanding,  aided  by  the  co-operation 
of  a  multitude  of  others  upon  such  business,  not  of  in 
ferior  abilities.  The  consequence  was,  that  in  a  few 
months,  the  governments  were  established  ;  codes  of  lav 
were  formed,  which,  for  wisdom  and  justice,  are  the  ad 
miration  of  all  the  wise  and  thinking  men  in  Europe. 
Ships  of  war  were  built,  a  multitude  of  cruisers  were 
fitted  out,  which  have  done  more  injury  to  the  British 
commerce  than  it  ever  suffered  before.  Armies  of  of 
fence  and  defence  were  formed,  and  kept  the  field, 
through  all  the  rigours  of  winter,  in  the  most  rigorous 
climate.  Repeated  losses,  inevitable  in  a  defensive  war, 
as  it  soon  became,  served  only  to  renew  exertions  that 
quickly  repaired  them.  The  enemy  was  every  where 
resisted,  repulsed,  or  besieged.  On  the  ocean,  in  the 
channel,  in  their  very  ports,  their  ships  were  taken,  and 
their  commerce  obstructed.  The  greatest  revolution  the 
world  ever  saw,  is  likely  to  be  effected  in  a  few  years ; 
and  the  power  that  has  for  centuries  made  all  Europe 
tremble,  assisted  by  20,000  German  mercenaries,  and 
favoured  by  the  universal  concurrence  of  Europe  to 
prohibit  the  sale  of  warlike  stores,  the  sale  of  prizes,  or 
the  admission  of  the  armed  vessels  of  America,  will  be 
VOL.  i.  44 


346  LIFE    OF 

effectually  humbled  by  those  whom  she  insulted  and  in 
jured,  because  she  conceived  they  had  neither  spirit  nor 
power  to  resist  or  revenge  it. 

Nov.  1st.  Called  upon  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Deane. 
The  latter  showed  me  a  letter  from  the  king's  officer  at 
Nantes,  informing  him  that  he  had  express  orders  not  to 
suffer  any  warlike  stores  to  be  shipped  in  the  vessel  we 
were  fitting  out ;  without  a  reversal  it  would  be  impossi 
ble  to  permit  it.  Mr.  Deane  made  an  appointment  for 
me  to  meet  next  day  at  1 1  o'clock,  to  consider  the  pro 
position  of  borrowing  the  two  millions  as  we  were  di 
rected. 

2d.  Going  to  Passy,  according  to  the  appointment,  I 
found  Mr.  Deane  had  set  out  for  Fontainbleau  with  Mr. 
Chaumont,  to  endeavour  to  obtain  from  Mons.  Sartine  a 
reversal  of  the  above  orders.  Dr.  F.  was  to  open  the  let 
ters,  and  then  send  them  after  Mr.  D.  All  this  was  done 
without  one  word  of  consultation  with  me,  or  the  least 
attention  to  me.  Dr.  F.  mentioned  the  affair  of  borrow 
ing  money.  I  told  him  I  could  not  discover  that  con 
gress  had  directed  us  what  to  do  with  the  money  if 
we  borrowed  it ;  that  if  it  was  to  be  expended  by  us,  it 
was  proper  we  should  give  an  account  first  of  what  had 
already  passed  through  our  hands;  that  I  was  very  un 
easy  at  being  responsible  for  so  great  a  sum  of  public, 
money,  without  being  able  to  obtain  any  account  of  its 
expenditure,  which  I  had  repeatedly  desired  might  be 
made  out.  He  answered  it  was  as  much  my  business  as 
his ;  why  did  I  not  make  it  out?  there  was  no  reason  to 
suspect  any  misapplication.  I  replied  he  had  certain 
ly  misapprehended  me.  I  had  suggested  no  suspicion, 
but  desired  that  which  was  just,  reasonable,  and  absolute 
ly  necessary.  I  appealed  to  him  whether  I  had  ever  re 
fused  to  bear  my  part  in  doing  business;  but  to  make  out 
an  account  when  I  was  not  possessed  of  a  single  paper 
for  the  purpose,  was  not  possible.  A  great  deal  of  the 
money  had  been  expended  in  my  absence,  and  almost  all 
without  consulting  me.  In  consequence  I  was  utterly  in 
capable  of  giving  any  account  of  the  expenditure.  He 
said  I  had  as  many  papers  concerning  it  as  he  had ;  that 


ARTHUR    LEE.  347 

we  had  sent  an  account  of  the  principal  articles  in  our 
last  despatches  to  congress.  I  said  I  could  not  recollect 
it.  He  called  for  the  paper,  and  it  appeared  to  be  only 
the  estimate  of  what  we  were  to  expend,  with  very  lit 
tle  account  of  what  we  had  spent.  He  then  proposed 
we  should  altogether  collect  the  account  from  Mr.  Deane's 
books.  But  when,  he  would  not  determine,  and  so  that 
went  off  like  every  thing  el&,  unsatisfactorily.  We 
went  to  Mr.  Grand's,  who  showed  us  a  note  from  Count 
Vergennes  desiring  to  see  him,  in  consequence  of  which 
he  set  out  immediately  for  Fontainhleau. 

3d.  A  letter  from  a  merchant  in  Rotterdam,  with  veri 
fied  papers  to  show  that  two  American  privateers  had 
made  prize  of  a  vessel  and  her  cargo,  which  were  Dutch 
property. 

4th.  Mr.  Grand  returned.  He  delivered  a  letter  from 
Mr.  D.  to  Dr.  F.,  in  which  he  informed  him  that  he  should 
stay  a  day  longer  at  Fontainbleau,  without  any  notice  of 
the  other  commissioner.  Mr.  Grand's  message  was,  that 
the  king  had  agreed  to  let  us  have  three  millions  of  livres, 
at  different  payments,  on  consideration  of  most  profound 
secrecy,  that  we  should  not  enter  in  any  accommodation 
without  informing  him,  and  that  if  that  took  place  before 
the  money  was  all  paid,  the  remainder  should  be  with 
held.  The  minister  told  him  that  they  would  endeavour 
to  obtain  as  much  from  Spain ;  that  orders  had  been  re 
ceived  there  for  sending  supplies,  but  upon  the  capture  of 
a  French  ship  with  Spanish  property,  by  an  American 
privateer,  the  king  was  so  enraged  that  they  were  coun 
termanded.  He  advised  us  to  write  a  very  civil  letter  to 
Spain,  which  he  conceived  would  adjust  every  thing,  be 
cause  the  king  was  as  forgiving  as  he  was  violent.  He 
said  their  navy  was  in  great  forwardness,  but  would  not 
be  ready  till  next  spring.  He  also  assured  Mr.  G.  that 
it  was  settled  to  purchase  the  ship  in  Holland  for  the 
king's  use.  Upon  Mr.  G.'s  applying  to  Mr.  Sartine,  he 
wrote  him  an  equivocal  answer,  and  upon  a  second  appli 
cation  the  purchase  was  acknowledged. 

5th.  Mr.  Lee  undertook  to  answer  the  letters  from 
Rotterdam,  and  Dr.  F.  to  draw  up  one  for  Spain. 


348  LIFE    OF 

6th.  Mr.  G.  waited  on  the  Spanish  ambassador,  to 
whom  at  Mr.  Lee's  desire  he  mentioned  Mr.  Lee's  com 
mission  for  the  court  of  Spain,  and  desired  his  advice 
whether  it  should  be  announced  immediately.  He  said 
that  would  depend  upon  there  being  new  instructions 
with  it ;  which  Mr.  L.  afterwards  informed  him  was  not 
the  case.  He  said  he  was  very  well  satisfied  with  what 
he  had  seen  in  the  dock-yards ;  that  he  would  go  to  Fon- 
*ainbleau  next  day,  and  on  his  return  give  us  more  par 
ticular  information  relative  to  his  court. 

8th.  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  D.  being  to  dine  with  Mr.  L.  he 
wrote  to  Dr.  F.  in  the  morning,  desiring  him  to  bring  the 
letter  for  Spain  with  him,  that  they  might  consider  and 
sign  it  ready  to  be  sent  on  Monday  the  10th.  A  rough 
draught  was  brought,  and  left  with  Mr.  L.  to  consider. 
Mr.  L.  received  a  letter  from  Madrid,  to  inform  him 
that  a  plan  had  been  settled  for  supplying  the  states 
with  goods,  but  to  what  amount,  or  when  it  should 
begin,  was  yet  undetermined.  He  communicated  this 
letter  to  the  other  commissioners,  with  his  intention  to 
order  ten  thousand  blankets  to  be  shipped  immediately, 
which  he  would  pay  for  out  of  the  Spanish  fund. 

9th.  Met  the  commissioners  at  Passy,  when  they  con 
sidered  the  letter  for  Spain,  with  the  alterations  pro 
posed  by  Mr.  Lee,  and  Dr.  F.  was  to  have  it  copied. 
The  answer  to  Rotterdam  was  also  to  be  copied.  Mr. 
L.  had  drawn  up  an  admonition  to  the  captains  of  arm 
ed  vessels  to  be  sent  to  the  courts  of  France  and  Spain, 
and  by  them  to  the  sea-ports,  in  which  they  were  enjoin 
ed  to  be  cautious  of  molesting  neutral  ships,  without  suf 
ficient  proof  of  their  having  the  effects  of  the  enemy  on 
board.  Mr.  Deane  objected  to  sending  this,  because  he 
said  Mr.  Gerard  had  talked  with  him  at  Fontainbleau, 
and  contended,  that  according  to  the  settled  law  of  na 
tions,  a  neutral  ship  had  a  jurisdiction  like  the  realm  of 
her  sovereign,  which  protected  all  property  in  it.  Dr.  F. 
and  Mr.  L.  were  of  opinion  that  this  was  not  the  law  of 
nations,  but  matter  of  convention;  and  which,  if  they 
conceded  it,  would  be  giving  up  one  great  inducement  to 


ARTHUR   LEE.  349 

the  courts  of  Bourbon  to  enter  into  that  commercial  alli 
ance  they  were  ordered  to  negotiate,  and  in  which  that 
protection  was  to  be  allowed. 

Mr.  G.  re-delivered  Mr.  L.  a  letter,  which  Mr.  L.  had 
received  from  London,  acquainting  him  that  the  Jesuit 
who  was  hired  by  the  British  court  to  forge  the  letters 
called  Montcalm's,  was  disgusted,  and  might  be  bought 
over.  This  he  sent  to  Count  Vergennes,  whose  answer 
was,  that  the  Jesuit  was  a  worthless  wretch.  The  same 
letter  contained  farther  observations  on  the  proposed  ne 
gotiation,  of  which  mention  is  made  before,  and  stated 
that  the  British  cabinet  was  so  irresolute,  that  nothing 
could  be  expected.  Mr.  L.  desired  Mr.  G.  to  write  to 
Vienna  for  intelligence  concerning  the  manoeuvres  of 
Haldimand  and  Fawcett,  that  by  comparing  the  intelli 
gence  through  different  channels,  they  might  arrive  at 
more  certainty. 

12th.  Being  at  Passy,  Mr.  L.  found  that  the  letter  to 
Rotterdam  had  been  sealed  without  his  signing  it.  Mr. 
Deane's  excuse  was,  that  he  was  going  to  send  it  to 
me,  but  Dr.  F.  said,  as  the  letter  to  which  it  was  an 
answer  was  directed  to  them  only,  it  was  not  necessary 
for  Mr.  L.  to  sign  it.  The  captains  Thomson  and  Hin- 
man  were  there,  but  had  neither  been  directed  to  wait 
upon  Mr.  L.,  nor  were  introduced  to  him.  Mr.  D.  not 
having  informed  Mr.  L.  what  was  determined  at  Fontain- 
bleau,  relative  to  suspending  the  orders  against  their 
being  allowed  to  ship  ammunition,  Mr.  L.  asked  Mr. 
Chaumont  whether  he  was  present  with  Mr.  D.  at  Mons. 
de  Sartine's?  Mr.  Chaumont  said  Mr.  D.  did  not  see 
Mr.  Sartine  at  all ;  that  he,  Mr.  Chaumont,  negotiated 
the  business,  and  that  the  answer  was,  when  the  ship 
was  under  sail,  the  ammunition  must  be  smuggled  on 
board. 

Mr.  L.  sent  to  Mr.  Dumas  extracts  from  the  notes  of 
congress,  relative  to  the  maintenance  and  humane  treat 
ment  of  the  prisoners,  with  directions  to  publish  them, 
as  he  had  done  the  report  to  congress  of  the  cruelties 
committed  by  the  royalists,  which  Mr.  L.  had  sent  him 
before. 


350  LIFE  OF 

13th.  On  going  to  Passy,  Mr.  L.  found  an  appoint 
ment  had  been  made  the  day  before  with  the  captains 
Thomson  and  Hinman,  of  which  he  thought  they  were 
not  apprised.  The  captains  reported  that  they  could  be 
ready  in  twelve  days  after  their  return,  to  put  to  sea; 
that  they  had  sold  their  prizes  for  £9500,  except  the 
arms,  artillery,  and  ammunition,  which  was  3000  less 
than  their  value,  but  that  they  were  free  of  all  risk  ;  that 
the  continental  part  would  be  sufficient  to  pay  all  ex 
penses  of  completing  and  refitting  the  frigates.  They 
said  congress  had  appointed  a  naval  board  at  Boston,  for 
New-England,  to  consist  of  a  deputy  from  each  New- 
England  state  ;  that  the  74-gun  ship  now  building  would 
be  launched  in  the  summer.  The  frigates  could  carry 
no  goods,  but  would  serve  as  convoy.  The  eastern  ports 
they  thought  the  safest. 

16th.  Capt.  Thomson  delivered  Mr.  Lee,  according 
to  his  desire,  a  list  of  such  articles  as  would  be  most 
useful  in  the  marine  department.  Mr.  L.  proposed  to 
introduce  the  captains  Thomson  and  Hinman  to  Capt. 
Boux,  that  they  might  consider  and  give  their  opinions 
of  his  plans. 

17th.  Mr.  L.  went  to  Passy,  with  a  draught  of  an  an 
swer  to  a  letter  from  Mr.  Say  re  to  Dr.  Franklin,  com 
plaining  of  the  hardship  and  injustice  of  his  not  having 
been  provided  for,  when  he  had  remained  at  the  court 
of  Berlin,  arid  done  honour  to  the  American  cause, 
which  he  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  and  return  to 
London,  if  we  would  not  support  him.  The  answer 
was  that  Mr.  Lee  had  advanced  him  2000  livres  before 
he  left  Paris,  had  paid  his  expenses  to  and  at  Berlin,  and 
informed  him  when  they  parted,  that  no  support  was  to 
be  expected  from  the  commissioners,  which  he  had  re 
peated  since  his  return  to  Paris,  as  the  sense  of  the 
whole  commission,  and  that  his  assuming  a  public  char 
acter  was  unwarrantable,  which  he  was  advised  never  to 
do  again.  Dr.  F.  was  to  have  it  copied  for  signing.  A 
Capt.  Wells,  who  had  commanded  an  American  privateer, 

and  broke  out  of prison,  at  Portsmouth,  dined  with 

Mr.  L.,  and  told  him  that  Mr.  Deane  and  Mr.  Chaumont 


ARTHUR    LEE.  35 1 

had  proposed  to  employ  him  in  a  private  concern.  Mr. 
L.  told  him  that,  as  he  had  for  some  time  been  maintain 
ed  at  the  public  expense,  his  services  were  due,  first,  to 
the  public  ;  that  the  frigates  were  in  want  of  men,  and 
that  though  he  could  not  get  an  adequate  birth,  vet  his 
serving  as  a  volunteer  would  get  him  a  passage  to  his 
own  country,  and  entitle  him  to  ask  for  rank  in  the  ser 
vice.  Mr.  L.  wrote  to  Dr.  F.  enclosing  him  a  letter 
from  a  person  who  had  intimated  a  desire  in  the  British 
ministry  to  treat  secretly  with  the  commissioners  of  an 
accommodation.  The  letter  stated  that  the  ministry 
were  informed  from  Paris,  that  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  L.  were 
at  variance,  and  therefore  it  would  be  in  vain  to  treat ; 
that  their  honour  must  be  saved  by  the  overture  coming 
from  the  commissioners,  and  they  must  be  assured  of 
their  power  to  treat,  and  that  the  intended  terms  were 
such  as  they  might  accept  with  satisfaction.  The  an 
swer  Mr.  L.  wrote  to  Dr.  F.,  as  what  he  meant  to  re 
turn,  was,  that  the  variance  did  not  exist,  that  they  had 
neither  instructions  nor  inclination  to  make  overtures  ; 
that  the  honour  of  the  ministry  was  their  own  affair,  and 
that  they  who  were  most  in  need  of  accommodating,  must 
make  such  propositions  as  would  be  satisfactory. 

N.  B. — A  letter  from  Mr.  Williams,  at  Nantes,  was 
shown  to  Mr.  L.  some  days  after  the  receipt,  as  was  the 
custom,  to  inform  the  commissioners  that  the  Lion  was 
stopped,  by  an  order  from  the  minister. 

17th.  Received  a  letter  from  Baron  Schulenburg,  ex 
pressive  of  the  king's  surprise  at  our  having  no  des 
patches  ;  his  desire  to  hear  of  our  success,  and  an  assur- 
rance  that  the  British  would  not  procure  any  troops  from 
Russia,  Denmark,  or  Germany,  except  recruits  for  the 
regiments  already  in  America. 

Ittth.  Wrote  to  Mr.  Grand,  desiring  him  to  settle  with 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  an  hour  when  I  might  see  him  ; 
to  Mr.  Deane,  desiring  that  he  would  inform  those  mer 
chants  in  Spain  who  had  received  prizes,  in  which  the 
public  was  concerned,  to  give  an  account  of  them  to  Mr. 
L.,  as  the  representative  of  the  public  in  Spain  ;  to 
which  Mr.  D.  answered,  that  the  prizes  sent  into  Co- 


352  LIFE    OF 

runna  were  of  little  value,  that  Cunningham's  vessel  was 
half  owned  by  the  public,  and  that  he  should  write  to 
Mons.  Leogans,  at  Corunna,  on  the  subject.  A  letter 
was  sent  at  the  same  time  to  the  commissioners,  desiring 
they  would  appoint  an  hour  when  Mr.  L.  might  meet 
them  to  settle  the  letter,  and  to  consider  whether  it 
would  not  be  proper  to  send  to  the  different  ports  in 
France  and  Spain,  an  admonition  to  American  captains 
not  to  stop  or  molest  neutral  ships.  This  letter  received 
no  answer. 

19th.  Saw  Mr.  Grand,  who  told  me  that  the  letter 
for  Spain  had  been  given  him,  that  he  had  proposed 
some  alterations,  which  Mr.  D.  had  undertaken  to  make, 
and  that  it  was  promised  to  have  been  sent  him  that 
morning  to  show  to  the  ambassador,  but  he  had  not  re 
ceived  it.  He  therefore  begged  I  would  hasten  it.  I 
communicated  to  him  the  letter  from  London,  touching 
an  accommodation  and  the  answer  I  intended  to  write. 

20th.  In  going  to  Passy,  in  order  to  hasten  the  letter 
for  Spain,  I  met  Dr.  F-,  who  told  me  it  was  already 
sent,  and  that  it  was  determined  that  the  despatches 
should  go  off  immediately  on  receiving  the  king's 
speech.  In  this  determination  Mr.  L.  had  no  part,  but 
in  this,  as  in  many  other  things,  they  seemed  to  like  Dr. 
F.'s  idea,  that  the  majority  formed  the  commissioners, 
according  to  the  letter,  and  that  therefore  it  was  not  ne 
cessary  to  ask  my  opinion.  I  had  before  proposed  the 
detaining  Capt.  Young,  to  carry  the  speech,  and  the  an 
swer  was  that  it  was  unnecessary,  as  there  would  be 
other  vessels  going  about  that  time.  Dr.  F.  appointed 
next  day  at  ten  o'clock,  to  meet  at  Passy  on  public 
business.  According  to  appointment,  Mr.  L.  waited  on 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  and  informed  him  of  his  com 
mission  to  the  court  of  Spain.  His  excellency  advised 
him  to  take  no  step  in  consequence  of  it,  until  a  more 
favourable  opportunity,  for  that  business  could  be  done 
with  much  more  secrecy  here  than  in  Spain.  Mr.  L. 
then  desired  his  opinion  about  preventing  the  ill  impres 
sion  which  the  unwarrantable  conduct  of  American  pri 
vateers  might  occasion  in  future,  much  of  which  might 


ARTHUR    LEE.  353 

be  apprehended  in  the  present  young  and  unsettled  state 
of  their  governments.  Whether  it  would  be  agreeable 
that  he  should  write  to  all  the  ports,  to  warn  all  Ame 
rican  captains  who  put  in  there,  not  to  molest  neutral 
vessels.  The  ambassador  said  he  had  mentioned  that  to 
Mr.  Grand.  That  it  was  now  the  usage  among  Euro 
pean  nations,  to  let  an  enemy's  goods,  unless  contraband, 
pass  free  in  neutral  bottoms,  and  the  same  would  be  ex 
pected  from  the  United  States. 

21st.  Went  to  Passy,  according  to  Dr.  F.'s  appoint 
ment,  who  was  from  home,  and  did  not  return  till  be 
tween  eleven  and  twelve  o'clock.  Mr.  D.  showed  him 
the  letters  relative  to  the  cargo  of  the  Amphitrite,  as  if 
Mr.  Lee  had  not  seen  them,  and  when  Mr.  L.  proposed 
to  answer  them,  Mr.  D.  said  he  had  already  done  that, 
in  the  name  of  the  commissioners,  because  the  express 
was  in  a  hurry  and  could  not  wait ;  he  was  unacquainted 
with  Mr.  Lee's  knowing  this  to  be  a  pretence,  as  the 
letters  had  remained  a  whole  day  at  Passy,  and  Mr.  L. 
had  read  them  before  Mr.  D.  returned  from  his  amuse 
ments  in  Paris.  Dr.  F.  showed  Mr.  L.  a  letter  from  an 
officer  at  Bourdeaux,  to  Mons.  de  Sartine,  containing  a 
complaint  from  the  captain  of  an  English  vessel,  that 
the  Portsmouth  privateer,  Capt.  Hart,  of  Portsmouth,  in 
New-England,  that  had  refitted  at  Bourdeaux,  had  made 
prize  of  his  vessel  coming  into  the  River  Garonne,  and 
sent  her  away  to  America.  Mr.  L.  proposed,  that  in 
order  to  quiet  the  anger  this  had  occasioned  at  court,  they 
should  add  to  their  letter  to  Spain,  and  present  a  similar 
request  to  this  court,  to  have  the  above  privateer  seized 
if  she  came  into  any  of  their  ports.  Dr.  F.  objected  to 
it,  as  subjecting  the  captain  to  foreign  jurisdiction,  when 
he  ought  to  be  tried  for  it  in  America.  Agreed  to  the 
addition  of  the  Spanish  letter,  and  directed  it  to  be 
copied  for  signing.  Mr.  Gerard  had  called  upon  Mr.  L. 
in  the  morning,  with  a  letter  from  Count  Vergennes,  ap 
proving  of  the  Spanish  letter,  provided  Count  d'Aranda 
thought  it  proper,  but  he  said  that  our  prizes  could  not 
be  adjudged  in  their  courts.  Mr.  G.  mentioned,  at  the 
same  time,  that  he  had  some  time  since  given  Dr.  F.  the 

VOL.  i.  45 


354  LIFE    OF 

sketch  of  a  plan  for  borrowing  the  two  millions,  of  which 
he  had  heard  nothing  since.  He  had  completed  the  plan 
and  went  to  Passy,  to  communicate  it ;  but  Dr.  F.  being 
out  he  did  not.  Mr.  Lee  carried  this  evening  the  draught 
of  a  letter  he  purposed  sending  to  the  ports  in  Spain,  to 
warn  the  American  vessels  from  violating  the  rights  of 
neutral  nations. 

27th  Nov.  The  commissioners  met  to  consult  on  their 
despatches  to  congress.  Mr.  D.  began  the  discourse  ;  he 
remarked  upon  the  proceedings  of  this  court,  with  a  good 
deal  of  ill-humour  and  discontent,  said  he  thought  it  was 
our  duty  to  state  the  whole  to  congress,  that  things  seem 
to  be  going  very  bad  in  America,  they  would  be  less  pro 
vided  for  next  campaign,  and  more  pressed  than  ever  ; 
he  therefore  was  of  opinion  we  should  lay  before  this 
court  such  a  statement  as  would  produce  a  categorical 
answer  to  the  proposition  of  an  alliance,  or  satisfy  them 
that  without  an  immediate  interposition,  we  must  accom 
modate  with  Great  Britain.  Dr.  F.  was  of  a  different 
opinion  ;  he  could  not  consent  to  state  that  we  must  give 
up  the  contest  without  their  interposition,  because  the 
effect  of  such  a  declaration  upon  them  was  uncertain ^ 
it  might  be  taken  as  a  menace,  it  might  make  them 
abandon  us  in  despair  or  in  anger ;  besides  he  did  not 
think  it  true ;  he  was  clearly  of  opinion  that  we  could 
maintain  the  contest,  and  successfully  too,  without  any 
European  assistance ;  he  was  satisfied,  as  he  had  said 
formerly,  that  the  less  commerce  or  dependence  we  had 
upon  Europe,  the  better,  for  that  we  should  do  better 
without  any  connexion  with  it. 

Mr.  Lee  was  against  any  such  declaration,  lest  it  might 
deprive  them  of  the  assistance  they  now  received  instead 
of  increasing  it.  He  thought  this  court  had  acted  uni 
formly  and  consistently  with  their  declarations  ;  that  the 
violent  things  done  were  of  necessity,  and  compelled  by 
the  bad  conduct  of  our  people  ;  that  we  ought  to  instruct 
those  who  were  going  to  America  to  avoid  speaking  with 
bitterness  against  this  country,  but  rather  to  soften  the  re 
sentment  of  others,  arising  from  considering  the  injuries 
and  not  the  benefits  we  had  received  from  France  ;  he 


ARTHUR    LEE.  355 

was  of  opinion  that  if  the  credit  of  their  funds  was  main 
tained,  all  would  go  well ;  he  therefore  proposed  informing 
them  that  the  commissioners  had  funded  two  millions  of 
livres,  to  pay  the  interest  of  what  they  borrowed,  or  bills 
drawn  upon  emergent  occasions.  This  with  attention  to 
sending  the  cannon,  clothes,  &c.  which  were  ordered, 
would,  it  seemed  to  him,  put  them  on  much  more  firm  and 
respectable  ground  than  ever,  and  he  saw  not  the  least 
reason  to  despair  of  success.  Mr.  D.  objected  to  reserv 
ing  any  of  the  money  we  received,  and  to  the  giving  them 
any  power  for  money  here.  He  said  the  court  had  pro 
mised  to  enable  them  to  pay  the  interest  of  what  they 
borrowed,  and  that  was  enough  ;  for  he  knew  if  they 
were  allowed  to  draw,  they  would  never  rest,  till  they 
had  drawn  for  every  farthing,  and  that  as  we  were  to 
furnish  them  with  what  was  necessary  there  would  be  no 
occasion  for  it.  Mr.  Lee  replied,  that  there  was  uncer 
tainty  in  our  supplies  reaching  them,  and  it  might  well 
happen  that  prevalent  as  the  spirit  was  of  sending  ad 
ventures  to  America,  they  might  make  offers  of  these 
very  necessaries  upon  the  spot,  which  it  might  not  be  in 
their  power  to  pay  for  in  produce,  while  their  ports  were 
blocked  up,  and  which  they  might  purchase  by  bills  on 
Europe.  Dr.  F.  appeared  to  agree  with  Mr.  D.  and  it 
seemed  settled,  that  they  were  to  trust  to  the  promise  of 
the  minister,  for  paying  the  interest  of  their  debt ;  though 
Mr.  Lee  observed  that  promise  was  vague  and  verbal, 
the  minister  who  made  it  might  be  changed,  and  as  it 
did  not  appear  to  be  the  act  of  the  cabinet,  it  would  ne 
cessarily  fall  with  him,  and  they  will  in  that  case  have 
drawn  their  constituents  into  the  discreditable  proceed 
ing  of  drawing  bills,  which  must  be  protested.  He 
added  that  it  was  probable  this  minister  might  consider 
the  sum  now  furnished,  as  a  disengagement  from  his  pro 
mise,  it  being  much  more  than  the  sum  stated  in  their 
estimate  as  necessary  for  the  supplies. 

The  next  day  Mr.  L.  went  to  Passy,  when  Dr.  F. 
showed  him  the  draught  of  a  letter  to  the  committee,  but 
some  ladies  being  there,  and  Mr.  D.  not  attending,  he 
told  Mr.  L.  that  he  would  show  it  to  Mr.  D.,  and  if  there 


356  LIFE    OF 

were  any  alterations  determined  upon,  Mr.  L.  should  be 
informed  of  it.  Mr.  L.  prepared  his  separate  despatches 
for  congress,  and  wrote  to  the  Prussian  minister  at  Ber 
lin,  an  account  which  came  through  London,  of  the  op 
erations  of  the  campaign,  which  seemed  authentic.  Sent 
bills  upon  Madrid  to  Mr.  Gardoqui,  to  the  amount  of 
£70,000,  to  answer  for  the  shipping  ten  thousand  blank 
ets  immediately,  which  he  was  pressed  to  do  without 
delay.  Wrote  to  Mr.  Digges,  in  England,  to  try  to  fur 
nish  necessaries  to  Capt.  Nicholson,  Johnson,  and  other 
prisoners  to  the  amount  of  £50  sterling. 

Dec;  1st.  Mr.  Moylan  was  sent  to  Nantes  with  the  de 
spatches  to  go  by  Capt.  Young.  After  so  much  delay  they 
were  required  to  be  signed  in  such  a  hurry,  that  no  time 
was  given  Mr.  Lee  to  read  them.  The  commissioners 
gave  Mr.  Moylan  a  letter,  promising  to  give  him  what  pub 
lic  business  they  had  to  do  in  the  port  of  L'Orient,  provid 
ed  he  could  connect  himself  there  with  some  merchant 
able  and  willing  to  advance  for  the  public  as  occasion 
should  require.  Mr.  L.  had  transmitted  to  Mr.  Gardo 
qui,  at  Madrid,  an  exhortation  to  the  captains  of  Ameri 
can  armed  vessels,  which  Count  Vergennes  had  approved 
of,  against  their  violating,  as  was  complained  of,  the  laws 
of  nations,  by  taking  neutral  ships  and  property,  and  those 
of  the  enemy  within  the  protection  of  neutral  coasts.  The 
same  was  afterwards  agreed  upon  by  all  the  commission 
ers  to  be  sent  to  the  ports  in  France.  Having  received 
information,  a  Scots  spy  was  sent  down  to  L'Orient  by 
the  English  ambassador ;  Mr.  L.  wrote  to  Commodore 
Thomson  to  warn  him  of  it.  The  commissioners  re 
ceived  information  that  the  captain  of  the  Amphitrite  had 
been  committed  to  prison  by  order  of  government,  for 
having  carried  military  stores  to  America,  and  that  M. 
Beaumarchais  had  made  a  formal  demand  of  the  cargo  as 
his  property.  Capt.  Thomson  wrote  an  account  of  very 
indecent  behaviour  to  him,  by  the  king's  commissary  at 
L'Orient.  Mr.  Williams  transmitted  to  them  Capt.  Ad 
ams'  affidavit  of  his  having  been  taken  within  two  leagues 
of  Bellisle  by  the ,  and  carried  in  a  prize,  to  Eng 
land.  Mr.  Lee  had  written  to  the  Delaps,  at  Bourdeaux, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  357 

for  similar  affidavits,  relative  to  captures  made  of  Ame 
rican  vessels  in  sight  of  the  river.  Mr.  William  Lee  re 
ceived  information  from  Mr.  Svveighauser,  that  the  agent 
of  the  Farmers  General  demanded  the  duties  on  a  quantity 
of  lead,  shipped  last  year  on  the  public  account,  and  on 
which  it  was  promised  that  the  duties  should  be  remitted. 

4th.  Mr.  Austin  arrived  with  despatches  from  congress 
at  Yorktown,  in  Pennsylvania,  whither  they  had  remov 
ed  on  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  of  which  General 
Howe  took  possession  the  26th  of  Sept.  The  express 
left  Boston  the  30th  of  Oct.  and  brought  the  account  of 
the  surrender  of  Burgoyne  and  his  army  at  Saratoga, 
on  the  17th,  prisoners  of  war,  after  he  had  been  beaten 
out  of  his  camp  entrenchments.  And  of  the  battle  of 
Germantown  on  the  4th  by  General  Washington,  in 
which  he  was  by  mistake,  in  a  fog,  obliged  to  retreat,  af 
ter  having  routed  both  wings  of  the  enemy.  The  com 
missioners  sent  immediately  an  express  to  Versailles, 
and  Mr.  Lee  wrote  to  the  Spanish  ambassador  and  the 
Prussian  secretary  of  state,  an  account  of  this  important 
news. 

6th.  Mons.  Gerard,  first  secretary  to  Count  Vergennes, 
met  the  commissioners  at  Passy.  He  said  he  came  from 
the  counts  Maurepas  and  Vergennes,  to  congratulate  the 
commissioners  upon  the  news,  to  assure  them  of  the  great 
pleasure  it  gave  at  Versailles,  and  to  desire  on  the  part 
of  the  king  any  farther  particulars  they  might  have.  He 
was  informed  that  extracts  were  making  from  all  the  pa 
pers,  which  should  be  sent  the  moment  it  was  finished;  and 
Mr.  L.  promised  to  send  extracts  from  his  brother's  let 
ter,  which  contained  some  farther  particulars.  Mr.  Ge 
rard  said  they  might  depend  on  three  millions  of  livres 
also  from  Spain,  but  he  believed  it  would  be  through  the 
Havannah  and  New-Orleans.  He  said  as  there  now  ap 
peared  no  doubt  of  the  ability  and  resolution  of  the  states 
to  maintain  their  independency,  he  could  assure  them  it 
was  wished  they  would  reassume  their  former  proposi 
tion  of  an  alliance,  or  any  new  one  they  might  have,  and 
that  it  could  not  be  done  too  soon ;  that  the  court  of 


358  LIFE    OF 

Spain  must  be  consulted,  that  they  might  act  in  harmo 
ny,  and  prepare  for  war  in  a  few  months.  Mr.  D.  had 
sent  Sir  G.  Grand  to  Versailles,  with  Commodore  Thom 
son's  complaint,  without  having  shown  it  to,  or  consulted 
with  Mr.  Lee,  from  whom  he  also  concealed  the  answer, 
which  was  a  reprehension  of  the  commissary,  which  he 
transmitted  to  the  commodore  himself,  without  communi 
cating  with  Mr.  L.;  apparently  to  have  all  the  graciousness 
of  the  business  to  himself.  Dr.  Franklin  undertook  to 
draw  up  a  memorial,  as  Mr.  Gerard  desired,  and  Mr.  L. 
was  to  attend  next  day  to  consult  upon  it ;  but,  though 
so  very  short  and  simple,  it  was  not  finished  till  the  8th. 
Mr.  L.  read  to  the  commissioners  a  letter  he  had  drawn 
up  to  Lord  North,  complaining  of  the  cruel  treatment  of 
American  prisoners,  and  desiring  a  person  appointed  by 
them  might  be  permitted  to  furnish  the  prisoners  with 
necessaries,  and  that  a  general  cartel  might  be  settled. 
Some  additions  were  made,  and  it  was  agreed  to  send  an 
express  with  it  to  London. 

8th.  Signed  the  memorial  to  Count  Vergennes,  desir 
ing  an  immediate  consideration  of  the  treaty  that  had 
been  proposed,  and  sent  it  by  young  Mr.  Franklin,  with 
extracts  from  various  American  papers,  relative  to  the 
operations  against  Burgoyne's  army.  Sir  G.  Grand  re 
marked  to  us,  that  in  a  letter  received  from  Count  Ver 
gennes,  he  did  not  style  us  "  vos  armis"  as  usual,  but 
"  nos  armis." 

9th.  Meeting  young  Mr.  Franklin  at  dinner,  I  asked 
him  the  answer  to  our  memorial ;  none  having  been  re 
ported  to  me.  He  said  he  was  received  by  the  count 
himself  with  uncommon  politeness,  who  told  him  an  an 
swer  should  be  sent  in  two  days,  and  he  would  then 
know  how  much  he  was  disposed  to  serve  the  cause  of 
America. 

10th.  Sent  a  copy  of  the  memorial  and  extracts  to 
Count  d'Aranda,  with  a  letter  expressing  my  hopes  that 
he  would  concur  in  expediting  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty. 
Desired  Sir  G.  Grand  to  mention  to  Count  Vergennes, 
that  a  commissioner  for  Vienna  and  Prussia,  one  for  Spain, 
and  one  for  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  were  here,  and 


ARTHUR    LEE.  359 

would  go  to  their  respective  destinations,  when  this  court 
thought  it  proper.  He  was  also  desired  to  mention  that 
a  convoy  for  considerable  supplies,  we  were  about  to  send 
out,  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  us.  Letters  from 
Nantes  mentioned  that  strict  orders  had  been  sent  down 
thither  from  government,  to  prevent  the  subjects  of 
France  from  sending  any  goods  whatsoever  to  the  Unit 
ed  States.  This  order  appears  to  have  been  dated  a  few 
days  before  the  arrival  of  the  news  of  our  success,  with 
which  not  only  the  court,  but  all  Paris,  and  all  France, 
seemed  transported  with  joy. 

Received  a  note  from  Mons.  Girard,  that  the  court 
would  see  the  commissioners  at  Versailles  on  the  12th, 
at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

llth.  Sir  G.  Grand  reported  that  Count  Vergennes 
thought  it  would  not  be  improper  for  the  commissioners 
to  go  to  their  different  destinations  ;  and  desired  him  to 
call  on  Count  d'Aranda,  to  consult  him  on  the  subject. 
Count  d'Aranda's  reply  was,  "  I  have  two  ways  of  think 
ing,  one  as  Count  d'Aranda  ;  the  other  as  the  ambassa 
dor  of  my  court.  As  the  former  I  wish  Mr.  Lee,  in 
whom  I  have  the  highest  confidence,  at  Madrid  ;  as  the 
latter  I  may  give  no  opinion  till  1  receive  orders."  I 
do  not  add  the  many  compliments  he  had  the  politeness 
to  make  in  my  favour  to  Sir  George.  But  it  gave  me 
great  pleasure  to  find  that  he  was  not  offended  with  me 
as  the  cause  of  his  being  reprehended  by  his  court,  as 
the  Duke  de  Grimaldi  informed  me  he  was,  for  not  dis 
suading  me  from  coming  to  Spain  the  last  time.  Mr.  L. 
answered  a  letter  he  had  received  from  the  Prussian  min 
ister  of  state,  informing  him  that  a  commissioner  could 
not  yet  be  received  in  a  public  character  at  Berlin,  and 
that  he  did  not  conceive  that  any  additional  light  could 
be  given  to  a  plan  of  commerce  at  present.  The  an 
swer  was  that  Mr.  W.  Lee  would  not  give  unnecessary 
trouble,  by  coming  in  a  private  character,  but  would  wait 
till  his  majesty  thought  his  coming  would  be  of  use. 
Mr.  L.  also  enclosed  a  copy  of  the  extracts  relative  to 
the  operations  against  Gen.  Burgoyne,  which  had  been 
presented  to  the  counts  de  Vergennes  and  d'Aranda. 


360  LIFE    OF 

12th.  My  colleagues  did  not  reach  Versailles  till  half 
after  eleven  o'clock,  when,  upon  sending  notice  by  a 
servant  to  Mr.  Girard,  his  servant  came  with  a  hackney 
coach,  and  carried  us  to  a  house  about  half  a  mile  from 
Versailles,  where  we  found  Count  Vergennes  and  his 
secretary.  The  minister  made  us  some  general  compli 
ments  upon  the  present  prosperous  state  of  our  affairs, 
and  conversed  some  time  upon  the  situation  of  the 
two  armies.  He  said  nothing  struck  him  so  much  as 
Gen.  Washington's  attacking  and  giving  battle  to  Gen. 
Howe's  army.  That  to  bring  an  army  raised  within  a 
year  to  this,  promised  every  thing.  He  asked  Dr.  F. 
what  he  thought  of  the  war.  He  answered  he  thought 
we  should  succeed,  and  the  English  soon  be  tired  of  it. 
Mr.  Lee  said  his  excellency  might  judge  what  would  be 
the  event  of  the  war,  from  observing  that  the  most  signal 
successes  of  the  enemy  were  productive  of  their  greatest 
misfortunes.  Howe's  advantages  on  Long  Island,  New- 
York,  and  New-Jersey  raised  a  spirit  that  repelled  him 
with  considerable  loss.  The  taking  of  Ticonderoga,  and 
rapid  progress  of  Burgoyne,  had  brought  upon  him  a  total 
overthrow.  What  hopes  therefore  could  there  be  of  a 
war,  in  which  the  most  brilliant  success  allured  them  to 
their  ruin.  The  fact  was  that  nothing  but  a  sense  of 
pressing  danger  and  necessity  would  draw  forth  the  mili 
tia,  in  which  the  real  strength  of  America  consisted,  and 
which  when  drawn  out  appeared  to  be  irresistible.  The 
minister  took  our  last  memorial  from  his  secretary,  and 
read  it.  He  then  desired  we  would  give  him  the  in 
formation  it  promised,  and  any  thing  we  had  new  to 
offer.  Dr.  F.  said  that  the  entering  into  the  treaty  pro 
posed  was  the  object,  and  that  if  there  were  any  objections 
to  it,  we  were  ready  to  consider  them.  The  count  said, 
that  it  was  the  resolution  of  his  court  to  take  no  advan 
tage  of  our  situation,  to  desire  no  terms  of  which  we 
might  afterwards  repent,  and  endeavour  to  retract ;  but  ta 
found  whatever  they  did  so  much  upon  the  basis  of  mu 
tual  interest,  as  to  make  it  last  as  long  as  human  institu 
tions  would  endure.  He  said  that  entering  into  a  treaty 
with  us  would  be  declaring  our  independency,  and  ne- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  361 

cessarily  draw  on  a  war.  In  this,  therefore,  Spain  must 
be  consulted,  without  whose  concurrence  nothing  could 
be  done.  In  the  mean  time  he  would  state  some  objec 
tionable  parts  in  the  proposed  treaty.  The  twelfth  arti 
cle,  and  an  additional  demand  of  the  monopoly  of  the 
trade  to  the  islands  of  France  and  Spain,  in  the  West 
Indies,  could  not  be  admitted,  being  an  attempt  to  es 
tablish  a  right  inconsistent  with  their  sovereignty,  and 
which  could  never  be  submitted  to.  Dr.  F.  said  he  be 
lieved  the  articles  were  incautiously  worded,  and  that 
congress  meant  only  those  islands  which  might  be  con 
quered  by  their  united  arms,  and  ceded  by  the  states  to 
their  allies.  To  this  it  was  answered  that  neither  could 
be  granted,  nor  would  it  be  demanded  of  us  should  we 
conquer  Canada.  Besides  they  had  islands  enough,  and 
no  interest  in  conquering  more.  Mr.  Lee  observed  that 
it  would  be  so  far  at  least  their  interest,  as  it  took  them 
from  the  English ;  but  it  was  agreed  that  those  demands 
should  not  obstruct  the  treaty  by  being  persisted  in.  The 
next  objection  was  that  Spain  would  not  be  satisfied  with 
the  indeterminate  boundary  between  their  dominions  and 
the  United  States ;  for  that  the  state  of  Virginia  being 
supposed  to  run  to  the  South  Sea,  might  trench  upon 
California.  It  was  answered  that  the  line  drawn  by  the 
last  treaty  of  peace  with  England,  the  Mississippi,  would 
be  adopted,  and  would  prevent  all  disputes.  For  that, 
though  its  source  was  not  yet  known,  yet  it  might  be 
agreed  that  a  line  drawn  straight  from  its  source  when 
found,  should  continue  the  boundary.  This  was  admit 
ted,  as  adjusting  the  matter  properly.  The  article  on  to 
bacco  was  next  mentioned,  as  what  could  not  be  altered, 
it  being  formed,  and  must  therefore  necessarily  rest  on 
its  present  establishment.  With  regard  to  the  fishery  it 
seemed  that  the  concessions  proposed  were  deemed  suffi 
cient,  especially  after  having  been  informed  that  the 
source  of  difference  between  the  French  and  English 
used  to  be  about  the  drying-places,  which  could  not 
happen  with  us,  because  of  the  three  fairs  or  fishing 
seasons,  two  of  them  were  dried  upon  our  own  coast, 
and  the  other  was  inconsiderable  in  that  particular,  the 
VOL.  i.  46 


362  LIFE    OF 

fish  being  very  little  cured.    It  was,  too,  a  first  principle 
with  us,  that  fishing  was  free  to  all.     The  conference 
ended  with  the  count's  observing  that  we  must  consider 
our  independence  as  yet  in  the  womb,  and  must  not  en 
deavour  to  hasten  its  birth  imrnaturely.     That  he  would 
despatch  a  courier  to  Spain,  and  it  would  be  three  weeks 
before   his  return.     That  the  order  for  presenting  clear 
ances  for  the  United  States  was  recalled,  and  he  would 
speak  with  Mons.  de  Sartine  about  giving  us  a  convoy 
for  our  supplies.     The  demand  of  three  ships  of  the  line 
was  mentioned,  to  which  he  answered  that  this  was  not 
the  moment ;  and  that,  indeed,  France  had  more  occa 
sion  to  buy  than  to  sell  ships.     Mr.  Lee  informed  him  of 
his  having  sent  a  copy  of  the  memorial,  &;c.  to  Count 
d'Aranda.     He  said  it  was  well,  and  he  should  see  him 
that  day. 

13th.  Mr.  L.  informed  Sir  G.  Grand  that  he  was  de 
sired  to  call  upon  M.  de  Sartine  about  the  convoy,  on 
Monday. 

14th.  Wrote  to  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  D.  to  desire  their 
opinion  relative  to  the  ordering  Mr.  Gardoqui,  at  Bilboa, 
to  ship  immediately  to  the  amount  of  500,000  livres  of 
naval  stores,  which  he  informed  Mr.  Lee  were  ready, 
and  draw  for  it  on  the  general  fund.  No  answer.  Wrote 
to  Mons.  Gardoqui  to  hasten  the  shipping  of  blankets. 
Mr.  Grand  the  banker  told  Mr.  Lee,  that  his  brother  was 
informed  by  the  commissioners  that  the  government  had 
ordered  one  of  their  frigates  to  carry  their  despatches. 
Mr.  L.  had  not  been  informed  of  this. 

15th.  Mr.  L.  having  received  no  answer  from  the 
commissioners,  wrote  to  them  to  say  that  he  would  be 
with  them  to  consult  upon  that  business  at  12  o'clock. 
He  had  received  an  abusive  answer  from  Mr.  D.  to  a  note 
written  at  the  same  time  with  that  on  public  business. 
Dr.  F.  answered  that  he  would  be  at  home,  and  desired 
the  letter  from  Spain  might  be  brought.  Upon  going  to 
Passy,  he  found  the  Dr.  alone,  who  declined  saying  any 
thing  upon  the  business,  till  they  consulted  Mr.  D.,  which 
he  said  might  be  in  the  evening.  They  were  all  to  dine 
together  at  the  count  M.'s  ;  but  Mr.  D.  sent  an  excuse, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  363 

and  desired  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  C.  would  call  on  him  after 
dinner,  in  town,  where   he  had  again  taken  up  his  lodg 
ings,  reserving  those  of  Passj  too,  without  any  notice  to 
Mr.  L.     Dr.  F.   having  asked  Mr.  L.  to  go  with  him, 
they  found  Mr.  D.,  who  informed  them  that  Mr.  Girard 
had  sent  for  him  to  give  him  information  that  the  frigate 
was  ready  at  Bourdeaux.     The  convoy  which  Mr.  Sartine 
had  agreed  to  give  was  one  frigate,  and  this  being  deem 
ed   too  weak,  it  was  agreed   to  apply  to  him  for  more. 
The  application  was  proposed  for  three  frigates,  but  Mr. 
L.  observed  that  if  they  should  encounter  a  ship  of  the 
line  and  a  frigate  upon  the  American  coast,  they  would 
be  overmatched,  and  therefore  it  would  be  better  to  ask 
for  one   of  the  line   and   two  frigates,  which  would  be 
equal  to  any  force  there  was  a  probability  of  their  meet 
ing.     With  great  difficulty  this  was  adopted,  and  a  short 
memorial  was  drawn  up  for  Mr.  Sartine,  and  given  to 
Mr.  Chaumont  to  present  to  him.     In  talking  of  the  ships 
to  be  convoyed,  Mr.  D.  mentioned  four,  and  upon  Mr. 
L.'s  enquiring  what  had  augmented  the  number  from  two, 
which  were  all  he  had  heard  of,  it  appeared  that  Mr. 
D.  had  of  himself  chartered  part  of  two  vessels,  belong 
ing  to  Mr.  Montieu,  and  as  he  said  at  five  pounds  sterling 
per  ton,  out.     The  Spanish  business  being  discussed,  the 
other  two  commissioners  were  against  giving  any  money, 
because  woollen  goods  were  dearer  in  Spain  than  in  Ger 
many,  or  France,  or  England.     This  was  not  a  question 
about  woollen  goods,  but  naval  stores   and   tent  cloth, 
ready  there  to  be  shipped  off.     This  Mr.  Lee  showed 
them  from  the  invoice  next  day,  but  to  no  purpose  ;  no 
thing  could  prevail  to  let  the  public  money  go  any  where, 
but  in  a  certain  channel.     Mr.  D.  said  it  would  be  better 
to  ship  the    naval  stores  from  Sweden   directly,  upon 
which  Mr.  L.  reminded  him  that  Mr.  Hellenais  had  last 
year  offered  to  do  that,  with  additional  brass  cannon, 
from  the  king's  arsenal,  he  being  the  king's  agent  here, 
and  stated  the  terms,  which  were  unobjectionable,  and 
yet  nothing  had  been  done,  though  these  necessary  arti 
cles  might  have  been  now  in  America,  at  the  cheapest 
possible  price,  had  not  his  proposal  been  rejected,  with- 


364  LIFE    OF 

out  any  assigned  or  assignable  reason,  but  that  Mr.  L. 
recommended  it.  Agreed  to  settle  with  Mr.  Sabastier 
for  7000  more  soldiers'  uniforms  on  the  20th  following. 

18th.  Mr.  L.  being  at  Passy,  Dr.  F.  informed  him  that 
Mons.  Girard  had  been  there  the  day  before  with  a  mes 
sage  from  the  king,  and  the  counts  Maurepas  and  Ver- 
gennes  informing  them  that  it  was  decided  in  council  to 
sign  the  treaty  and  maintain  the  independence  of  the 
United  States,  immediately  upon  the  return  of  the  courier 
from  Spain,  which  out  of  respect  for  that  court  they  must 
wait  for.  That  if  a  war  with  England  should  be  the 
consequence  of  this,  his  majesty  desired  no  stipulation 
from  the  United  States,  but  that  if  they  made  peace 
without  his  concurrence,  they  would  not  give  up  their 
independence.  He  repeated  again  that  his  majesty's 
fixed  principle  was  never  to  desire  what  they  might  re 
pent  of  having  assented  to,  but  to  form  a  connexion  so 
mutually  beneficial,  that  it  might  be  firm  and  lasting. 
It  was  however  his  majesty's  desire,  that  this  might  be 
kept  an  inviolable  secret ;  they  were  ready  to  begin  a 
war,  Spain  was  not,  having  an  immense  treasure  now  at 
sea,  her  fleet  returning  in  a  weak  condition,  and  the  treaty 
with  Portugal  not  yet  finished. 

His  majesty  was  thanked  for  his  gracious  intentions, 
and  assured  that  a  conduct  at  once  so  generous  and  wise, 
would  secure  the  great  object  he  had  in  view.  Jt  would 
have  been  more  decent  if  the  other  commissioners  had 
sent  for  Mr.  L.  to  be  present  at  this  transaction.  Mr. 
Girard  alleged  the  long  amity  that  had  subsisted  between 
France  and  the  Swiss  as  a  ground  for  hoping  the  same 
might  take  place  with  the  United  States.  Mr.  Carmi- 
chael  informed  Mr.  Lee  that  he  had  obtained  permission 
from  Count  Vergennes  to  go  in  the  frigate  which  was  to 
carry  our  despatches,  and  having  obtained  the  concur 
rence  of  the  other  commissioners,  desired  that  of  Mr.  L., 
which  was  given. 

On  the  20th  Mr.  L.  received  a  note  from  Mr.  D.'s 
brother,  mentioning  his  design  of  going  immediately  to 
America,  and  upon  enquiry  he  found  the  system  changed, 
and  that  Mr.  D.  had  been  chosen  to  carry  the  despatch- 


ga 
M 


ARTHUR   LEE.  365 

es,  and  Mr.  C.  was  to  go  by  Nantes.  All  this  was  done 
without  the  knowledge  or  concurrence  of  Mr.  L.  The 
day  before  it  had  been  settled  by  all  the  commissioners, 
that  as  Mr.  L.  was  to  be  at  Versailles  on  Sunday,  he 
should  show  Mons.  Girard  a  letter  from  Capt.  Young  at 
Nantes,  informing  them  of  a  British  squadron,  cruising 
off  Bellisle,  which  prevented  him  from  going  out  of  port; 
together  with  a  letter  from  Mons.Beaumarchais,  demand 
ing  the  cargo  of  the  Amphitrite  in  payment  for  the  sup 
plies  that  went  in  her,  and  which  were  understood  to  be 
furnished  by  government  as  a  subsidy.  Saturday  even 
ing  Sir  G.  Grand  showed  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  L.  a  note  from 
Count  Vergennes,  informing  him  that  the  frigate  promis 
ed  could  not  go,  but  that  he  hoped  to  supply  another  in 
a  short  time.  As  it  seemed  uncertain  whether  the  fri- 
ate  for  the  despatches  or  that  for  the  convoy  was  meant, 
r.  L.  proposed  to  ask  an  explanation  from  Mr.  Girard 
the  next  day. 

21st.  Mr.  L.  called  at  Passy,  in  his  way  to  Versailles, 
and  Dr.  F.  only  being  there,  he  talked  over  what  he  was 
to  do,  and  among  the  rest  the  eclaircissement  about  the 
frigate,  upon  which  the  Dr.  said  Mr.  D.  thought  it  was 
the  frigate  for  the  convoy. 

Mr.  L.  saw  Mr.  Girard,  and  upon  communicating  what 
is  mentioned  above,  Mr.  G.  expressed  himself  much  sur 
prised  that  there  should  be  any  doubt  about  the  frigate's 
going  with  the  despatches,  when  he  had  sent  the  minis 
ters'  despatches  to  Passy  the  day  before,  which  he  would 
not  have  done  if  the  vessel  was  countermanded.     He 
desired  we  would  pay  no  attention   to  notes  written  to 
Sir  G.  Grand,  but  to  official  information.     With  regard 
to  Mons.  Beaumarchais,  he  said  not  knowing  what  agree 
ment  Mr.  Deane  had  made  with  him,  they  could  not  judge 
of  the  propriety  of  his  demand,  but  that  it  would  be  bet 
ter  for  Mons.  B.  to  state  his  demand,  and  the  ground 
of  it,  to  the  commissioners,  and  upon  their  sending  it  to 
Count  Vergennes,  he  would  determine  whether  they  were 
to  pay  it.     Mr.  L.  said  he  never  heard  of  any  agreement 
made  with  him.     As  to  the  English  squadron,  he  said 
he  understood  that  orders  were  already  given  for  a  squad- 


366  LIFE  OF 

ron  from  Brest,  to  form  such  a  line  of  cruising  from  Bell- 
isle  to  the  Land's  End,  as  would  keep  the  English  at  such 
a  distance,  that  the  merchant  vessels  might  pass  and  re- 
pass  in  safety,  from  the  ocean  into  the  French  ports ;  it 
being  the  rule,  that  the  English  ships  could  not  cruise 
between  the  French  shore  and  the  French  flag.  He  af 
firmed,  that  the  note  to  Mr.  Grand  was  not  intended  to 
be  shown  to  us. 

The  weather  being  too  bad  to  get  to  Passy  in  a  car 
riage,  Mr.  L.  wrote  to  the  other  commissioners  what  had 
passed.  He  received  in  answer,  from  Dr.  F.,  that  the 
despatches  would  go  next  day  at  10  o'clock;  and  the 
general  letter,  with  duplicates  of  the  agreement  for  the 
iron  cannon,  signed  by  the  other  two,  were  sent  him  to 
sign,  which  he  did,  though  there  were  some  things  in  the 
general  letter  very  objectionable;  but  as  Mr.  D.  seemed 
very  desirous  of  turning  the  dispute  between  him  and 
Mr.  L.  into  one  between  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  L.,  he  was 
determined  to  wink  at  small  occasions  of  difference. 

22d.  Went  to  Passy.  Young  Mr.  D.  not  yet  gone  ; 
gave  him  a  letter  for  Richard  Henry  Lee.  He  said  his 
directions  were,  not  to  let  Mr.  Delap  know  he  was  at 
Bourdeaux.  Mr.  Deane  being  busy,  Air.  L.  talked  over 
with  Dr.  F.  what  passed  at  Versailles,  but  no  reason  was 
given  for  concealing  from  him,  that  the  government  de 
spatches  were  received.  He  was  at  Passy  both  Satur 
day  and  Sunday.  The  communication  would  not  only 
have  been  decent,  but  would  have  prevented  him  from 
asking  a  ridiculous  question  of  Mr.  Girard.  In  the 
evening  Mr.  Lee  visited  Mr.  Commissioner  Izard,  who 
asked  him  if  he  had  heard  any  thing  of  a  proposal  to  the 
commissioners,  within  a  few  days,  from  England.  Mr.  L. 
said  no.  He  replied  "  then  you  are  ill-treated,  and  you 
ought  to  call  Mr.  D.  to  a  severe  account  for  his  conduct; 
for  that  Paul  Wenlworth  had  a  meeting  with  Mr.  D.,  to 
whom  he  made  propositions,  which  Mr.  D.  gave  to  the 
French  ministry."  Mr.  L.  said  he  had  not  heard  one  syl 
lable  of  it;  that  he  would  enquire  into  it;  but  that  being 
a  public  wrong,  he  could  not  resent  it  personally.  Dr.  F. 
had  mentioned  to  Mr.  L.  both  Sunday  and  this  day,  that 


ARTHUR    LEE.  36? 

Dr.  Bankcroft  was  expected  from  London,  for  he  had 
written  on  the  9th,  that  he  should  set  out  in  a  few  days  ; 
that  he,  Dr.  F.,  was  therefore  apprehensive  that  he  was 
seized.  Mr.  L.  said  this  was  the  first  time  he  had  ever 
heard  of  his  being  in  London,  and  it  was  a  little  sur- 

o  7 

prising  such  a  step  should  have  been  taken  without  his 
knowledge,  if  Dr.  Bankcroft  was  in  any  office  of  trust 
under  the  commissioners,  and  if  he  was  not,  he  could  not 
understand  why  he  had  access  to  their  papers,  and  even 
had  the  key,  which  Mr.  L.  had  repeatedly  asked  for  in 
vain. 

23d.  Mr.  L.  went  to  Passy  at  12  o'clock.     Dr.  F.  out, 
and  Mr.  D.  just  come  in.     Nothing  ready  for  considering 
or  signing.     Mr.  L.  asked  Mr.  D.  whether  a  Mr.  Went- 
worth  was  in  town,  and  whether  he  had  seen  him?     Mr. 
D.  said  Mr.  W.  had  desired   to   see  him,  that  he  knew 
little  of  him,  and  that  he  expressed  a  desire  for  accom 
modation,  and  to  know  upon  what  terms  it  could  be  ob 
tained,  for  that  he  thought  the  ministry  in  England  were 
disposed  to  it.     This  was  all  he  communicated  upon  the 
subject.     Mr.  L.  mentioned  that  Mr.  Ross  had  written 
to  him  for  his  concurrence  in  the  sale  of  Cunningham's 
vessel,  which  Mr.  D.  had  ordered  Mr.  Hodge  to'make; 
at  which  he  was  surprised,  and  on  the  propriety  of  which 
he  could  form  no  opinion,  having  never  seen  any  account, 
nor  been  informed  of  any  thing  relative  to  that  transac 
tion  at  Dunkirk.     Mr.  D.  said  Mr.  Hodge  had  given  in 
his  account,  which  was  not  very  methodical,  but  it  might 
be  seen,  when  we  would  examine  it.      Mr.  L.  took  that 
occasion  to  mention  that  Mr.  Austin  was  now  here,  had 
desired  to  be  employed,  and  would  be  a  proper  person  to 
make  out  their  general  account,  which  had  been  so  long 
delayed.     Mr.  D.'s  answer  was,  he  intended  to  make  it 
out  himself;   and  that  for  the  future  we  must  appoint 
some  one  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  committee,  for  he 
did  not  choose  to  take  the  trouble  any  more.     Mr.  L. 
said  he  supposed  it  was  meant  to   appoint  a  contractor 
general;  but  that  if  they  were  to  pay  M.  Beaumarchais, 
they  would  have  very  little  to  lay  out.     To  which  Mr. 
D.  replied,  there  are  three  millions  to  come  from  Spain. 


368  LIFE  OF 

That,  said  Mr.  L.,  is  to  be  remitted  to  America.     But 
we  can  draw  for  it,  said  Mr.  D. 

Mr.  Carmichael  was  at  Mr.  Dearie's.  He  came  and 
dined  with  Mr.  Lee,  and  mentioned  his  being  deprived 
of  going  in  the  despatch  frigate,  which  had  been  promis 
ed  him.  Mr.  Lee  said  he  had  never  been  consulted  in 
it,  nor  knew  any  reason  for  it ;  that  a  commissioner's 
brother  was  certainly  entitled  to  the  preference  in  car 
rying  the  despatches,  but  he  did  not  comprehend  why 
that  should  prevent  another  gentleman  from  going.  Mr. 
Franklin  the  younger,  put  into  Mr.  Lee's  hands  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Carmichael,  dated  Dec.  21st,  informing  him 
that  he  had  given  in  his  account  to  Mr.  D.  of  the  money 
disbursed  on  the  public  account. 

24th.  Mr.  D.  having  mentioned  that  there  were  letters 
which  pressed  for  answers,  it  was  agreed  to  meet  next 
day  for  that  business.  When  Mr.  Lee  went  accordingly 
to  Passy,  he  found  Mons.  de  Beaumarchais  and  Dr.  F., 
Mr.  D.  not  coming,  nor  sending  any  excuse.  Mons.  de  B. 
came  to  demand  the  cargo  of  the  Amphitrite  as  his  due, 
for  the  freight  which  he  had  paid  out  and  home.  He 
grounded  his  demand  upon  an  agreement  signed  by  Mr. 
Deane,  styling  himself  agent  for  congress,  before  we 
were  appointed  commissioners ;  and  upon  his  repeated 
assurances  that  remittances  should  be  made  to  reimburse 
him.  The  agreement  he  showed  us.  Dr.  F.  and  Mr. 
L.  assured  him  that  there  was  nothing  they  wished  more, 
than  to  do  justice  to  him;  that  the  cargo  of  the  Amphi 
trite  had  been  consigned  to  them,  and  they  had  according 
ly  ordered  it  to  be  sold,  before  they  knew  of  his  claim, 
for  that  Mr.  D.  had  never  informed  them  of  any  agree 
ment  he  had  made,  and  this  was  the  first  moment  they 
knew  of  the  paper  he  now  showed  them  ;  upon  which, 
it  being  clear  that  his  claim  was  good,  they  would  imme 
diately  order  the  cargo  into  his  hands,  which  they  did  ac 
cordingly.  M.  Beaumarchais  showed  them  Barrard's 
letters,  in  whose  hands  the  cargo  was  put,  informing  him 
of  his  having  drawn  upon  him  for  the  remainder  of  the 
freight,  and  that  the  commissioners  had  ordered  him  to 
apply  the  proceeds  of  the  cargo  to  reimburse  himself  for 


ARTHUR  LEE.  369 

money  laid  out  on  two  continental  frigates.  The  com 
missioners  declared  that  they  had  given  no  such  order, 
nor  had  any  reason  to  expect  there  would  be  any  charge 
for  the  frigates,  as  the  captain  had  told  them  the  amount 
of  the  prizes  would  be  more  than  sufficient  to  pay  for 
their  repairs.  Mr.  B.  desired  a  day  might  be  appointed 
to  prove  his  demands  upon  us,  for  the  supplies  sent  in  the 
Amphitrite,  Seine,  &c.  &c.  He  said  they  were  bought 
with  his  money;  that  he  received  repeated  assurances 
from  Mr.  D.  of  returns  being  made,  but  had  received 
none;  and  the  only  one,  the  cargo  of  the  Amphitrite,  had 
been  denied  him.  He  had  sent  over  his  account  there 
fore  to  congress,  and  a  person  to  solicit  the  payment  of 
it,  being  on  the  edge  of  bankruptcy  for  his  zeal  and  ser 
vices  in  our  cause.  The  commissioners  answered  that 
Mr.  D.  was  under  no  appointment  from  congress  till  they 
came  ;  that  he  never  informed  them  of  any  agreement  or 
assurances  made,  not  even  on  the  receipt  of  his  last  let 
ter,  but  suffered  them  to  remain  in  total  darkness  about 
the  whole,  which  they  would  be  glad  to  have  cleared  up. 
That  they  had  on  the  contrary  repeatedly  understood, 
that  they  were  not  answerable  for  those  supplies,  and  had 
so  informed  congress.  Tuesday  was  appointed  for  an 
explanation  of  all  this.  Mr.  D.  not  coming,  no  business 
was  done. 

25th.  Received  a  note  from  Mr.  D.  in  the  morning, 
saying  business  had  prevented  him  from  attending  the 
day  before,  but  that  he  would  attend  to-day.  Mr.  L. 
answered,  that  he  would  attend  at  12  o'clock.  When  he 
came  there  he  found  a  letter  from  Mr.  Delap,  addressed 
to  Messrs.  Franklin  and  Deane,  informing  them  that  he 
would  send  the  depositions  they  had  wrote  for;  and  that 
an  American  captain  had  been  imprisoned  at  the  sugges 
tion  of  some  of  Lord  Stormont's  agents,  wrho  had  se 
duced  some  of  his  sailors,  and  tampered  with  others. 
The  commissioners  sent  the  letter  to  M.  Sartine,  and 
Mr.  Chaumont  was  desired  to  know  when  the  convoy 
would  be  ready.  Capt.  Nicholson's  instructions  were 
deferred  for  that  answer. 

Attending  at  Passy,  Sir  G.  Grand  showed  us  a  memoire 

VOL.  i.  47 


370  LIFE   OF 

from  Capt.  Boux,  intended  for  the  minister,  recommend 
ing  war.  Mr.  L.  asked  Sir  G.  whether  Count  Vergennes 
did  not  tell  him,  that  we  were  not  to  pay  for  the  stores 
sent  by  Mr.  Beaumarchais ;  he  replied,  yes,  wrhen  he  was 
here  last,  but  now  he  said  he  would  not  meddle  with  any 
thing  done  by  that  adventurer.  Company  there,  and  no 
more  business  done. 

26th.  The  commissioners  wrote  to  Count  Vergennes 
for  leave  to  appeal  from  the  judgment  of  the  court  of  ad 
miralty,  at  Nantes,  by  which  two  West  India  prizes  were 
confiscated,  and  to  be  restored  to  the  English. 

27th.  Mr.  L.  being  sent  for  to  Passy,  in  the  evening 
found   Mr.  D.  alone,  who   told    him    he    had  received 
an  answer  from  Mr.  Girard  (to  whom  he  had  written  a 
private  letter  with  that  of  the  public)  when  he  was  in 
bed  in  the  morning,  by  which  we   were  encouraged  to 
make  the  appeal.     That  not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost, 
but  we  must  send  an  express  to  Nantes  ;  and  he  propos 
ed  Mr.  Carmichael.     I  observed  that  if  the  least  suspi 
cion  of  our  design  got  out,  the  prizes  would  be  carried 
off  before  we  could  stop  them.     That  Mr.  C.  going  down 
was  very  likely  to  excite  suspicion.     That  therefore  it 
was  better  to  send  Mr.  Chaumont's  servant,  who  could 
get  there  much  sooner,  and  might  without  suspicion  de 
liver  a  letter  to  Mr.  Montandouine,  who,  with  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  were  all  that  ought  or  could  conduct  the  business  ; 
more  persons   meddling,  especially  a  stranger,  was  more 
likely  to  mar  than  promote  the  business.     Mr.  D.  replied 
that  it  was  not  a  business  to  be  delayed  upon  punctilios, 
and  that  Mr.  C.  would  give  weight  to  it.     Mr.  L.  said 
that  what  he  proposed  was  to  expedite,  not  delay;  and 
that  he  considered   their  letters  would  have    as   much 
weight  as  Mr.  C.     Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  Chaumont  coming  in, 
the  decision  was  left  to  them.     The  Dr.  acquiesced  with 
Mr.  D.,  and  Mr.  Chaumont  thought  as  Mr.  C.  was  going 
down  at  all  events,  that  he  would  save  us  the  expense  of 
a  despatch.     It  was  agreed  therefore  that  he  should  go, 
and  immediately  Mr.  D.  said  to  Dr.  F.,  he  must  have 
money,  sir;  to  which  the  other  assenting,  500  livres  were 
given  Mr.  Carmichael,  and  a  short  letter  from  us,  with 


ARTHUR    LEE.  371 

another  from  Mr.  Chaumont,  to  Mr.  Montandouine.  It 
came  out,  that  Mr.  D.  had  previously  settled  the  matter, 
and  the  horses  and  carriage  had  been  ordered  to  attend, 
so  that  consulting  me  was  as  usual  a  mere  farce.  It  was 
indeed  clear,  that  the  whole  was  a  plan  of  Mr.  D.'s,  to 
make  up  with  Mr.  Carmichael,  at  the  public  expense,  for 
the  affront  of  turning  him  out  of  the  despatch  frigate,  in 
favour  of  his  brother.* 

Dr.  F.  being  indisposed,  all  farther  business  was  put 
off  till  next  morning,  when  Mr.  D.  said  he  had  some 
thing  pressing  to  communicate  from  Mr.  Girard. 

2tfth.  Received  a  note  that  Dr.  F.  could  not  attend, 
and  put  off  the  meeting  till  next  morning.  Wrote  to 
Baron  Schulenburg,  and  to  London,  about  the  prisoners, 
and  to  press  for  an  immediate  communication  of  the  plan 
for  next  campaign. 

29th.  Count  Lauregais  called  on  Mr.  L.  and  told  him 
that  Mr.  Beaumarchais  had  said  he  had  a  demand  of  five 
millions  from  the  commissioners,  for  the  stores  he  had 
sent  out.  Mr.  L.  asked  the  count  whether  he  did  not 
recollect  being  at  his  chambers  in  the  temple,  when  Mr. 
Beaumarchais  told  him  the  government  were  to  furnish 
cannon,  ammunition,  and  money,  to  America;  he  answer 
ed  that  he  remembered  it  perfectly  well.  Mr.  L.  desired 
him  to  go  with  him  to  Passy,  and  inform  the  other  com 
missioners  of  it.  He  agreed  to  tell  it  to  Dr.  F.  but  not  to 
Mr.  D.  who,  he  said  was  too  much  linked  with  Mr.  B. 
They  went  to  Passy  accordingly,  and  he  communicated 
it  to  Dr.  F.  Read  over  some  letters  from  London  and 
Nantes.  Mr.  Ross  complained  that  his  letter  had  not 
been  answered.  The  person  they  had  sent  to  London 
wrote  them  that  all  the  great  men  in  opposition,  except 
the  Duke  of  Richmond,  were  against  the  acknowledg 
ing  our  independency,  and  that  a  Mr.  Vansandt  had  be 
trayed  his  letters  to  the  ministry  for  a  bribe  of  £500;  we 
were  just  going  to  separate  when  Mr.  L.  asked  Mr.  D. 
what  he  had  to  communicate  from  Mr.  Girard.  He  said 
it  was  that  Mr.  G.  being  directed  to  form  a  plan  of  a 

*  Mr.  Williams  wrote  us  in  return,  that  the  ship  in  question  had  sailed  eight 
days  before. 


372  LIFE    OF 

treaty  on  the  French  part,  he  wanted  to  see  our  powers 
and  our  instructions,  and  that  the  article  of  binding  them 
selves  to  assist  in  taking  Canada,  could  not  take  place. 
Mr.  L.  said  they  had  already  a  copy  of  their  commission 
and  of  their  general  instructions,  that  secret  instructions 
were  never  shown,  and  ought  not  to  be  demanded,  and 
that  he  did  not  understand  settling  articles  with  the  min 
isters'  secretaries,  in  which  what  they  agreed  to  was 
binding,  but  not  what  he  assented  to,  having  no  authority 
to  bind  the  court.  Mr.  D.  said  he  was  an  important  man, 
and  we  must  not  stop  the  negotiation  by  punctilios.  It 
was  replied,  that  it  was  no  punctilio,  but  an  essential 
form,  from  which  there  appeared  no  necessity  for  their 
receding,  nor  had  they  power  to  recede.  Wrote  to 
Spain  to  accelerate  supplies  from  Bilboa.  Sir  G.  Grand 
informed  the  commissioners  that  Count  Vergennes  had 
directed  him  to  tell  us  that  orders  were  given  for  paying 
us  £750,000  the  1st  of  February,  which  should  be  re 
peated  quarterly,  till  the  three  millions  were  paid.  Mr. 
Chaumont  said  the  convoy  would  be  sent  to  Nantes,  but 
the  time  not  yet  fixed. 

30th.  The  commissioners  consulted  at  Passy  upon 
what  Mr.  Deane,  who  had  taken  upon  himself  to  go  sev 
eral  times  to  Versailles,  and  hold  conferences  with  Mr. 
Girard,  should  answer  to  the  difficulties  about  the  eighth 
article  of  the  treaty,  which  Mr.  G.  and  Mr.  D.  took  to 
be  a  demand  on  France  to  guaranty  Canada,  Nova  Sco 
tia,  Florida,  and  the  adjacent  islands,  to  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Lee  observed  that  the  article  had  two  ob 
jects  ;  one  to  prevent  France  from  taking  possession  of 
any  of  the  places  specified,  the  other  to  leave  them  at 
liberty  to  confederate  themselves  with  the  United  States. 
This  being  neither  the  demand  of  guaranty  nor  of  pos 
session,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  he  conceived 
upon  re-consideration  it  would  appear  a  just,  necessary, 
and  indispensable  article.  Dr.  F.  being  of  the  same 
opinion,  it  was  settled  that  Mr.  D.  should  so  state  it  to 
Mr.  Girard.  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  L.  being  also  of  opinion 
that  their  instructions  ought  not  to  be  shown,  Mr.  D.  was 
advised  to  mention  so  much  of  them  as  he  judged  ne- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  373 

cessary  to  remove  Mr.  Girard's  difficulties,  but  not  to  put 
the  paper  into  his  hand,  nor  even  allow  him  to  cast  his 
eve  over  it.  Mr.  Chaumont  was  to  accompany  Mr.  D. 
The  commissioners  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Williams, 
at  Nantes,  desiring  £200,000  more,  the  half  million  being 
expended,  but  no  account  how.  Mr.  L.'s  situation  in 
this  affair  was  extremely  distressing.  Endeavours  he 
knew  had  been  used  by  Mr.  D.  and  C.  to  make  Dr.  F. 
his  enemy,  by  insinuating  that  Mr.  L.  did  not  wish  well 
to  Mr.  Williams,  in  whom  Dr.  F.  was  wrapt  up.  If 
therefore  Mr.  L.  refused  to  agree  to  the  giving  him  such 
immense  sums  unaccounted  for,  it  would  corroborate 
their  suggestions,  and  operate  to  their  wish  upon  Dr. 
F.'s  mind,  already  prejudiced.  Neither  would  it  prevent 
the  money  being  given,  the  two  others  being  competent, 
and  in  the  practice  of  disbursing  the  public  money.  Mr. 
D.  therefore,  by  his  ready  compliance,  would  make  it  a 
means  of  fastening  himself  more  firmly  in  the  mind  of  Dr. 
F.,  and  of  effecting,  what  was  his  great  object,  an  irre 
concilable  breach  between  the  Dr.  and  Mr.  L.,  and  yet 
it  was  a  most  serious  consideration,  that  a  young  man, 
without  a  shilling  of  property,  was  thus  in  a  few  months 
to  be  entrusted  with  upwards  of  a  million  of  livres  of  the 
public  money,  of  which  all  the  account  rendered  was, 
that  he  had  expended  it. 

31st.  Neither  went  to  nor  heard  from  Passy.  Wrote 
letters  to  the  governor  and  some  of  the  council  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  sent  the  resolution  of  congress  for  giving 
British  vessels  and  cargoes  betrayed  by  their  crew  to 
them,  in  return  for  a  similar  practice  on  the  part  of  the 
government  of  Great  Britain,  with  directions  to  have  it 
communicated  to  all  the  British  crews  at  Dunkirk. 

1st  January  1778.  Being  at  Passy,  I  mentioned  to 
Dr.  Franklin  that  Mr.  Stephenson  was  going  to  America, 
and  wished  to  carry  our  despatches,  and  that  I  knew 
him  well,  to  be  a  trusty  and  respectable  man.  Dr.  F. 
said  it  was  very  well ;  he  might  carry  them,  and  they 
should  be  glad  of  it.  Mr.  D.  coming  in  Mr.  L.  repeated 
what  he  said  relative  to  Mr.  S.,  and  Mr.  D.  also  con 
sented.  Nothing  more  passed  on  the  subject.  There 


374  LIFE    OF 

was  some  conversation  about  Mr.  Beaumarchais.  Mr. 
D.  seemed  unacquainted  with  any  agreement  with  him, 
and  Dr.  F.  expressed  his  surprise  at  a  mode  of  proceed 
ing,  by  which  money  was  demanded  of  them  for  goods 
which  they  never  ordered,  and  a  person  sent  to  congress 
to  demand  payment  for  the  supplies,  which  they  had  been 
repeatedly  assured  were  given,  and  for  which  they  had 
returned  their  thanks,  and  apprised  congress  of  that  as 
surance. 

5th.  Closed  and  delivered  the  despatches  to  Mr.  Ste- 
phenson,  who  informed  him  that  in  answer  to  a  letter 
from  him  to  all  the  commissioners,  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  D. 
had  wrote  him  that  they  never  said  he  should  carry  the 
despatches,  for  that  they  had  engaged  Mr.  Carmichael  to 
do  it.  To  this  he  replied,  that  Mr.  L.  had  told  him  so, 
and  he  had  understood  the  same  from  Mr.  D. 

6th.  Went  to  Passy,  where  he  found  Dr.  F.,  but  Mr. 
D.  did  not  attend.  The  servant  that  accompanied  Mr. 
Simeon  Deane,  with  the  despatches  to  Bourdeaux,  was 
returned,  but  the  Dr.  said  he  had  not  seen  him.  The 
Dr.  told  him  Sir  Phil.  Gibbes  had  been  there  to  sound 
him  about  propositions  of  peace,  to  which  he  replied  we 
had  none  to  make,  the  many  which  congress  had  made 
were  treated  with  contempt,  and  that  the  dependency  of 
the  colonies  was  gone  forever,  like  the  clouds  of  last 
year.  Mr.  L.  said,  in  his  opinion,  propositions  might  be 
made,  and  those  very  concise  ;  pay  us  for  the  damage  you 
have  wantonly  done  us,  and  let  us  alone  ;  these  he  con 
ceived  were  the  only  terms  on  which  they  could  hope  for 
a  cessation  of  hatred  and  hostility.  In  going  to  town 
Mr.  L.  overtook  Mr.  D.'s  servant,  who  had  been  to  Bour 
deaux,  who  informed  him  that  the  frigate  sailed  with  the 
despatches  on  new  year's  day. 

8th.  Mr.  Thornton  whom  they  had  sent  with  the  let 
ter  about  the  prisoners,  arrived.  He  had  visited  the  pris 
oners,  found  their  situation  very  miserable,  had  ordered 
an  increase  of  their  daily  allowance,  and  understood  that 
both  the  ministry  and  the  committee  of  the  subscribers 
had  ordered  them  necessary  clothing  and  covering.  He 
said  Lord  North  told  him  he  was  informed  that  Dr.  Bank- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  375 

croft  was  in  London,  and  had  been  sent  by  the  commis 
sioners  on  a  stock-jobbing  scheme.  Mr.  L.  said  Dr.  B. 
was  so  far  from  being  sent  by  him  on  any  such  errand, 
that  he  never  knew  he  was  gone,  till  Dr.  F.  told  him  he 
had  written  upon  a  news-paper  that  he  should  return  in 
a  few  days.  Dining  at  the  same  place  with  Dr.  F.,  he 
told  Mr.  L.  that  the  courier  to  Spain  was  returned,  and 
Mr.  Girard  had  written  to  Mr.  D.,  who  was  gone  out  to 
Versailles.  In  the  evening  Mr.  L.  received  a  summons 
from  Mr.  D.  to  meet  Mr.  Girard,  at  Mr.  D.'s  lodgings  ; 
when  he  got  there  Dr.  F.  was  not  arrived.  Mr.  Girard 
told  them  that  three  74-gun  ships,  with  two  frigates, 
under  the  command  of  Mons.  de  la  Morte  Piquet,  a  very 
sensible  and  spirited  officer,  was  clearing  the  coast  of  the 
English  squadron  and  cruisers.  Upon  Dr.  F.'s  arrival, 
Mr.  Girard  informed  us  that  he  came  from  the  king,  and 
the  Counts  Maurepas  and  Vergennes.  But  before  he 
delivered  to  us  what  he  had  in  charge,  he  desired  our 
parole  of  honour,  to  observe  the  most  profound  secrecy. 
We  each  of  us  promised  it ;  but  Dr.  F.  added  some  in 
sinuation  that  secrets  were  not  kept  on  their  part,  of 
which  Mr.  Girard  took  no  notice,  but  went  into  a  some 
what  tedious  harangue,  which  closed  with  asking  us 
three  questions.  1st.  What  would  be  necessary  on  the 
part  of  this  court  to  satisfy  the  commissioners  of  their 
attachment  to  the  cause  of  America,  and  prevent  them 
from  listening  to  the  propositions  of  Great  Britain.  2nd. 
What  would  be  necessary  to  satisfy  the  congress  and 
people  of  the  United  States,  and  prevent  them  from  ac 
ceding  to  the  propositions  which  Great  Britain  might 
send  to  them.  3d.  What  assistance  would  it  be  neces 
sary  for  France  to  give  them. 

The  commissioners  appearing  to  think  it  required  some 
consultation  before  they  could  give  answers,  Mr.  Girard 
proposed  to  leave  them  together^and  return  in  an  hour, 
which  he  did.  Dr.  F.  began  to  write,  and  the  other  two 
to  talk.  Mr.  L.  said  their  instructions  seemed  to  furnish 
them  with  proper  answers.  They  were  sent  to  negotiate 
a  treaty  with  France,  and  the  immediate  conclusion  of 
that  would  answer  the  two  first  questions;  as  the  grant- 


376  LIFE    OF 

ing  them  eight  ships  of  the  line,  for  which  they  were 
instructed  to  solicit,  would  the  last.  Mr.  D.  objected  to 
the  latter  as  dictating  to  them;  to  which  Mr.  L.  replied, 
it  could  not  possibly  be  deemed  dictation  to  answer  a 
question,  which  they  to  whom  they  were  sent  had  asked, 
in  the  manner  in  which  they  who  sent  them  had  directed. 
Mr.  Deane  then  said,  that  some  people  had  been  foolish 
enough  to  censure  their  having  ordered  the  sale  of  pri 
zes  out  of  the  commercial  agents'  hands,  for  which 
censure  there  was  not  the  least  reason;  and  the  com 
mercial  agents  had  protested  the  bills  drawn  upon  them 
for  the  repairs  of  the  Raleigh  and  Alfred  at  L'Orient. 
On  this  Mr.  L.  observed,  that  the  sale  of  prizes  was  the 
only  source  of  funds  which  the  commercial  agents  could 
have,  no  remittances  being  made;  and  the  depriving  them 
of  the  means  of  paying,  and  then  drawing  upon  them  for 
payment,  especially  for  repairs,  which  we,  not  they,  had 
ordered,  was  unmercantile  and  unjust.  Mr.  D.  was  going 
to  reply,  when  Dr.  F.  said  our  present  business  was  to 
consider  the  answers,  which  he  had  written  down,  and 
would  read  to  us.  This  he  did  as  follows. 

Question  1.  AVhat  is  necessary  to  be  done,  to  give 
such  satisfaction  to  the  American  commissioners,  as  to 
engage  them  not  to  listen  to  any  propositions  from  Eng 
land,  for  a  new  connexion  with  your  country? 

Answer.  The  commissioners  have  long  since  proposed 
a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  which  is  not  yet  conclud 
ed.  The  immediate  conclusion  of  that  treaty  will  re 
move  the  uncertainty  they  are  under  with  regard  to  it, 
and  give  them  such  a  reliance  on  the  friendship  of  France, 
as  to  reject  firmly  all  propositions  made  to  them  of  peace 
with  England,  which  have  not  for  their  basis  the  entire 
freedom  and  independence  of  America,  both  in  matters 
of  government  and  commerce. 

Question  2d.  What  i^  necessary  to  be  done,  immedi 
ately,  so  to  satisfy  the  congress  and  people  of  America 
with  the  utility  and  certainty  of  the  friendship  of  France 
in  securing  their  independence,  that  they  will  also  reject 
all  propositions  from  England  for  peace,  inconsistent  with 
their  independence  ? 


ARTHUR    LEE.  377 

Answer.  The  supplying  them  with  money  to  pay  the 
interest  of  the  bills  issued  and  support  their  credit,  will 
give  them  effectual  assurance  of  the  friendship  of  this 
court ;  and  the  sending  them  the  aid  of  eight  ships  of  the 
line,  which  they  have  desired,  would  enable  them  to  pro 
tect  their  coast  and  their  commerce,  and  thereby  prevent 
the  inclination  or  necessity  of  listening  to  terms  of  accom 
modation  with  England. 

To  the  first  answer  the  commissioners  agreed;  and  two 
to  the  second,  with  the  addition  of  the  word  '  necessity,' 
proposed  by  Mr.  Lee.     But  Mr.  D.  began  to  object  to 
the  second,  without  offering  any  thing  material,  when  Mr. 
Girard  returned.     The  first  answer  was  read  to  him,  with 
which  he  professed  himself  satisfied.     As  to  the  second, 
Dr.  F.  told  him  we  were  talking  upon  it  when  he  came 
in.     He  said  it  was  agreeable  to  him,  if  we  chose  it,  to 
defer  our  answer  to  another  time.     He  then  added,  that 
he  was  now  at  liberty  to  inform  us  that  it  was  resolved 
to  conclude  that  treaty  with  us  immediately,  for  which  he 
was  authorized  to  give  us  his  majesty's  parole.     That 
farther,  it  was  determined  to  enter  into  another  treaty 
offensive  and  defensive,  to  guaranty  our  independency, 
upon  condition  of  not  making  a  separate  peace,  or  relin 
quishing  our  independency;  that  he  had  been  ordered  to 
draw  up  these  two  treaties,  which  he  expected  to  lay  be 
fore  the  council  the  next  day,  and  of  which  he  would 
send  us  copies  in  a  few  days.     He  said  the  king  was  not 
actuated  by  ambition,  or  a  desire  of  acquiring  new  terri 
tory,  but  solely  by  the  desire  of  establishing  the  inde 
pendency  of  America.     That  therefore   they  could  not 
agree   to  the  proposition  of  assisting  us  in  conquering 
Canada  for  us,  and  the  English  islands  for  them.     Nei 
ther  was  it  their  idea  of  assisting  us  by  land ;  and  they 
supposed  it  would  not  be  very  agreeable  to  us  to  have 
foreign  troops  in  our  country.    Their  aid  therefore  would 
be  by  sea.     Mr.  L.  asked  him  if  he  thought  it  proper 
that  Spain  should  be  moved  at  all.     He  said  that  court 
had  not  come  to  a  resolution  yet,  but  this  would  go  on 
alone,  reserving  to  them  a  right  of  acceding  to  the  trea 
ties  ;  and  they  believed  they  could  for  some  time  do  with- 
VOL.  i.  48 


378  LIFE    OF 

out  them.  That  if  their  object  could  be  secured  without 
a  war,  it  was  their  wish ;  but  their  resolution  was  to  se 
cure  it  at  all  events.  Mr.  Girard  added,  that  he  was  hap 
py  now  to  congratulate  us  upon  the  affair  being  brought  to 
the  point  he  always  wished,  and  he  hoped  the  connexion 
would  be  as  durable,  as  the  terms  were  mutually  bene 
ficial. 

18th.  The  commissioners  met  Mr.  Girard  by  appoint 
ment,  at  Mr.  Deane's  house.  He  read  to  them  the  plan 
of  an  eventually  offensive  and  defensive  treaty  of  alli 
ance,  which  he  said  it  was  necessary  to  make  eventual, 
as  they  would  not  seem  to  take  for  granted,  that  their 
entering  into  a  previous  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce, 
was  any  just  ground  for  a  war  with  England.  But  as  this 
consequence  might  flow  from  it,  they  thought  themselves 
justified  in  providing  against  it.  He  gave  both  this,  and 
that  of  a  treaty  of  commerce,  in  French,  exacting  a  pro 
mise  that  we  should  return  him  the  originals  when  we 
had  considered  them ;  and  that  they  were  ready  to  con 
clude  them  as  soon  as  we  were  prepared.  Dr.  F.  took 
them  to  consider  that  evening,  and  was  to  give  them  to 
Mr.  D.  next  day,  who  was  to  deliver  them  to  Mr.  L. 
and  then  they  were  to  meet  and  discuss  them  together. 

20th.  Employed  in  copying  the  treaties,  not  thinking 
it  proper  to  trust  them  with  a  secretary. 

21st.  The  commissioners  met  at  Passy,  and  began  to 
examine  the  treaties,  article  by  article.  Mr.  L.  proposed 
that  "  sovereign"  should  be  added  to  the  United  States, 
that  the  acknowledgment  of  their  sovereignty  might  not 
be  matter  of  future  doubt  and  discussion,  as  was  that  of 
the  states  of  Holland,  till  the  year  1048,  and  of  the 
Swiss  cantons  till  their  late  treaty  in  1777,  with  France. 
His  colleagues  did  not  think  with  him,  because  they  said 
congress  themselves  had  not  inserted  that  in  the  style 
and  title  by  which  they  had  determined  to  be  called. 
He  then  observed  that  there  was  no  explicit  disclaimer 
on  the  part  of  France,  to  all  the  continent,  and  to  the 
islands  appertaining  to  the  fishery,  which  were  part  of 
the  British  possessions,  and  which  the  states  claimed  in 
the  9th  article.  It  was  also  stipulated  that  if  the  states 


ARTHUR    LEE.  379 

conquered  them  (and  not  mentioning  Cape  Breton)  they 
should   possess  them  ;  but  it  was  not  said   that  France 
should  not  attempt  to  conquer  them.     And  there  was 
the  more  reason  to  suspect  some  design  upon  them,  be 
cause  there  was  a  formal  renunciation  of  ever  possessing 
any  part  of  the  continent,  but  nothing  said  of  the  islands. 
Mr.  L.  thought,  therefore,  that  an  article  should  be  pre 
pared,  mutually  and  explicitly  renouncing  those  territo 
ries,  which  were  pointed  out   as  objects  of  conquest  to 
the   respective  parties.     This  they  thought  right.     His 
next  observation  was   that  the  last  article   held   out  a 
temptation  to  the  English  to  keep  the  whole  force  of  the 
war  upon  America,  and  leave  France  unattacked,  for  it 
was  only  upon  the   condition  of  France   being  attacked 
that  she  guarantied  the  independence  and  possessions  of 
the  United  States.    The  English,  therefore,  upon  seeing 
the  two  treaties  would  naturally  say,  if  we   take  them 
one  by  one,  or  if,  by  bending  our  whole  force  against  the 
Americans,   we   can   reduce  them,    the   treaty  is  void. 
France  too  on  her  side  would  rest  secure,  that,  without 
any  risk  she  would   enjoy,  under  the  commercial  treaty 
previously  concluded,  the  commercial  advantages  which 
were  all  she  professed  to  aim  at,  which  America  by  her 
own  efforts  could  obtain  for  herself.     Mr.  L.  thought, 
therefore,  that  the  commissioners  ought  to  endeavour  to 
have  that  article  entirely  omitted.     Dr.   F.  proposed   an 
additional  article,  which  he  thought  would  correct  it,  and 
that  was  that  France  should  pay  the   United  States  a 
million  sterling  in  subsidy,  yearly,  as  long  as  the  war 
continued  against  them  alone.     Mr.  L.  said  that  this 
might  assist  them,  but  it  would  not  prevent  the  continu 
ance  of  the  war  from  being  fatal  to  America,  by  the  de 
vastation  of  their  country,  the  exhaustion  and  vitiation 
of  their  young  people.    That  without  the  aid  of  the  eight 
or  ten  ships  of  the  line,  which  they  were  instructed  to 
demand,  it  would   be  impossible  to  protect  their  coasts 
and  their  commerce,  so  as  to  procure  the  necessary  sup 
plies,  for  so  heavy  a  war.     Dr.  F.  said   he  thought  it 
would  be  for  the  benefit  of  America   to  have  the  whole 
of  the  British  commerce  t@  prey  upon.     But  Mr.  D.  was 


380  LIFE    OF 

of  opinion  that  the  American  navy  was  diminishing,  ra 
ther  than  increasing,  and  that  under  the  continuance  of 
the  war  solely  against  them,  the  necessary  supplies  for 
constructing  a  navy  could  not  be  procured.  To  which 
Mr.  Lee  added  that  it  seemed  an  attempt  disproportioned 
to  their  infant  strength,  and  more  likely  to  overwhelm 
than  to  uphold  them.  In  the  treaty  of  commerce  Dr.  F. 
observed,  that  in  the  4th  article  the  exemption  of  the  pay 
ment  of  extraordinary  imposts  was  confined  to  his  most 
Christian  majesty's  dominions  in  Europe,  so  that  in  the 
East  or  West  Indies  the  subjects  of  the  United  States 
would  be  subject  to  discretionary  impositions,  and  that 
therefore  the  words  "  in  Europe"  should  be  left  out. 
This  was  agreed  to.  In  the  5th  article  Mr.  L.  thought 
there  was  no  reciprocity.  Americans  were  subject  to 
pay  a  duty  of  100  sols  per  ton,  if  they  went  from  one 
French  port  to  another,  which  was  not  and  never  was 
likely  to  be  the  case,  with  French  vessels  going  from 
one  port  in  the  states  to  another.  It  was  saidr  indeed, 
the  states  might  lay  such  a  duty,  but  till  they  did  it  or 
had  it  in  contemplation,  the  French  ought  not  to  do  it. 
When  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  was  made  there  was  a  simi 
lar  duty  on  the  French  commerce  in  British  ports,  and 
it  was  agreed  they  should  be  mutually  removed.  Upon 
the  same  ground  of  reciprocity  what  did  not  exist  in 
the  United  States,  should  be  removed  in  the  dominions 
of  his  most  Christian  majesty.  On  the  9th  article  Mr. 
L.  observed  that  the  exercise  of  fishery  was  given  ex 
clusively  to  the  French  within  their  own  precincts  for 
ever,  but  to  the  Americans  not  longer  than  they  should 
not  admit  any  other  nation  ;  so  that  the  French  were 
permitted  to  communicate  their  rights  to  any  other,  with 
out  thereby  admitting  the  Americans,  but  the  same  was 
not  permitted  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  which 
was  evidently  unequal ;  it  was  proposed  therefore  to 
amend  it  by  substituting  "  aucune  des  parties  contracten- 
tes"  for  "  les  etats  uni^ 

22nd.  Mr.  L.  was  at  Passy  at  ten  o'clock,  agreeably 
to  appointment.  Mr.  D.  arrived  at  12  o'clock.  In  the 
mean  time  Dr.  F.  was  translating  the  defensive  treaty, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  381 

and  his  grandson  copying  the  other.  It  was  determined 
that  we  should  return  a  translation  of  each  with  the 
originals,  and  that  we  should  give  in  our  objections  and 
additions  in  English,  and  that  upon  concluding  the  trea 
ties  the  French  and  the  English  should  be  put  opposite 
to  each  other.  Dr.  F.  read  the  additional  article  relative 
to  a  subsidy,  to  which  Mr.  L.  desired  that  ships  of  war 
might  be  added.  Mr.  L.  showed  the  other  commission 
ers  that  the  expression  in  the  treaty  with  the  Swiss 
cantons  was,  "  que  le  corps  Helvetique  conserve  son  etat 
actuel  de  souverainete  absolue,  et  de  perfaite  independ- 
ance,"  which  he  wished  might  be  the  guaranty  of  the 
present  treaty,  as  being  most  clear  and  unequivocal. 
Some  doubts  arising  about  what  islands  were  included 
in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  they  referred  to  the  map,  and 
found  that  a  line  drawn  from  the  point  of  Pensacola 
southward  included  Cuba,  Hispaniola,  and  Jamaica.  It 
was  agreed  that  the  articles  relative  to  the  fishery,  and 
the  islands  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  must  be  render 
ed  more  explicit,  by  specifying  the  respective  possessions, 
claims,  and  objects,  on  this  subject,  so  as  to  prevent  all 
cause  of  future  doubt  and  disagreement.  (Some  philo 
sophical  discourse  arising,  Dr.  F.  said  it  was  his  opinion 
that  the  matter  of  light  was  what  entered  largely  into 
the  nourishment  of  vegetables.  This  opinion  I  mention 
here  for  its  curiosity,  not  for  its  pertinency.)  No  answer 
to  Mr.  W.  Lee's  letter  was  mentioned.  Count  Laure- 
gais  had  informed  Mr.  L.  that  young  Mr.  Holker  went 
over  to  America  with  Mr.  Deane's  brother,  and  it  was 
supposed  upon  some  public  business.  This  Mr.  L.  men 
tioned  to  Mr.  Chaumont  and  Mr.  D.  together,  who  both 
denied  any  knowledge  or  belief  of  it.  In  the  evening 
Mr.  L.  went  to  Versailles  where  he  informed  Mr.  Gi- 
rard  of  his  having  received  advice  from  Bilboa  that  Cun 
ningham  was  in  a  fair  way  to  compromise  the  affair  of 
the  prize.  Mr.  G.  expressed  much  satisfaction  at  this, 
because  it  had  given  very  great  offence  at  Madrid.  Mr. 
L.  mentioned  his  doubts  about  the  propriety  of  stipulat 
ing  in  the  treaty  that  France  might  attempt  the  conquest 
of  Jamaica,  lest  it  should  offend  Spain,  to  whom  it  was 


382  LIFE   OF 

more  properly  an  object ;  or  of  the  commissioners  for 
this  court  undertaking  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Spain 
when  there  was  a  plenipotentiary  appointed  by  congress 
for  that  purpose.  Mr.  G.  said  that  whenever  Spain  should 
accede  to  the  treaty,  that  article  or  any  other  would  be 
arranged  conformable  to  the  harmony  and  mutual  good 
will  which  subsisted  between  the  two  courts,  for  which 
purpose  the  express  stipulation  for  their  accession  was 
entered  into.  That  as  to  the  other  it  must  be  arranged 
by  the  commissioners  themselves,  but  that  he  thought 
the  plenipotentiary  for  Spain  might  either  sign  the  en 
gagement  separately  or  conjointly,  specifying  his  char 
acter  after  his  signature.  He  seemed  desirous  of  our 

. 
appointing  a  day  for  finally  settling  it,  as  soon  as  possible. 

23d.  Went  to  Passy  in  the  morning,  but  found  Dr.  F. 
just  going  out,  the  copying  not  finished,  the  translation 
not  begun,  and  no  business  to  be  done.  A  young  French 
man  coming  in,  Dr.  F.  sent  him  into  the  little  room,  where 
his  grandson  was  copying  the  treaty;  and  Mr.  L.  going 
in  soon  after,  found  the  treaty  upon  the  table,  and  the 
young  Frenchman  close  to  it.  This  is  mentioned  to  show 
how  vain  it  was  to  enjoin  secrecy  w7here  there  was  so 
little  discretion.  A  letter  from  Mr.  Williams  mentioned 
that  a  convoy  was  ready,  and  leave  for  the  exit  of  the  Li 
on,  but  that  she  must  wait  ten  days  for  the  spring  tides. 
He  had  been  to  Brest,  and  made  a  very  good  report  of 
the  forwardness  of  that  fleet.  The  commissioners  dined 
together,  in  company  with  the  Duke  d'Ossion,  ambassa 
dor  to  the  States  General,  who  had  just  come  from  the 
Hague,  and  gave  a  favourable  account  of  the  prepara 
tions  of  the  Dutch,  and  their  aversion  to  hazard  any 
more  of  their  money  in  the  English  funds.  After  dinner 
the  commissioners  had  some  conversation,  when  Dr.  F. 
desired  Mr.  L.  to  draw  up  an  article  on  the  fishery;  but 
he  was  unwilling  on  being  urged,  to  fix  a  day  for  the  final 
settlement  of  the  treaty.  He  said  it  was  to  no  purpose, 
because  they  would  forward  it  as  fast  as  possible. 

24th.  Went  to  Passy  in  the  evening,  as  the  most  like 
ly  time  to  find  them  disengaged,  but  Dr.  F.  was  not  at 
home;  his  grandson  said  they  had  been  comparing  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  383 

French  with  our  plan,  but  that  the  copying  was  not 
finished,  nor  the  translation  begun.  He  observed,  that 
his  grandfather's  dining  out  every  day  prevented  any  bu 
siness  from  being  done,  and  that  he  was  to  be  out  again 
next  morning.  A  very  unpromising  state  of  things,  when 
boys  made  such  observations  on  the  conduct  of  their 
grandfathers.  Mr.  L.  had  prepared  an  article,  instead  of 
those  of  the  <  stipulated  conquest'  and  i  renunciation,'  in 
which  France  should  unequivocally  renounce  all  the  con 
tinent,  and  those  islands  which  the  United  States  meant 
to  make  the  parts  of  their  confederated  empire,  that  is, 
the  islands  of  Newfoundland,  Cape  Breton,  St.  John's, 
Anticosti  and  the  Bermudas.  He  left  word  with  young 
Mr.  F.  for  the  Dr.,  that  he  would  be  at  Passy  next  morn 
ing  at  1 1  o'clock. 

25th.  The  consideration  of  the  treaty  renewed.  The 
great  question  was  upon  the  1 1th  and  12th  articles  of  the 
commercial  treaty.  Mr.  D.  had  told  Mr.  L.  that  he  was 
willing  to  propose  the  leaving  them  both  out,  but  when 
Dr.  F.  proposed  the  altering  the  12th  article  to  extend 
the  prohibition  of  laying  duties  on  tobacco,  to  all  the 
commodities  exported  from  the  United  States,  and  con 
fine  the  destination  to  the  islands  furnishing  molasses,  he 
agreed  with  him  to  let  both  articles  stand.  Mr.  L.  dif 
fered.  He  said,  1st.  These  articles  imposed  a  confine 
ment  of  jurisdiction,  contrary  to  the  principles  laid  down 
as  the  basis  of  the  negotiation,  that  each  party  should 
be  unrestrained  within  itself.  Id.  They  were  going  be 
yond  their  powers,  which  directed  them  to  stipulate  for, 
but  not  insist  on  the  exemption  of  molasses,  much  less 
to  purchase  it  at  an  enormous  price.  3d.  There  appear 
ed  no  necessity  for  restraining  the  impost  upon  an  article 
which  was  never  likely  to  have  any  duty  laid  upon  it,  this 
being  contrary  to  the  system  of  their  policy.  Mr.  D. 
answered  that  it  would  be  a  very  popular  thing  in  New- 
England,  where  there  was  a  vast  consumption  of  molas 
ses,  both  in  food  and  distillation;  that  it  formed  the  great 
staple  of  the  commerce  of  America,  and  was  extending 
very  much  to  the  southward,  particularly  in  South  Caro 
lina;  that  he  was  sure  the  import  oL  molasses  alone 


384  LIFE  OF 

amounted  to  100,000  hhds.  and  was  equal  in  value  to  all 
the  tobacco  made  in  America ;  that  the  French  seeing  the 
advantages  we  made  by  the  distilling  it,  and  with  a  view 
to  get  a  vent  among  us  for  their  brandy,  might  lay  a  heavy 
duty  upon  it,  and  by  that  means  render  the  rum  dearer 
when  distilled  with  us,  than  that  of  their  islands,  and  the 
brandy  of  old  France.  Dr.  F.  supported  the  same  argu 
ments,  but  thought  the  estimate  of  molasses  was  much 
too  great.  He  added,  with  an  apparent  candour,  that 
rather  than  there  should  be  a  dissention,  and  the  treaty 
impeded,  he  would  be  of  Mr.  L.'s  opinion-  Mr.  L.,  who 
was  aware  that  this  was  calculated  to  throw  all  the  con 
sequences  upon  himself,  of  obliging  Dr.  F.  to  act  against 
his  judgment,  made  no  reply  ;  but  on  Dr.  F.'s  desiring  a 
resolution  might  be  made,  said  it  was  unpleasant  to 
him  to  persist  in  his  opinion,  but  yet  he  was  so  convinc 
ed  of  the  hazard  of  the  measure  proposed,  that  he  could 
not  agree  to  it,  and  therefore  proposed  that  the  other 
two  commissioners  should  be  consulted  with ;  that  from 
the  manner  in  which  they  received  it,  we  might  judge 
what  would  be  the  opinion  of  our  country;  that  they 
were  gentlemen  from  the  southern  states,  and  extremely 
well  acquainted  with  commerce.  This  proposition  was 
refused,  not  without  considerable  appearance  of  offence 
from  it,  particularly  in  Mr.  D.,who  said  it  would  be  very 
extraordinary  to  call  in  any  body  to  judge  of  a  thing  that 
was  left  with  us,  and  that  he  thought  he  might  without 
vanity  say,  he  knew  the  trade  of  the  southern  colonies 
as  well  as  those,  or  any  other  gentlemen.  Dr.  F.  then, 
in  a  certain  soft,  smooth,  accommodating  manner,  which 
he  can  assume  at  pleasure,  said,  '  well,  suppose  we  just 
propose  it,  and  then  say  that  we  are  very  willing  to  give 
up  both  the  articles.'  As  this,  from  the  manner  in  which 
it  was  proposed,  appeared  to  be  a  sort  of  compromise  that 
would  prevent  any  open  dissention,  Mr.  L.  desisted  from 
his  opposition.  He  did  not  think  it  became  him  to  persist 
in  his  opinion  against  the  judgment  of  his  colleagues,  giv 
en  under  an  artful  endeavour  to  throw  all  the  consequen 
ces  of  it  upon  him. 

26th.  The  treaty  resumed.     It  had  been  proposed  by 


ARTHUR    LEE.  385 

Dr.  F.,  in  the  7th  article  of  the  defensive  treaty,  that  the 
word  'Jamaica'  should  be  left  out,  as  the  assembly  of  that 
island  had  petitioned  against  the  measures  respecting  us 
at  the  beginning,  and  showed  a  friendly  disposition  to 
wards  us.  Therefore,  mentioning  that  island  particular 
ly,  would  appear  ungrateful.  This  was  agreed  to,  and 
Mr.  L.  proposed  to  omit  mentioning  the  word  'conquest' 
in  the  5th  and  6th  articles.  That  the  5th  should  run 
thus: — "If  the  United  States  should  think  fit  to  attempt 
the  reduction  of  the  British  powers  in  North  America, 
in  the  islands  (specifying  them)  near  the  gulf  of  St.  Law 
rence,  and  in  the  Bermudas,  the  countries  so  reduced 
may  be  confederated  with,  or  dependent  upon  the  thir 
teen  United  States."  Then  in  the  6th  article  it  was  to 
be  any  part  of  the  continent,  or  of  the  islands  in  or  near 
the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  or  the  Bermudas,  which  were, 
&c.  &c.  Agreed  to  in  part. 

In  the  12th  article  Dr.  F.  proposed  to  insert  the  word 
"  possessions"  after  "  reciprocal  guaranty,"  in  order  to 
make  it  appear  that  in  all  events  they  undertook  to  guar 
anty  our  liberty  and  independence,  and  that  the  condi 
tion  went  only  to  the  possessions.  This  was  agreed  to. 
The  other  commissioners  were  then  slipping  over  the 
secret  article,  in  which  they  stipulated  to  negotiate  and 
sign  a  treaty  with  Spain  ;  but  Mr.  L.  remarked  to  them 
that  as  there  was  a  deputy  plenipotentiary  appointed  for 
Spain,  he  must  stipulate  that,  and  not  they  who  were 
only  for  the  court  of  France.  This  observation  caused 
some  little  distress,  such  as  arises  when  people  find  a 
thing  has  happened  which  they  feared,  and  yet  were  in 
hopes  of  avoiding.  They  sought  however  for  relief  in 
our  instructions,  but  it  appearing  from  them  that  the 
deputy  for  Spain  and  those  of  France  were  to  consult 
together  in  modelling  the  treaty  with  Spain,  so  as  not  to 
interfere  with  that  of  France  ;  they  were  obliged  to  agree 
that  instead  of  "  deputies"  it  should  be  "  deputy."  Dr. 
F.  then  read  a  second  secret  article  which  he  had  pre 
pared,  for  stipulating  to  us  an  annual  subsidy  while  we 
alone  supported  the  war,  which  was  agreed  to,  with  the 
amendment  of  "  allies  and  friends"  proposed  by  Mr.  L. 

VOL.  i.  49 


386  LIFE  OF 

He  then  desired  that  there  might  be  a  demand  for  eight 
or  ten  ships  of  the  line,  stating  that  if  the  whole  force  of 
the  war  continued  against  them,  it  would  be  in  vain  that 
they  had  money  to  purchase  supplies,  since  the  coast 
would  be  so  effectually  blocked  up,  and  most  of  their 
towns  on  the  coast  in  the  enemy's  hands,  that  it  would 
be  almost  impossible  to  get  in  those  supplies.  Dr.  F. 
promised  to  draw  up  an  article  for  that  purpose.  Mr.  L. 
then  asked  whether  it  was  determined  to  make  the  com 
mercial  treaty  perpetual ;  because  it  was  his  opinion 
that  it  would  be  much  safer  to  limit  it,  so  that  if  in  ex 
perience  any  thing  was  found  wrong,  it  might  not  be 
without  remedy.  Mr.  D.  answered  that  it  certainly  was 
intended  to  be  perpetual,  for  it  was  so  ordered  in  the 
plan  sent  by  congress,  and  if  it  was  not  so  it  would  be 
desirable  to  make  it  perpetual,  that  there  might  be  no 
power  of  changing.  He  added  that  all  treaties  of  com 
merce  were  perpetual ;  in  which  Dr.  F.  agreed  with  him.. 
To  satisfy  them  that  it  was  not  so  Mr.  L.  showed  them 
the  treaty  of  commerce  between  Great  Britain  and  Rus 
sia,  which  was  concluded  in  the  year  1766  for  20  years, 
and  he  read  them  the  twenty-fifth  article  which  says, 
"  And  as  it  is  customary  to  fix  a  certain  term  to  the 
duration  of  treaties  of  commerce,  the  above-mentioned 
high  contracting  parties  have  agreed  that  this  treaty  shall 
continue  for  twenty  years,  counting  from  the  day  of  sign 
ing  ;  and  after  the  expiration  of  that  term  they  may 
agree  upon  the  means  to  renew  and  prolong  it."  Mr. 
L.  added  that  as  we  were  a  young  and  forming  people, 
things  were  undergoing  with  us  frequent  changes,  which 
in  old  countries  was  not  the  case,  and  as  the  treaty  was 
drawn  up  in  times  of  great  hurry  and  confusion,  he  could 
not  help  thinking  that  limiting  its  duration  was  wise  and 
necessary.  His  colleagues  did  not  think  so,  and  he 
dropped  the  question. 

27th.  In  the  evening  the  commissioners  met  Mr.  Gi- 
rard.  He  explained  his  having  desired  them  not  to  leave 
their  carriages  at  the  door,  by  saying  that  the  last  time  on 
going  out  he  observed  a  man  who  followed  him  round 
the  corner,  and  looked  like  a  spy.  He  thought  it  was 


ARTHUR    LEE.  387 

likely  that  their  chariots  standing  at  the  door  attract 
ed  his  curiosity,  and  led  him  to  watch  the  house.  The 
treaty  was  then  entered  upon.  The  commercial  treaty 
first.  In  the  second  article  it  was  agreed  to  omit 
the  words.  "  en  general  et  cfiaque  etat  pour  lui-meme,"  be 
cause  by  the  articles  of  confederation  no  state  had  a 
right  to  treat  separately.  In  article  third  the  words, 
"  de  quelque  nature  quails  puissent  etre,  et  quelque  nom 
quails  puissent  avoir,"  which  were  omitted  in  the  next 
and  reciprocal  stipulation,  in  behalf  of  the  states,  was 
agreed  to  be  inserted.  It  was  proposed  in  the  4th  arti 
cle  to  omit  the  words,  "  en  Europe,"  and  extend  the  ex 
emption  from  paying  extraordinary  duties  to  all  the  king 
of  France's  dominions.  But  this,  Mr.  G.  said,  could 
not  be  agreed  to,  as  well  on  the  part  of  Spain,  as  in 
terfering  too  much  with  the  system  of  their  islands. 
The  words,  "  des  Etats  du  Roi"  were  agreed  to  be  in 
serted  in  the  place  of  "  les  dits  Etats,"  which  were  equi 
vocal.  In  article  ninth  "  et  les  sujets  du  Roi"  were 
agreed  to  be  added  to  "  les  E.  U."  to  make  the  condi 
tion  reciprocal.  The  alternative  was  then  proposed  of 
altering  the  words,  "  des  Tabacs  que  les  sujets  de  sa  JUa- 
jeste  T.  C.  pourront  tirer  des  pays  et  possessions  actuelles, 
ou  futures  d'aucune  des  13  E.  U."  in  the  twelfth  arti 
cle,  into  "  the  produce  of  the  United  States  exported  for 
the  islands  furnishing  molasses."  Dr.  F.  added  that  if 
this  was  not  acceptable  it  was  our  wish  to  give  up  both 
the  articles.  Mr.  Girard  seemed  not  to  like  the  altera* 
tion,  but  said  it  would  never  be  their  interest  to  lay  any 
duty  upon  their  molasses,  yet  he  could  not  himself  de 
termine  upon  the  proposition,  which  he  would  mark  for 
the  consideration  of  the  ministers.  Mr.  D.  took  up  the 
discourse,  and  said  the  exemption  of  molasses  was  a 
thing  very  much  desired  in  America,  and  would  be  very 
popular.  Though  Mr.  L.  thought  this  was  somewhat 
unfair,  it  having  been  settled  that  Dr.  F.  should  make 
the  report  of  what  was  agreed  to,  yet  to  avoid  any  ap 
pearance  or  occasion  of  dispute,  he  made  no  observation 
on  it,  hoping  from  the  manner  in  which  Mr.  Girard  re 
ceived  the  proposition,  that  the  alternative  of  rejecting 


388  LIFE    OF 

both  would  be  adopted  at  Versailles.  An  explanation 
was  next  desired,  relative  to  the  stipulation  at  the  end 
of  the  thirteenth  article,  that  it  should  not  affect  the 
laws  of  France,  "promulgees  en  France  contre  les  emigra 
tions,  ou  que  pourront  etre  promulgees"  which  Mr.  Girard 
said  means  that  the  subjects  of  France  emigrating  with 
out  leave  and  settling  in  America,  should  not  have  the 
benefit  of  the  exemption  from  the  "  droit  d^aubaine"  In 
the  twenty-seventh  article  the  insertion  of  the  words, 
" le  worn,  propriete  et grandeur  des  vaisseaux  et  aussi"  be 
tween  the  words  "  exprimeront  el  le  worn,"  was  proposed 
and  admitted.  The  words,  "  suivant  les  reglemens  gene- 
raux  presents"  &c.  in  the  twenty-eighth  article,  were 
explained  to  mean,  such  regulations  as  should  be  settled 
by  a  particular  convention,  which  they  had  found  to  be 
the  best  method,  and  accordingly  practised  with  the 
most  favoured  nations.  This  ended  the  discussion  of  the 
commercial  treaty.  i 

In  the  defensive  treaty  it  was  proposed  that  "  Souve- 
rainete"  should  be  inserted  after  "  leur  liberte"  in  the  sec 
ond  and  eleventh  articles.  Mr.  Girard  thought  this  might 
be  productive  of  embarrassment  to  this  court,  as  in  any 
quarrel  that  might  happen  among  the  states  France 
would  be  called  upon  by  each  side  to  maintain  their  sove 
reignty.  It  was  answered  that  this  related  to  the  sove 
reignty  of  the  union,  and  not  of  particular  states,  and 
therefore  could  not  produce  such  a  consequence.  He 
•promised  to  report  it  to  the  ministers.  The  alterations 
before  stated  in  the  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  articles  were 
proposed  and  seemed  to  be  accepted.  In  the  twelfth 
"  dispossessions"  was  proposed  to  be  added  after  "lagar- 
antie  reciproque"  to  remove  all  ambiguity,  and  prevent 
its  being  supposed  that  the  guaranty  of  their  liberty, 
sovereignty,  and  independence  depended,  as  well  as  that 
of  their  possessions,  on  the  event  of  a  war.  Mr.  Girard 
objected.  He  said  the  whole  of  the  treaty  was  event 
ual.  That  they  were  not  to  suppose  that  the  entering 
into  the  former  one  was  a  legitimate  cause  of  war,  but 
as  it  might  occasion  it  they  had  reason  to  provide  against 
that  event,  upon  which  all  the  conditions  of  the  treaty 


ARTHUR    LEE.  389 

must  depend.  It  was  intended,  he  said,  to  announce 
immediately  the  commercial  treaty  to  the  court  of  Eng 
land,  and  desire  their  concurrence.  If  they  concurred,  it 
was  well ;  if  not  the  commerce  would  be  protected,  and 
any  violence  offered  would  be  deemed  an  aggression  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain,  and  produce  a  war.  The  rat 
ification,  in  the  fifteenth  article,  was  prolonged  to  six 
months.  Dr.  F.  proceeded  to  the  last  and  secret  article, 
in  which  he  said  it  was  desired  those  should  be  added  to 
it ;  not  doubting  but  that  the  persons  employed  by  his 
Catholic  majesty  to  treat  with  //iem,  will  do  the  same 
with  regard  to  any  alterations  of  the  same  kind  that  may 
be  thought  necessary  by  the  deputies  of  the  said  United 
States.  Mr.  G.  did  not  at  all  incline  to  admit  this,  and 
said  it  was  unnecessary,  as  "  Pegalite"  and  "  reciprocity 
were  stipulated  to  be  the  principles  on  which  any  alter 
ation  should  be  made.  Here  Mr.  L.  reminded  Dr.  F. 
that  it  had  been  agreed  to  mention  the  mistake  in  a  pre 
vious  part  of  that  article,  in  which  it  was  stipulated  the 
commissioners  for  this  court  should  negotiate  and  sign 
the  treaty  with  Spain,  which  could  not  be,  as  there  was  a 
special  commissioner  from  congress  for  that  court.  Dr. 
F.  then  stated  it  as  a  difficulty,  and  Mr.  Deane  said  the 
word  deputies  he  thought  might  remain,  since,  though 
there  was  one  now,  perhaps  more  might  be  appointed ; 
to  which  Mr.  L.  replied  that  it  was  not  a  question  about 
deputy  or  deputies,  but  whether  they  were  warranted 
to  assume  the  office  and  duty  of  another,  and  that  they 
must  act  upon  what  really  was,  and  not  on  a  supposition 
of  what  might  be.  Mr.  L.  then  showed  his  commis 
sion  for  Spain,  and  Mr.  Girard  proposed  to  insert  in  the 
separate  and  recent  article,  "  et  le  Depute  des  E.  U.  charge 
des  pouvoirs  de  traite  avec  PEspagne,  promettoit"  which 
was  agreed  to.  Dr.  F.  proceeded  to  observe,  that  we 
had  on  our  part  two  secret  articles  to  propose,  but  having 
not  yet  quite  settled  them,  we  must  take  an  opportunity 
of  sending  them  for  consideration  as  soon  as  we  had  de 
termined  upon  them.  In  the  mean  time  he  would  just 
mention  that  the  principle  they  were  founded  upon  was 


390  LIFE    OF 

this,  the  condition  of  this  treaty's  having  effect  was  an 
aggression  on  the  part  of  England,  which  might  induce 
her  to  bend  her  whole  force  against  the  United  States, 
and  avoid  that  which  would  procure  them  the  assistance 
of  France.  It  was  therefore  thought  necessary  to  pro 
vide  against  that  course  of  the  business,  by  a  secret  stip 
ulation  that  while  the  war  continued  against  the  United 
States  alone  France  should  grant  them  an  aid  in  money 
and  ships  of  war.  Mr.  Girard  seemed  to  think  this  un 
necessary.  He  said  he  believed  the  intention  was  to  an 
nounce  immediately  the  treaty  of  commerce  to  the  British 
court,  with  an  invitation  to  accede  to  it,  and  information 
of  his  most  Christian  majesty's  resolution  to  maintain  to 
his  subjects  the  free  enjoyment  of  it.  That  at.  the  same 
time  such  preparations  would  be  made  and  such  an  army 
collected  on  the  coast  as  would  render  it  very  imprudent 
for  England  to  detach  much  of  her  force  to  America. 
The  conference  then  broke  up,  and  Mr.  Girard  retirecT% 
after  promising  to  have  the  points  proposed,  adjusted, 
and  the  treaties  copied  with  a  blank  opposite  space  for 
the  translation,  which  it  was  agreed  should  accompany 
it  as  soon  as  possible.  When  he  was  gone  the  commis 
sioners  considered  the  two  additional  separate  articles, 
drawn  up  by  Dr.  Franklin,  the  one  for  money,  the  other 
for  ships,  and  it  being  their  unanimous  opinion  that  de 
laying  the  treaties  for  the  discussion  of  these  new  pro 
positions  in  our  critical  situation,  was  likely  to  be  attend 
ed  with  more  mischief  than  the  postponing  them  for  a 
future  negotiation  ;  it  was  agreed  to  drop  them  at  pre 
sent.  A  letter  was  accordingly  written  to  Mr.  G.,  in 
forming  him  that  we  should  make  no  farther  proposals. 

Mr.  L.,  upon  his  colleagues  refusing  to  ask  the  opinions 
of  the  other  commissioners  on  the  llth  and  12th  articles 
of  the  commercial  treaty,  had  in  private  proposed  the 
question  to  them,  whether  they  thought  the  stipulating 
on  our  part,  that  no  duties  should  be  imposed  on  any 
American  produce  exported  to  the  French  molasses  isl 
ands,  on  condition  that  none  be  imposed  on  the  molasses 
exported  to  the  United  States,  was  for  the  interest  of 
the  United  States  ?  They  were  so  strongly  of  opinion 


ARTHUR  LEE.  391 

against  it,  that  Mr.  Izard  would  write  his  sentiments 
upon  it  to  Dr.  F.,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  he  could 
prevent  his  brother  from  doing  the  same. 

28th.  Mr.  L.  went  to  Passy,  where  he  found  Dr.  F. 
with  his  grandson,  busy  in  expediting  the  copy  of  the 
translation,  which  it  had  been  agreed  should  be  sent  that 
evening  to  Mr.  D.  Mr.  Izard's  letter  on  the  12th  arti 
cle,  which  he  had  received,  was  the  subject  of  conversa 
tion.  The  Dr.  said  Mr.  I.  seemed  to  have  heard  all  the 
arguments  against  but  none  for  it.  That  the  letter  had 
made  no  alteration  in  his  former  opinion.  He  seemed 
much  out  of  humour;  said  it  would  appear  an  act  of  levi 
ty  to  renew  the  discussion  of  a  thing  we  had  agreed  to; 
that  he  had  offered  at  our  former  conference  to  be  of  my 
opinion  rather  than  disagree ;  that  some  years  before  he 
left  America  a  discovery  had  been  made  that  molasses 
might  be  procured  from  Indian  corn  stalks,  which  struck 
Mr.  L.  as  a  strong  reason  against  the  articles  contended  ipr. 
Mr.  L.  answered  that  he  thought  there  was  a  manner  of 
proposing  their  doubts  about  these  articles,  without  any 
risk  of  being  accused  of  levity.  It  was  true  Dr.  F.  had 
offered  to  give  up  his  judgment  to  that  of  Mr.  L.;  but 
when  his  opinion  was  asked,  he  had  not  done  it,  and  Mr. 
L.  did  not  think  himself  warranted  to  compel  him  to  re 
sign  his  judgment,  by  threatening  a  dissention  if  he  did 
not;  he  therefore  acquiesced  in  what  he  could  no  longer 
oppose,  after  he  had  given  his  reasons  to  no  purpose. 
Young  Mr.  Franklin  was  then  copying  the  treaties  to 
be  sent  with  our  definitive  letter  of  the  27th,  to  Mr.  Gi- 
rard. 

30th.  Upon  considering  every  thing  for  and  against 
the  12th  article  more  maturely,  Mr.  L.  viewed  it  in  a 
still  more  disadvantageous  light.  He  therefore  wrote  to 
the  other  commissioners,  stating  all  the  objections  to  it, 
and  proposing  that  it  should  be  stipulated,  that  congress 
should  be  left  at  liberty  to  ratify  or  not  the  1 1th  and  12th 
articles,  without  affecting  the  ratification  of  the  rest  of 
the  treaty.  In  answer  to  this  he  received  a  card  from 
the  commissioners  next  day,  informing  him  that  they  did 
not  agree  with  him,  but  that  they  had  written  to  Mr. 


392  LIFE    OF 

Girard  to  desire  both  articles  might  be  omitted.  This 
they  could  not  but  have  been  satisfied  was  not  admissi 
ble  in  the  then  state  of  the  business,  though  the  propo 
sition  made  by  Mr.  L.  most  certainly  was.  The  effect 
of  it  would  have  been,  to  show  congress  that  the  court 
here  was  not  so  attached  to  the  articles,  that  the  not 
ratifying  them  would  give  any  uneasiness  or  create  any 
dispute,  of  which  however  it  seemed  the  other  commis 
sioners  were  not  desirous  of  informing  them. 

Feb.  2d.  The  commissioners  received  an  account  from 
Mr.  Ross,  at  Nantes,  that  Mr.  T.  Morris  was  at  the  point 
of  death,  and  if  that  happened  his  papers  would  be  seiz 
ed  by  the  officers  of  the  crown.  Mr.  Lee  went  with  his 
brother  to  Versailles,  to  get  an  order  for  the  delivery  of 
the  papers  which  concerned  the  public  business,  to  the 
other  commercial  agent.  Mr.  Girard  said  this  would  be 
done  with  all  possible  expedition,  if  the  commissioners 
would  present  a  small  memorial  for  it  to  the  minister. 
They  had  some  conversation  about  the  llth  and  12th  ar 
ticles.  Mr.  G.  mentioned,  that  the  ministers  were  of 
opinion  that  it  would  be  hazarding  their  credit  with  the 
king,  and  the  treaty  itself,  to  make  a  proposition  to  him 
for  omitting  them  after  a  representation  to  him  that  they 
were  admitted  and  settled ;  that  he  had  written  this  to 
the  commissioners  that  day,  and  asked  Mr.  L.  if  he  had 
not  seen  the  letter.  Mr.  L.  answered,  that  he  supposed 
it  had  not  been  received  before  he  came  away.  He  then 
asked  Mr.  G.  whether  congress  might  not  ratify  the  rest 
of  the  treaty,  and  reject  those  articles?  He  answered, 
without  any  doubt  they  might  do  so,  and  that  there  was 
no  sort  of  desire  in  the  court  here,  relative  to  the  omis 
sion  or  continuance  of  those  articles. 

3d.  Mr.  L.  drew  up  a  memoire,  desiring  an  order  for 
the  delivery  of  Mr.  Morris's  papers  to  Mr.  W.  Lee,  the 
other  commercial  agent,  which  the  other  commissioners 
signed.  On  the  4th  Mr.  W.  L.  waited  upon  Mr.  Gi 
rard  with  the  memoire,  and  he  promised  to  expedite  it 
with  all  possible  despatch. 

4th.  Mr.  Deane,  who  had  taken  the  correspondence 
upon  the  subject  to  himself,  received  a  letter  from  Mr. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  393 

Girard,  appointing  the  5th  for  meeting  to  conclude  the 
treaties.  When  Mr.  L.  met  the  commissioners,  a  letter 
was  shown  him  from  Mr.  G.,  putting  off  the  meeting  till 
next  day,  on  account  of  a  sudden  indisposition.  Mr.  L. 
mentioned  to  the  other  commissioners  that  the  Morocco 
ambassador  was  soon  to  leave  Paris,  and  that  it  would  be 
a  favourable  opportunity  to  treat  with  him,  by  the  me 
diation  of  this  court,  especially  as  there  was  an  interpre 
ter  with  him,  with  whom  he  had  conversed,  and  found 
he  understood  English  extremely  well.  His  colleagues 
seemed  to  approve  of  what  he  proposed,  but  postponed 
taking  any  measure  upon  it. 

6th.  Mr.  Girard  met  the  commissioners  in  the  evening. 
They  read  over  and  compared  the  treaties.  He  could 
not  agree  to  the  alteration  we  proposed  in  the  6th  arti 
cle  of  the  treaty  of  alliance,  as  it  was  meant  to  leave  the 
islands  in  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  open  to  the  conquest 
of  either  or  of  both;  in  the  last  case  on  terms  to  be  set 
tled  when  the  expedition  was  planned.  The  addition  to 
the  secret  and  separate  article  was  admitted.  Some  dif 
ficulty  arose  about  rendering  Mr.  Lee's  title  of  Counsel 
lor  at  Law  into  French  ;  at  last  it  was  agreed  that  Con- 
seilier  des  droit,  came  nearest  to  the  meaning  of  the  Eng- 
glish.  These  things  being  adjusted,  Mr.  Girard  was 
going  to  sign,  when  Mr.  Lee,  having  waited  till  the  last 
moment  for  Dr.  F.  to  propose  it,  observed  that  there  was 
a  previous  ceremony  necessary,  which  was  the  reading 
and  exchanging;  their  powers.  Upon  this  Mr.  Girard  de 
livered  to  them  his  powers,  which  were  for  each  treaty, 
and  the  commissioners  gave  him  their  commission,  which 
was  all  the  powers  they  had.  Mr.  Girard  then  sealed 
and  signed,  and  after  him  Dr.  Franklin.  They  then 
went  to  the  fireside  and  were  talking,  while  Mr.  Deane 
and  Mr.  Lee  were  sealing  and  signing.  Mr.  D.  enquired 
of  Mr.  L.  with  apparent  anxiety,  how  he  would  sign  to 
distinguish  his  two  characters.  Upon  which  Mr.  L.  ask 
ed  Mr.  Girard  whether  he  thought  it  would  be  necessa 
ry  for  him  to  sign  twice  as  plenipotentiary  for  France  and 
for  Spain,  who  said  he  thought  not,  but  that  the  charac 
ters  might  be  added  to  the  signature.  Mr.  D.  then  ask- 

VOL.  i.  50 


394  LIFE    OF 

ed  Mr.  L.  how  he  would  word  that?  to  which  Mr.  L. 
answered,  Commissioner  Plenipotentiary  for  France  and 
Spain;  upon  which  Mr.  D.  observed,  that  there  was  no 
occasion  to  make  this  addition  to  more  than  the  secret 
and  separate  article.     The  treaties  were  committed  to 
the  care  of  Dr.  Franklin.     Mr.  Girard,  after  some  mu 
tual   compliments   on  having  happily  concluded   so  im 
portant  a  business,  took  his  leave.     Before  the  treaties 
were  signed  Mr.  L.  asked  Mr.  Girard  whether  he  had 
understood  him  right  as  having  said  that  congress  was  at 
liberty  to  reject  the  llth  and  12th  articles,  without  af 
fecting  the  ratification  of  the  rest?  to  which  Mr.  G.  an 
swered,  with  an  appearance  of  ill-humour  which  made  Mr. 
L.  believe  there  had  been  some  private  insinuations  made 
to  him  since,  that  he  had  had  the  honour  of  telling  Mr. 
L.,  that  as  the  articles  were  mutual,  and  it  was  endea 
voured  to  make  them  all  so,  and  the  basis  of  the  treaty 
was  mutual  interest,  wherever  that  mutuality  was  thought 
not  to  take  place,  there  could  be  no  objection  to  omitting 
them.     And  he  believed  upon  a  representation  of  it  from 
congress,  there  would  be  no  difficulty  here  relative  to  the 
articles  in  question,  which  were  assented  to  from  an  opi 
nion  of  its  being  a  very  desirable  thing  in  America.    This 
was  certainly  changing  what  he  had  said  before ;  and  Mr. 
L.  did  not  ask  him  to  repeat  it  from  any  doubt  in  his  own 
mind,  but  that  his  colleagues  might  hear  it  as  well  as 
himself.     And  this  change  seemed  so  pat  to  the  purposes 
of  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  D.,  who  wished  to  have  the  whole  rati 
fied  by  congress,  that  Mr.  L.   could  not  help  suspecting 
that  Mr.  Girard  had  been  secretly  prepared  on  the  sub 
ject. 

13th.  Mr.  L.  received  a  note  from  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  D. 
that  they  proposed  to  send  away  the  despatches  on  the 
16th.  This  was  the  first  communication  from  them  on 
the  subject.  It  implied  that  it  was  to  be  the  only  one, 
and  that  neither  the  treaties  were  to  be  authenticated, 
nor  the  letter  considered,  nor  the  person  to  whom  they 
were  to  be  entrusted,  made  known  to  Mr.  Lee.  The 
next  day  Mr.  L.  went  to  Passy  at  the  usual  hour  of  meet 
ing,  to  see  whether,  being  on  the  spot,  any  consultation 


ARTHUR    LEE.  395 

would  be  had,  or  communication  made.  He  found  Dr.  F.; 
to  whom  he  communicated  a  conversation  between  Count 
Maurepas,  and  Mr.  Forth,  an  English  spy  and  corrupter, 
sent  in  the  character  of  the  king's  confidential  friend. 
Dr.  F.  in  return  entertained  him  with  some  very  agreea 
ble  philosophical  conversation,  and  they  parted  without 
one  word  on  the  despatches,  &c.  In  the  evening  Mr.  L. 
wrote  a  letter  to  his  colleagues,  to  know  whether  their 
note  really  meant  what  it  imported,  that  no  consultation 
was  to  be  had  upon  the  despatches.  To  this  they  re 
plied  next  day,  that  they  were  and  had  been  willing  to 
consult  with  Mr.  L.  on  any  thing  relative  to  sending 
away  the  despatches.  Mr.  L.  then  sent  his  secre 
tary  to  know  when  they  chose  to  meet,  and  when  the 
express  would  go.  Dr.  F.  answered  that  they  would 
meet  on  the  16th  at  10  o'clock,  and  that  he  was  surpris 
ed  at  Mr.  L.'s  asking  the  other  question,  as  he  had  been 
before  informed  the  express  would  go  on  the  16th.  Mr. 
L.  then  wrote  them  a  letter,  stating  their  conduct,  the 
unsatisfactoriness  of  their  notes,  and  that  the  sending 
away  the  despatches  without  a  consultation  would  be  so 
very  extraordinary,  that  he  must  believe  that  they  would 
be  the  subject  of  the  morrow's  consideration. 

16th.  Went  to  Passy  ;  the  commissioners  being  to 
gether,  Dr.  F.  read  them  a  draught  of  a  general  letter  to 
the  committee  to  which  Mr.  L.  proposed  four  additions. 
1st.  To  relate  the  answer  Mr.  Girard  made  to  him  at 
the  conference  relative  to  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  arti 
cles.  2nd.  To  desire  some  person  might  be  appointed 
to  execute  the  commercial  orders,  these  being  inconsist 
ent  with  their  political  character.  3d.  To  desire  the 
farther  orders  of  congress,  relative  to  borrowing  money. 
4th.  To  state  that  Mr.  Beaumarchais'  demand  of  pay 
ment  for  the  stores  sent,  did  not  appear  to  the  commis 
sioners  to  be  just.  To  the  first  it  was  answered,  that 
this  would  be  to  call  the  attention  of  congress  to  those 
articles  ;  that  it  was  uncertain  whether  the  court  here 
would  wish  TO  have  them  rejected  ;  and  for  these  reasons 
it  was  overruled.  Mr.  L.  repeated  Mr.  Girard's  words 
at  the  conference,  which  were  very  clear  as  to  the  indif- 


396  LIFE    OF 

ference  of  this  court  about  those  articles,  and  Dr.  F. 
agreed  that  it  was  the  practice  of  ratifying  powers,  to 
omit  such  articles  as  they  pleased,  and  ratify  the  rest. 
On  the  second,  it  was  said  they  were  of  the  same  opin 
ion,  and  had  therefore  proposed  to  appoint  Mr.  Chaumont 
contractor  general.    Mr.  L.  said  he  doubted  they  were  not 
authorized  to  make  any  such-appointment,  which  must 
be  left  to  congress.     In  support  of  the  third,  Mr.  L.  ob 
served  that  the  situation  of  affairs  was  totally  changed 
since  the  passing  the  order  for  borrowing  money,  whjch 
was  in  the  time  of  their  greatest  distress,  Dec.  1770; 
the  enemy  overrunning    their  country,   their  bills  and 
credit  falling,  no  friends  in  Europe,  no  commerce  to  fur 
nish  them  with  what  was  necessary,  and  all  sorts  of  sup 
plies  wanting  ;  but  now  their  notes  and  credit  were  rising 
fast,  the  enemy  was  kept  in  check,  funds  were  supplied 
us  for  answering  all  their  demands  for  supplies,  and  the 
payment  of  interest  for  what  they  had  borrowed ;  great 
supplies  had  been  sent  and  were  sending,  both  by  them 
and  individuals.     Mr.   L.  stated  that  the  estimate  given 
in  to  the  ministry  by  the  commissioners,  of  the  sum  ne 
cessary  to  pay  for  the  supplies  already  contracted  for, 
and  those  which  must  be  purchased,  amounted  to  four 
millions  of  livres.     That  in  this  estimate  every  thing  was 
of  course  highly  rated.    But  there  must  be  deducted  from 
it  a  million  for  the  eight  ships  of  war,  which  it  was  cer 
tainly  impracticable  to  purchase  and  man,  and  600,000 
for  the  ships  in  Holland,  as  they  were  to  be  repaid  what 
ever  they  disbursed.     This  would  leave  the  sum  neces 
sary  at  2,400,000.     In  their  last  despatches  they  were 
informed  that  the  sum  on  which  they  were  to  pay  inter 
est,  and  which  would  be  drawn  for  in  a  twelvemonth, 
was  five  millions  of  dollars,  25,000,000  livres,  which  at  six 
per  cent,  would  be  1,500,000  livres.     To  answer  these 
demands  they  had  three  millions  at  quarterly  payments 
from  this  court,  with  a  general  promise  that  the  interest 
of  the  loan  in  America  would  be  supplied  also  by  this 
court.      Three   millions   had   also  been  promised  them 
from  Spain.     From  these  considerations  Mr.  L.  said  it 
appeared  to  him  that  there  was  no  necessity,  nor  even 


ARTHUR    LEE.  397 

any  reason  for  borrowing  money  here.  He  besides 
thought  it  a  very  unwise  measure  for  a  young  state,  since 
money  obtained  so  easily  was  generally  expended  lav 
ishly,  and  involved  them  in  continual  difficulties.  Mr. 
Deane  supported  the  necessity  of  borrowing.  He  said 
the  war  could  not  be  carried  on  without  it,  we  must 
have  large  quantities  of  naval  stores  to  fit  out  a  fleet,  we 
might  as  well  borrow  money  here  as  in  America.  He 
was  answered  that  we  were  certainly  much  better  pro 
vided  for  carrying  on  the  war  now  than  we  were  last 
year,  and  it  was  doubted  whether  the  enemy  would  be 
able  to  continue  it  at  all.  That  it  would  be  much  better 
for  them  to  exchange  their  produce  for  the  stores  they 
wanted,  than  to  borrow  money  to  purchase  them.  Ships 
with  adventurers  were  flocking  fast  to  America,  and 
under  the  patronage  of  the  late  treaty  there  was  no 
doubt  of  America  being  soon  supplied  with  whatever 
she  wanted  in  the  due  and  ordinary  course  of  commerce. 
Mr.  D.  observed  on  this,  that  there  was  no  produce  in 
America  to  make  the  exchange.  Tobacco  and  rice  were 
the  only  articles  of  any  consequence.  This  was  an 
assertion  to  which  Mr.  L.  did  not  -think  it  worth  while 
to  make  any  reply.  Dr.  Franklin  then  said  that  they 
must  have  all  the  accounts  and  papers  to  form  a  proper 
judgment,  that  the  ministry  were  pressing  for  the  de 
spatches,  which  could  not  be  delayed  a  day  longer,  and 
therefore  they  must  postpone  this  consideration  till  an 
other  time,  when  they  could  have  all  the  papers.  He 
was  of  opinion  we  might  rely  on  the  promise  of  the  court. 
With  regard  to  Mr.  Beaumarchais,  Mr.  Deane  said  there 
was  some  mixture  of  private  merchandize  with  the  pub 
lic  supplies,  and  therefore  proposed  that  we  should  write 
to  have  it  left  to  us  to  settle  his  account,  to  which  Dr. 
F.  agreed  ;  and  Mr.  Lee,  though  he  suspected  the  mo 
tive  of  it,  perceived  it  would  be  in  vain  to  oppose  it. 

21st.  Mr.  Lee  had  a  conference  with  Count  d'Aranda, 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  concerning  the  three  millions  of 
livres,  which  this  court  gave  the  commissioners  to  under 
stand,  first,  were  to  be  remitted  through  the  Havannah, 
which  they  communicated  to  congress,  and  then  that  it 


398  LIFE    OF 

was  to  be  paid  here,  which  had  not  been  done.  His  ex 
cellency  replied  that  in  consequence  of  orders  from  his 
court,  he  had  promised  that  sum,  but  how  it  was  to  be 
remitted  he  knew  not,  nor  had  he  received  any  farther 
information  on  the  subject.  Mr.  L.  told  him  that  they 
were  left  in  a  very  uncertain  and  awkward  situation,  and 
begged  he  would  write  to  his  court,  which  he  promised 
to  do. 

22d.  Mr.  L.  having  often  urged  an  application  to  the 
court  to  assist  them  in  forming  a  treaty  with  the  em 
peror  of  Morocco,  while  his  ambassador  was  at  Paris, 
it  was  at  last  agreed,  after  much  difficulty,  that  Mr.  L. 
should  go  next  day  to  Versailles,  and  ask  Mr.  Girard's 
advice  upon  it.  Next  day  he  went  accordingly.  Mr. 
Girard  said  the  Morocco  ambassador  was  to  quit  Paris 
that  very  evening,  and  therefore  nothing  could  be  done. 
He  then  entered  into  conversation  about  the  designs  of 
England  and  France.  All  her  enmity  was  now  excited 
against  France.  Endeavours  were  to  be  used  to  make 
America  join  England,  and  they  boasted  of  having  sent 
over  half  a  million  of  guineas,  to  secure  the  point  in 
America.  That  the  strictest  secrecy  on  what  had  pass 
ed  relative  to  the  treaty  should  be  observed  till  congress 
had  ratified  it.  He  said  it  was  a  common  cause  now,  and 
France  had  endeavoured  to  govern  her  conduct  towards 
us  on  the  most  generous  and  equal  rules  ;  without  ex 
acting  any  thing  from  our  necessities.  That  Le  Morte 
Piquet  had  strict  orders  not  to  give  way  one  inch  to  the 
English,  nor  suffer  any  of  his  convoy  to  be  touched ;  and 
if  upon  that  ground  the  English  chose  to  commence  hos 
tilities,  France  was  determined.  Dr.  F.  had  apprized 
Mr.  L.  that  morning,  of  a  correspondence  he  had  the  day 
before  with  Mr.  G.  about  advices  the  court  had  received 
from  London  of  a  treaty  that  was  entering  into  in  Ame 
rica  with  England ;  but  Mr.  G.  mentioned  nothing  of 
what  had  passed. 

March  3d.  Mr.  L.  wrote  to  the  other  commissioners 
to  know  when  they  would  take  what  he  proposed  into 
consideration.  The  moment  for  pressing  it  with  most  ef 
fect  was  gone ;  but  Mr.  L.  still  thought  it  their  duty,  and  for 


ARTHUR    LEE.  399 

the  public  good,  to  endeavour  to  obtain  an  avowal  of  their 
connexion  with  France.  The  king  of  Prussia  had  ex 
pressly  declared,  that  he  waited  for  and  would  follow  the 
example  of  France.  Many  other  powers  were  probably 
in  the  same  situation.  An  acknowledgment  would  open 
and  facilitate  commerce,  and  would  be  both  honourable 
and  useful  to  the  United  States.  His  colleagues  fixed 
upon  next  day,  at  11  o'clock;  the  same  hour  that  was 
appointed  for  Mr.  W.  L.  to  deliver  to  Dr.  F.  the  trunk 
containing  the  late  Mr.  Morris'  papers,  sealed  and  uno 
pened  as  he  brought  it.  This  was  done  according  to  the 
proposal  of  Dr.  F.,  who  refused  to  examine  and  sepa 
rate  the  public  from  the  private  papers,  as  he  had  pro 
mised. 

4th.  The  commissioners  entered  into  a  consideration 
of  what  Mr.  L.  had  proposed,  relative  to  their  desiring  of 
the  court  to  be  acknowledged.  It  was  observed  by  Dr. 
F.,  that  making  the  treaty  public  would  draw  on  the 
acknowledgment  as  a  necessary  consequence  ;  and  for 
this  purpose  he  proposed  to  desire  a  conference  with  Mr. 
Girard,  which  was  agreed  to,  and  done  immediately  by 
letter. 

5th.  Mr.  Girard  met  us  at  Passy  in  the  evening.     He 
complained  to  Mr.  L.  of  having  cited  him  to  the  Spanish 
ambassador,  as  having  told  the  commissioners  that  the 
Spanish  court  had  agreed  to  contribute  three  millions  li- 
vres,  and  remit  them  through  Havannah.     This  he  said 
might  occasion  some  misunderstanding  between  the  two 
courts;  and  that  all  he  had  said  was,  that  they  expected 
it  would  be  so,  and  that  the  Havannah  was  a  convenient 
place;  but  that  the  Spanish  ambassador  would  give  us 
information  of  what  his  court  resolved  on.     Mr.  L.  an 
swered,  that  he  had  asserted  nothing  from  himself.     He 
had  only  stated  to  Count  d'Aranda,  that  the  commission 
ers  having  understood  from  Mr.  Girard  that  such  a  sum 
was  to  be  supplied  through  the  Havannah.  had  given  in 
formation  to  congress.     That  since,  they  had  been  told 
it  was  to  be  paid  in  quarterly  payments  here.     Of  this 
he  had  also  given  information  to  congress.     But  nothing 
had  been  received  here.     This  was  an  embarrassment 


400  LIFE   OF 

from  which  he  begged  the  Spanish  ambassador  to  relieve 
him.  Mr.  G.  begged  that  Mr.  L.  would  explain  to  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  that  it  was  not  an  official  informa 
tion  on  his  part,  but  only  what  appeared  to  him  probable 
and  convenient.  As  no  such  distinction  was  made,  when 
the  intelligence  was  given  on  which  the  commissioners 
thought  themselves  warranted  to  write  to  congress,  Mr. 
Lee  could  not  undertake  to  make  it  now.  During  this 
conversation,  Mr.  Deane,  who  had  reported  to  the  other 
commissioners,  as  coming  from  Mr.  Girard,  that  the 
money  was  to  be  paid  quarterly  in  Paris,  from  which 
second  information  the  embarrassment  arose,  and  the  ap 
plication  to  the  ambassador,  would  not  confess  that  he 
was  the  author  of  it  to  Mr.  L.,  but  endeavoured  to  throw 
an  imputation  on  him,  by  saying  that  the  commissioners 
had  mentioned  it  but  slightly  in  their  letter.  Yet  the 
words  of  the  letter,  drawn  up  by  Dr.  F.  and  signed  by 
Mr.  Deane,  were  "we  are  told  that  Spain  will  furnish  as 
much,  but  that  for  their  convenience  it  will  be  remitted 
in  specie  through  the  Havannah."  Dr.  F.  then  stated  to 
Mr.  Girard,  that  the  commissioners  considering  all  cir 
cumstances,  were  of  opinion  that  the  immediate  publica 
tion  of  the  treaty  would  be  of  great  advantage,  both  in 
preventing  the  acceptance  of  the  propositions  from  Eng 
land,  and  in  attaching  America  decidedly  to  France.  Both 
Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  D.  pressed  the  advantages  it  would  give,  in 
preventing  Holland  from  contributing  to  the  English  loan, 
and  promoting  that  of  America;  in  preventing  the  bad 
consequences  of  want  of  intelligence  in  America,  if  their 
despatches  should  fail,  or  be  delayed;  and  that  the  effect 
of  it  might  possibly  be,  that  the  English  would  find  them 
selves  obliged  to  accede  to  the  independency,  from  their 
inability  to  sustain  a  war  against  the  united  powers  of  the 
house  of  Bourbon  and  the  states  of  America;  and  the 
war  would  be  ended  at  once.  But  they  seemed  to  doubt 
whether  the  immediate  termination  of  the  war  was  a 
thing  to  be  desired,  or  whether  it  would  not  be  better  to 
continue  it,  till  the  enemy  were  driven  entirely  out  of 
America.  Mr.  Girard  said  that  the  publication  of  the 
treaties  was  now  under  deliberation  among  his  majesty's 


ARTHUR    LEE.  401 

servants ;  that  the  great  objection  was,  the  uncertainty  of 
its  being  ratified  by  congress.  For  if  they  should  pub 
lish  it  in  Europe,  and  it  should  be  rejected  in  America, 
it  would  subject  France  to  infinite  disgrace,  and  probably 
occasion  a  mortal  enmity  between  the  two  people.  This 
was  therefore  a  consequence  which  they  had  great  re 
luctance  in  risking.  He  was  clear  the  United  States 
would  never  be  at  peace,  till  the  English  were  entirely 
expelled  from  America.  Mr.  L.  begged  him  to  observe, 
that  as  it  was  the  wish  of  the  English  to  prevent  a  con 
nexion  with  France,  so  it  was  their  policy  for  that  pur 
pose  to  affect  ignorance  of  a  treaty  having  been  conclud 
ed,  because  they  knew  the  hard  things  which  had  been 
done  towards  American  vessels  in  France,  would  have  a 
strong  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  people  in  America,  un 
less  counteracted  by  some  proofs  as  public,  of  the  amity 
and  sincerity  of  France.  For  these  reasons,  as  it  was 
the  best  policy  of  England  to  conceal  the  treaty,  it  would 
seem  the  wisest  measure  of  France  to  make  it  public. 
The  concealment  most  clearly  left  the  field  open  to  all 
the  practices  of  the  English  to  excite  prejudices  against 
France,  and  to  seduce  America  by  that  means  into  an 
accommodation  or  an  alliance  with  them.  Nothing  was 
calculated  to  counteract  this  but  their  private  despatches, 
which  by  a  thousand  accidents  might  be  delayed  or  fail. 
The  risk  of  this  seemed  much  greater  than  that  of  its  be 
ing  rejected  by  congress  after  the  publication  of  it  here. 
The  king  of  Prussia  had  pledged  himself  to  follow  the 
example  of  France  immediately,  and  probably  many  oth 
er  powers  were  of  the  same  resolution.  The  commis 
sioners  all  agreed,  that  there  was  not  the  least  reason  to 
apprehend  congress  would  reject  the  treaty,  unless  the 
want  of  intelligence  should  have  laid  them  under  other 
engagements.  Mr.  Girard  professed  himself  much  satis 
fied  with  this  assurance,*  and  promised  to  report  the  rea 
sons  and  desire  of  the  commissioners,  which  he  did  not 

*  When  Mr.  Lee  gave  his  opinion,  that  there  could  not  be  a  doubt  of  the  treaty's 
being  ratified  by  congress,  it  seemed  to  surprise  Mr.  Girard,  and  he  said  with  em 
phasis,  "do  you  think  so,  sir?"  His  manner  struck  me  with  some  surprise,  but  I 
now  suppose  it  arose  from  the  very  friendly  suspicions  my  colleagues  had  been  en 
deavouring  to  infuse. 

VOL.    I.  51 


402  LIFE    OF 

doubt  would  have  great  weight  with  the  council.  When 
he  was  gone,  Dr.  F.  read  a  letter,  which  he  had  just  re 
ceived  from  Mr.  Izard,  desiring  a  copy  of  the  treaty,  if 
any  one  had  been  proposed  or  signed,  and  a  conference 
upon  what  alterations  would  be  proper  for  his  depart 
ment.  Dr.  F.  said  he  thought  it  would  be  best  to  have 
copies  made  out  for  both  the  commissioners,  and  that  he 
supposed  Mr.  Izard  could  wait  a  few  days,  till  we  knew 
the  issue  of  our  application.  Mr.  D.  said  he  did  not 
think  it  was  proper  to  let  Mr.  I.  into  the  secret  which 
was  entrusted  to  them.  Mr.  L.  answered,  that  copying 
the  signatures  and  sealing,  was  by  no  means  necessary, 
and  without  them  they  would  appear  as  plans  only,  which 
would  answer  the  purpose  without  committing  them.  He 
proposed  that  they  should  answer  the  letter  immediately, 
to  satisfy  Mr.  I,  of  their  attention,  and  that  they  would 
comply  with  his  desire  as  far  as  was  in  their  power.  To 
this  the  other  commissioners  made  no  answer;  and  appre 
hending  by  that  the  urging  it  would  occasion  some  dis 
pute,  and  perhaps  prevent  the  essential  thing  from  being 
done,  Mr.  L.  did  not  press  it.  Next  day  he  sent  word 
by  his  brother  to  Mr.  Izard,  that  he  believed  his  letter 
would  be  complied  with. 

8th.  Mr.  Lee  met  with  Col.  Mercer,  of  Virginia,  at 
Mr.  Izard's,  who  declared  he  had  heard  Mr.  Bosville, 
who  served  with  the  guards  in  America,  assert  it  as  a 
fact,  that  the  Scotch  soldiers  took  an  oath  under  their 
colours,  never  to  spare  or  give  quarter  to  an  American, 
and  that  they  had  in  consequence  of  this  hung  up  a 
great  many  prisoners  to  trees  in  their  own  belts.  A  Mr. 
Pringle,  who  was  present,  said  his  brother  had  seen  a 
letter  from  Sir  William  Erskine,  in  which  he  acknowl 
edged  that  what  he  called  the  British  soldiery  had  com 
mitted  what  were  charged  upon  them  as  cruelties,  but 
he  considered  them  as  the  excesses  of  a  laudable  ardour, 
which  ought  not  to  be  restrained. 

17th.  The  commissioners  received  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Girard  informing  them  that  they  were  to  be  presented 
to  the  king  on  the  20th,  and  were  invited  to  dine  with 
Count  Vergennes. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  403 

20th.  The  commissioners  met  at  Count  Vergennes', 
where  all  the  Americans  assembled,  and  a  dinner  was 
provided  for  them  at  the  expense  of  the  commissioners 
at  an  hotel.  Mr.  Izard  and  Mr.  W.  Lee  were  introduc 
ed  to  Count  Vergennes,  as  commissioners  of  congress  for 
their  respective  courts,  and  were  invited  to  dine  with 
him.  After  the  commissioners  had  conversed  a  little  in 
private  with  the  minister,  in  which  Count  Vergennes  did 
not  appear  desirous  of  giving  any  opinion  to  which  court 
it  was  the  wish  of  France  that  Mr.  commissioner  W. 
Lee  should  make  his  application  in  preference  ;  they 
were  led  to  the  anti-chamber  of  the  king,  the  Americans 
all  following  them,  and  after  a  few  minutes  they  with  all 
the  crowd  were  admitted  into  the  king's  dressing  room, 
where  he  had  a  sort  of  levee,  and  where  they  with  the 
two  other  commissioners  were  presented  by  Count  Ver 
gennes  to  the  king,  who  said  "  Je  serai,  bicn  aide  que  le  con- 
gres  soil  assure  de  mon  amitie,"  and  then  went  out.  He 
had  his  hair  undressed,  hanging  down  on  his  shoulders, 
no  appearance  of  preparation  to  receive  us,  nor  any  cer 
emony  in  doing  it.  The  king  appeared  to  speak  with 
manly  sincerity.  After  this  they  were  presented  to 
Count  Maurepas,  Mons.  de  Sartine,  Ministre  de  la  Ma 
rine,  le  Prince  de  Montbarey,  Ministre  de  guerre,  Mons. 
Bertin,  and  Mons.  Amelot,  two  ministers  for  home  af 
fairs.  The  chancellor  was  not  in  town,  and  two  of  the 
ministers  not  within.  I  mention  this  to  show  how  little 
there  was  of  ceremony  in  the  business,  or  of  previous  pre 
paration.  The  commissioners,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Gi- 
rard,  walked  through  the  streets  to  their  different  dwell 
ings.  Between  two  and  three  we  dined  at  Count  Ver- 
gennes',  where  there  was  a  grand  company  of  nobility. 

22d.  The  commissioners  went  again  to  Versailles  to 
be  presented  to  the  queen.  It  was  with  great  difficulty 
they  could  pass  through  an  unordered  crowd,  all  pressing 
to  get  into  the  room  where  the  queen  was,  it  being  levee 
day.  When  they  got  in,  they  stood  a  moment  in  view 
of  the  queen,  and  then  crowded  out  again.  They  were 
neither  presented  nor  spoken  to,  and  every  thing  seemed 
in  confusion.  They  went  next  to  Mons.  and  Madame 


404  LIFE    OF 

the  king's  eldest  brother,  and  his  wife  ;  then  to  Madame 
the  king's  maiden  sister.  The  youngest  brother,  Count 
d'Artois,  was  at  this  time  under  a  temporary  banishment 
from  court,  for  having  fought  a  duel  with  Duke  Bour 
bon,  a  prince  of  the  blood.  They  then  visited  the  chan 
cellor,  whose  office  is  for  life,  and  he  is  obliged  always 
to  wear  the  robe  of  it.  After  this  they  dined  with  the 
Americans  in  their  suite,  at  Mons.  Girard's. 


(c)  Continuation  of  Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  Ar 
thur  Lee,  kept  by  him  while  he  was  a  commissioner 
of  the  United  States,  at  the  court  of  France. 

27th  Nov.  1778.  Mr  Lee  got  to  Versailles  some  time 
before  his  colleagues,  and  conversing  with  Count  Ver- 
gennes  upon  the  proceedings  in  Holland,  the  Count  made 
this  observation,  "  The  Hollanders  must  be  much  embar 
rassed,  for  they  have  no  treaty  with  us,  securing  to  them 
the  privileges  of  commerce  ;  they  are  therefore  of  grace, 
and  we  may  alter  them  at  our  pleasure,  so  that  if  they 
comply  with  the  desire  of  the  court  of  London,  and  alter 
their  treaty  with  England,  we  will  immediately  with 
draw  from  them  those  privileges  which  they  have  neg 
lected  to  secure  by  treaty."  This  shows  how  necessary 
it  is  for  commercial  nations  to  have  treaties  of  commerce 
with  those  kingdoms  with  which  it  is  their  interest  to 
trade,  and  how  unwise  it  is  to  leave  their  commerce  thus 
at  the  mercy  of  political  events. 

Dec.  4ih.  In  a  conference  of  the  commissioners  on  the 
subject  of  a  memorial  to  Count  Vergennes,  drawn  up  by 
Dr.  Franklin,  to  obtain  funds  to  enable  them  to  pay 
the  interest  of  the  loan,  Mr.  Adams  observed,  "  that  he 
thought  we  ought  to  state  the  interest  France  had  in  sup 
porting  us,  how  little  the  expense  was  in  proportion  to 
that  interest,  and  not  make  it  a  matter  of  mere  grace."  It 
was  his  opinion,  he  said,  "  that  this  court  did  not  treat 
us  with  any  confidence,  nor  give  us  any  effectual  assist 
ance."  Dr.  Franklin  took  it  up  with  some  warmth,  and 
said  "  he  did  not  see  how  they  were  defective ;  they  had 


ARTHUR    LEE.  405 

sent  a  fleet  and  given  us  money."  Mr.  Adams  replied, 
"  that  the  monied  assistance  was  pitiful,  and  the  fleet  had 
done  us  110  service."  Dr.  Franklin  answered,  "that  was 
not  their  fault,  as  they  took  the  wisest  method  of  making 
it  useful."  Upon  this  Mr.  Lee  observed,  "  that  he  did 
not  know  by  whose  advice  the  wise  method  was  taken, 
of  sending  a  fleet  from  Toulon,  to  be  six  weeks  before  it 
could  get  to  sea,  in  order  to  surprise  Lord  Howe  in 
America.  But  it  seemed  very  obvious  that  if  the  fleet 
had  been  sent  from  Brest,  it  would  have  been  in  Ame 
rica,  in  all  probability,  before  the  other  wras  out  of  the 
straits."  The  Dr.  answered,  "  that  the  sending  it  from 
Toulon  concealed  the  design  from  the  enemy  ;  otherwise 
Byron's  fleet  would  have  been  out  immediately  to  stop 
it."  Mr.  Lee  replied,  "  that  it  was  most  notorious  that 
the  court  of  England  had  a  daily  account  from  Toulon 
of  the  preparation  and  destination  of  that  fleet,  and  that 
what  really  prevented  them  from  ordering  a  force  against 
it  was  their  not  being  then  prepared  ;  that  if  any  doubt 
ever  existed  concerning  its  actual  destination,  it  was 
whether  the  islands  or  the  continent  were  the  object,  and 
that  this  doubt  must  have  been  the  same  from  Brest  as 
from  Toulon.  The  passage  of  the  straits  was  known  to 
be  generally  from  four  to  six  weeks  ;  this  gave  them 
time  to  fit  out  Byron's  fleet,  and  to  warn  Lord  Howe, 
and  it  was  most  obvious  that  this  could  not  but  be  the 
consequence  of  advising  the  fleet  to  be  sent  from  Tou 
lon,  which  was  not  only  frustrating  the  enterprise,  but 
leading  our  allies  into  a  dangerous  situation.  Mr.  Lee 
then  proposed  to  add  to  the  memorial  these  words,  "We 
flatter  ourselves  that  the  great  and  manifest  injuries, 
which  will  follow  to  Great  Britain,  and  the  advantages 
which  must  be  derived  to  France,  from  the  establish 
ment  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States,  will 
make  it  appear  that  the  assisting  of  them,  with  these 
essentially  necessary  means  of  effecting  it,  will  be  a 
measure  of  the  soundest  wisdom  and  policy,  on  the  part 
of  his  most  Christian  majesty." 

But  the  Dr.  opposing  it  strongly,  and  desiring  it  might 
be  postponed  till  we  saw  the  effect  of  begging  it  as  a  fa- 


406  LIFE    OF 

vour,  it  was  not  insisted  on.  Dr.  Franklin  desired  to 
know  whether  Spain  had  made  any  farther  remittances, 
as  Mr.  Lee  objected  to  putting  in  the  memorial,  "  that 
she  gave  us  no  assistance."  Mr.  Lee  answered,  "  that 
there  was  reason  to  believe  some  had  been  made  through 
the  Havannah,  but  no  certainty ;  and  that  a  similar  sum 
to  the  former  had  been  remitted  to  him." 

Dec.  20th.  Mr.  Lee  dined  with  Count  Vergennes,  who 
desired  Mr.  L.  to  procure  for  him  the  pamphlet  entitled 
"  Anticipation,"  which  he  said  the  king  desired  much  to 
read. 

A  lady  of  the  court,  upon  the  Duke  de  Chartres  tell 
ing  her  that  the  Count  d'Artois  and  he  had  marked  the 
ladies  down  as  they  came  to  pay  their  court,  under  the 
titles  "  Belles  douces  et  off reuses^  answered,4'  J\fon.  le  Due, 
vos  entendez  mieux  des  signialements,  que  des  signaiix"  the 
severity  of  which  arose  from  the  duke  having  been  charg 
ed  with  not  obeying  Count  d'Orvilliers'  signals  in  the 
action  off  Ushant. 

Jan.  oth,  1779.  We  visited  the  Marquis  d'Ossun,  who 
was  now  a  minister,  and  lately  ambassador  at  Madrid, 
and  much  in  favour  with  the  king  of  Spain.  He  told 
Mr.  Lee  that  he  believed  Spain  had  been  prevented  from 
declaring  by  the  hope  of  making  peace,  but  that  this  win 
ter  would  decide  that  court,  and  that  he  had  no  doubt,  as 
we  wished;  that  the  Count  Florida  Blanca  and  Mons.  de 
Galvis,  Ministre  pour  les  Indes,  were  able  men,  and  the 
former  would  act  either  with  perfect  candour  or  cunning, 
as  he  was  acted  with.  He  promised  Mr.  Lee  every  in 
struction  in  his  power,  for  his  government  at  the  Spa 
nish  court. 

22d.  Advices  from  Holland  and  England  were  filled 
with  the  eagerness  of  monied  men  to  purchase  in  the 
stocks  for  the  rencontre  in  May,  upon  the  supposition  that 
matters  would  be  accommodated.  Great  discontent  in 
France  at  their  losses,  charging  them  to  the  alliance  with 
America.  A  person  of  rank  told  me  at  the  Dutchess 
d'Anville's,  where  we  dined,  that  he  had  reason  to  believe 
that  Mons.  Girard  would  not  stay  long  in  America.  He 


ARTHUR    LEE.  407 

said  the  Duke  de  Grimaldi  had  lost  all  his  influence, 
which  made  things  go  on  so  slow  in  Spain. 

24th.  A  gentleman  of  rank  called  upon  me,  and  told 
me  that  Mons.  Girard  was  no  longer  minister  in  America; 
that  Chevalier  de  Luzerne,  formerly  minister  plenipoten 
tiary  at  the  court  of  Bavaria,  was  appointed  to  succeed 
him.  He  represented  him  as  a  man  of  abilities,  and  of 
good  principles.  He  desired  me  to  keep  the  information 
secret,  as  it  was  not  yet  known  at  Passy. 

26th.  Had  a  long  conversation  with  the  minister  from 
Florence.  He  thought  our  connexion  with  France  had 
ruined  our  cause,  and  that  we  should  be  obliged  to  make 
terms  with  England.  I  was  of  a  different  opinion. 

He  advised  the  representing  the  condition  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  as  desperate,  unless  France  would  exert  herself, 
especially  in  furnishing  money.  He  said  England  kept 
Vienna  in  awe,  by  threatening  to  give  the  king  of  Prus 
sia  a  subsidy,  if  the  court  of  Vienna  declared  in  our  fa 
vour. 

31st.  Dined  at  Count  Sarsefeild's,  with  M.  de  la  Lu 
zerne,  the  minister  nominated  for  congress;  M.  Marbois, 
secretary  of  the  embassy;  Mons.  de  Heredia,  secretary  of 
the  Spanish  embassy  here  ;  Mons.  Descaranno,  secretary 
to  that  at  London,  on  his  way  to  Rome ;  Mr.  Izard ;  Com. 
Gillon,  and  Capt.  Joiner. 

Told  Mons.  de  la  Luzerne  that  the  sine  qua  non  in 
America  was  a  large  subsidy  in  money  to  support  our 
funds,  without  which  the  war  could  not  be  maintained; 
that  he  could  not  do  a  better  thing  for  himself  and  the 
public,  than  be  the  bearer  of  such  a  subsidy.  Discours 
ing  with  Mons.  Marbois,  who  had  been  much  in  Germany, 
he  told  me  that  Great  Britain  was  considered  the  natu 
ral  ally  of  Austria,  and  therefore  the  king  of  Prussia,  it 
might  be  depended  on,  whatever  might  be  his  temporary 
engagements,  would  see  with  pleasure  her  power  dimi 
nished  by  the  independency  of  America. 

Feb.  3d.  Mr.  Edward  Jenings  told  me  that  Count 
Almedovar  was  exerting  himself  in  London,  to  obtain  an 
acknowledgment  of  our  independence. 

April  4th.  Count  Sarsefeild  called  on  me,  and  told  me 


408  LIFE  OF 

he  had  desired  Mons.  Descaranno  to  suggest  to  his  court, 
the  necessity  of  supporting  us  immediately  with  twenty 
millions.  He  told  me,  as  did  Mr.  Jenings  soon  after, 
that  it  was  said  the  court  here  was  going  to  send  a  fleet 
of  twenty  sail  to  America.  I  observed,  that  it  was  talk 
ing  of  what  they  were  to  do  so  long  beforehand,  that 
frustrated  all  their  plans,  and  that  they  would  never  suc 
ceed  until  they  talked  less  and  did  more;  that  such  a  fleet 
ought  now  to  be  in  America. 

12th.  The  minister  from  Florence  informed  me  that 
the  treaty  was  not  signed  in  Germany,  but  was  sure.  It 
was  his  opinion,  that  I  could  not  penetrate  into  the  designs 
of  Spain  better  at  Rome  or  Naples  than  here  ;  that  how 
ever,  neither  the  French  ambassador  at  Madrid,  nor  the 
court  here,  were  in  the  secret ;  that  a  courier  had  just 
passed  to  London  from  Madrid,  and  one  had  arrived 
here,  but  what  were  their  despatches  was  not  known. 

Soon  after  the  Count  Sarsefeild  called  on  me  to  inform 
me  that  he  had  it  from  good  authority  that  Spain  would 
soon  declare  ;  and  advised  me  to  draw  up  a  short  state 
ment  in  refutation  of  Mr.  Deane's  charges  against  me, 
that  I  might  give  it  to  Count  d'Ossun,  which  would  be 
of  much  weight  with  him. 

16th.  Visited  Mons.  Turgot,  late  minister,  and  famous 
for  his  abilities  in  finance.  He  was  determining  the 
freezing  point  of  ice,  to  make  a  thermometer.  He  pre 
ferred  Reaumur's  to  Fahrenheit's  scale,  and  wondered 
that  the  English  used  the  latter. 

I  told  him  that  finances  were  what  required  most  of 
our  attention  now ;  that  we  wanted  a  system  of  finance. 
He  did  not  know  what  a  system  of  finance  was  ;  that  he 
had  told  me  his  opinion  was  that  taxes  should  be  laid  on 
proprietors  of  land  only,  and  that  manufactures,  con 
sumption,  and  commerce  ought  to  be  free  ;  that  this  was 
the  only  natural  and  wise  way  of  imposing  taxes.  I  re 
plied  that  there  was  an  apparent  inequality  in  this  me 
thod,  which  rendered  it  odious,  though  in  truth  the  con 
sumer  must  repay  it  at  last  to  the  proprietor.  He  said 
it  was  a  mistake,  that  the  consumer  paid  the  tax,  but 
why,  he  did  not  explain. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  409 

He  was  of  opinion  that  all  our  constitutions  of  govern 
ment  were  bad,  because  they  were  planned  on  that  of 
England,  which  was  calculated  to  guard  against  tyranny, 
of  which  we  had  nothing  to  fear;  that  the  different  mem 
bers  of  the  legislature  were  anti-democratic  distinctions; 
that  democracy  required  simplicity,  and  one  single  corps, 
in  which  government  should  reside. 

Supped  in  the  evening  with  Prince  Pigneatelle  and  the 
Baron,  who  defended  the  Dardanelles  against  the  Rus 
sian  fleet.  He  said  he  could  bring  but  one  gun  at  a  time 
to  bear  upon  the  Russian  ships,  which  were  commanded 
by  Admiral  Elphingston,  that  upon  firing  some  red  hot 
balls  they  retired  and  would  never  make  the  attack 
again,  though  the  walls  were  so  thin  and  ill-constructed 
that  nothing  could  have  been  more  easy  than  to  have 
battered  them  down.  He  said  that  both  the  Turks  and 
Russians  were  contemptible  beyond  expression,  that 
eighteen  sail  of  the  Turkish  fleet  got  into  a  little  bay 
to  avoid  eleven  sail  of  Russian  ships  where  they  were 
burnt  by  two  fire  ships,  sent  in  by  the  advice  of  some 
English  volunteers  on  board  the  Russian  fleet ;  that  the 
Russian  fleet  in  its  turn  cut  their  cables  and  made  off 
from  the  siege  of  Lemnos,  upon  the  landing  of  three 
thousand  Turks,  without  a  single  piece  of  cannon.  He 
said  that  the  vizier  having  ordered  six  thousand  troops  to 
cross  over  in  boats  to  relieve  an  island  besieged  by  the 
Russians;  he  stated  that  a  Russian  ship  would  sink  them 
all  without  any  difficulty,  to  which  the  vizier  replied, 
"  no  matter,  it  would  be  so  many  rascals  lost." 

23d.  Returned  Mons.  de  la  Luzerne's  visit.  Found 
Mons.  de  Marbois,  secretary  to  the  embassy  only  at 
home.  He  desired  me  to  give  them  such  advice  as  I 
thought  would  be  useful  to  them  in  America.  I  told 
him  that  a  loan  or  subsidy  was  the  most  necessary  thing, 
and  therefore  the  most  useful  and  acceptable  they  could 
do  for  us  ;  that  we  could  not  carry  on  the  war  longer 
upon  credit,  as  our  funds  were  much  depreciated  ;  that 
their  prudent  method,  as  well  as  most  dignified,  would 
be,  not  to  meddle  at  all  with  parties  in  America,  but 
assist  congress  with  good  advice  ;  and  .not  embarrass 

VOL.  i.  52 


410  LIFE  or 

them  with  memoirs  founded  upon  the  factious  reports  of 
individuals,  being  a  very  unjust  and  offensive  suspicion  of 
the  good  faith  of  congress. 

He  answered  that  from  his  knowledge  of  the  finances 
here  he  did  not  think  any  money  could  be  obtained ;  that 
they  understood  we  were  disarming,  and  yet  the  most 
vigorous  efforts  were  required  on  our  part  to  prevent  the 
English  from  falling  on  us  and  overwhelming  us  ;  that 
Mons.  Luzerne,  I  might  depend,  would  not  concern  him 
self  in  parties,  nor  engage  in  trade  and  jobs,  as  Mons.  G. 
had  done,  with  Mr.  D.  He  told  me  that  Mons.  de 
Luzerne  was  endeavouring  to  get  Spain  to  furnish  money, 
for  that  France  could  not. 

28th  April.  Visited  Count  d'Aussun.  We  conversed 
about  Spain.  He  informed  me  that  Spain  had  fifty  ships 
of  the  line  well  armed,  and  their  finances  were  in  such  a 
state  that  they  could  support  a  war  for  three  years  with 
out  borrowing.  I  observed  that  their  fleet  must  be  very 
expensive ;  he  said  not  near  as  much  so  as  in  France  and 
England,  for  such  regulations  had  been  established  as 
prevented  the  king  from  being  cheated.  He  observed 
that  there  was  no  certainty  that  Spain  would  declare, 
but  that  the  campaign  must  soon  begin,  and  we  should 
see.  Conversing  about  Count  d'Estaing,  I  observed  it 
would  have  been  much  better  had  his  fleet  been  sent  from 
Brest,  as  it  would  have  gained  six  weeks,  and  the  Eng 
lish  being  unprepared,  must  all  have  fallen  into  our 
hands.  Mons.  de  Sartine  was  against  sending  the  fleet 
from  Toulon,  but  he  was  overruled.  I  mentioned  my 
surprise  that  the  provision  fleets  from  Cork  were  suffered 
to  go  without  being  intercepted,  when  it  was  so  easy, 
their  convoy  being  always  weak,  and  which  must  have 
ruined  the  enemy  in  America  if  they  had  been  captur 
ed  ;  that  I  had  repeatedly  given  the  minister  inform 
ation  of  it,  and  yet  nothing  was  done.  Mons.  d'Aussun 
said,  that  I  should  make  a  memoire  of  it,  and  suggest  a 
plan  for  intercepting  them.  I  answered  that  every  sea 
man  knew  the  latitude  for  cruising  between  Cork  and 
America.  Count  Sarsefeild  was  with  us. 

May  1st.  Dined  with  Mons.  Malesherbes,  formerly  mi- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  411 

ister,  and  uncle  to  Mons.  de  la  Luzerne.  The  latter  en 
quired  about  Mr.  Adams,  and  said  he  would  not  go  in 
the  Alliance,  but  with  him.  A  letter  had  been  despatch 
ed  to  him  for  that  purpose.  He  also  intimated  that  the 
Alliance  was  not  going  to  America. 

Mons.  de  Malesherbes  is  a  man  of  extensive  reading  and 
information.  He  assured  us  that  there  was  such  a  jeal 
ousy  in  the  canton  of  Berne,  that  when  a  man  became 
very  rich  it  was  common  to  persecute  him,  on  some  pre 
tence,  and  condemn  him  to  pay  such  a  fine  as  would  suf 
ficiently  reduce  his  fortune  ;  that  they  had  passed  an  act 
against  entailing  lands,  or  rather  bequeathing  them  to 
the  poorest  of  the  name.  They  were  jealous  that  such 
a  provision  against  want  in  a  family  would  encourage 
matrimony,  and  propagation  in  it,  so  as  to  render  it  too 
numerous  and  powerful. 

May  3d.  Gen.  Beckwith,  from  England,  called  upon 
me.     This  was  the.  gentleman  who  served  during  the  last 
war  in  Germany  with  such  reputation,  and  was  so  high  in 
favour  with  Prince  Ferdinand,  and  at  the  end  of  the  war 
was  recommended  by  him  to  the  king  of  Prussia,  who 
gave  him  the  rank  of  general,  and  made  him  governor 
of  Embden.     He  had  been  in  treaty  with  me  in  1776  to 
serve  in  America,  but  he  would  not  go  unless  I  would  ac 
company  him,  and  unless  he  were  to  have  rank  above 
Gen.  Lee.     He  told  me  the  troops  of  Mirbeck,  consist 
ing  of  5000,  were  engaged  to  go  to  America.     He  assur 
ed  me  he  knew  that  Prince  Ferdinand  offered  to  take  the 
command,  but  that  Lord 's  ancient  enmity  prevent 
ed  him.     He  said  he  called  to  see  our  minister,  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  but  he  was  not  at  home ;  that  he  should  go  again 
to-morrow;  that  he  had  a  message  for  him  from  Mr.  Stra- 
han,  the  king's  printer  in  London;  and  had  directed  Mr, 
Hope,  at  Amsterdam,  to  direct  his  letters  to  Dr.  Frank' 
lin.* 

7th.  Gen.  Beckwith  called  on  me  again.  He  told  me 
that  Gen.  Gray's  manner  of  surprising  Gen.  Wayne,  was 
by  a  manoeuvre  practised  in  Germany,  the  making  the 
men  uncharge,  so  that  they  could  not  fire  to  give  any 

*  Dr.  Franklin  was  at  this  time  our  minister  plenipotentiary  in  France, 


412  LIFE  OF 

alarm,  but  attack  with  bayonets.  He  said  Gen.  Gray 
told  him  this  had  been  much  practised  since  by  the  king's 
troops.  Gen.  Gray  spoke  highly  of  Gen.  Washington, 
but  thought  he  was  nervous  by  constitution.  He  said 
that  the  Americans  were  not  disciplined,  nor  the  British. 
I  asked  Gen.  Beckwith  whether  he  thought  there  were 
more  than  ten  thousand  effective  men  in  Great  Britain  ; 
he  said,  hardly  so  many,  for  there  were  only  seventeen 
battalions,  including  seven  foot-guards.  He  said  Gen. 
Clinton  had  repeatedly  desired  to  be  recalled;  that  a 
commission  was  gone  out  for  Vaughan  to  be  the  second 
in  command;  that  though  Clinton  and  he  were  good  sol 
diers,  they  were  not  capable  of  command.  Lord  Shel- 
burne,  he  said,  would  come  into  the  ministry  if  things 
went  ill,  and  would  push  the  war  in  America,  and  would 
employ  Prince  Ferdinand.  He  spoke  highly  of  Lord  S.'s 
abilities,  as  the  only  man  in  England  that  would  make 
peace. 

He  then  desired  to  speak  to  me  in  private.  He  in 
formed  me  he  had  opened  himself  to  the  French  ambas 
sador  at  the  Hague,  and  informed  him  of  his  wish  to  en 
ter  the  French  service,  and  serve  in  America.  He  said 
he  had  got  a  letter  from  him  to  Count  Vergennes,  which 
he  had  delivered;  that  the  count  told  him  he  must  con 
sult  Prince  Montbarey ;  that  he  then  informed  Dr.  Frank 
lin  of  his  desire  to  serve  in  America,  who  assured  him 
he  would  immediately  acquaint  congress.  The  general 
asked  me  if  I  thought  this  was  a  genteel  put  off,  or  wheth 
er  the  Dr.  had  indeed  no  power  to  appoint  him.  For 
though  in  settled  governments  such  powers  were  only 
in  the  sovereign,  yet  in  our  situation  he  imagined  that 
such  a  power  might  be  in  Dr.  Franklin.  I  told  him  I 
had  not  seen  Dr.  F.'s  powers,  but  that  whatever  special 
power  he  might  have  on  that  head,  1  was  satisfied  he 
could  not  have  a  general  one.  He  said  he  could  not  wait 
six  months  in  doubt.  He  asked  if  our  generals  receiv 
ed  their  orders  from  Gen.  Washington,  or  from  con 
gress.  I  told  him  I  believed  from  the  latter,  through  the 
former. 

JOth.  Visited  Mons.  de  Malesherbes,  and  talked  with 


ARTHUR    LEE.  413 

him  of  their  lettre  de  cachet.  He  said  it  was  liable  to 
abuse,  and  was  often  abused,  but  that  it  was  necessary 
to  supply  the  defects  of  the  law,  and  for  the  great 
against  their  inferiors;  e.g.  if  my  servant  is  impudent,  or 
offers  to  strike  me,  instead  of  prosecuting  him  at  law,  I 
have  him  imprisoned  by  a  lettre  de  cachet.  He  said  when 
he  was  minister  he  wanted  to  regulate  their  application, 
but  could  not  succeed.  I  asked  whether  the  officer,  when 
he  went  to  seize  a  man  by  virtue  of  a  lettre  de  cachet,  was 
obliged,  on  demand,  to  show  the  lettre?  He  said  no,  and 
that  made  them  subject  to  so  much  abuse,  especially  in 
the  provinces." 


(c)  Supplies  for  the  State  of  Virginia. 

"VERSAILLES,  June  5th,  1778. 

You  will  see  sir,  by  the  enclosed  letter  from  the  Prince 
de  Montbarey,  and  by  the  statement  annexed,  that  I 
have  used  the  utmost  activity  in  executing  the  commis 
sion  you  recommended  to  me.  If  the  plan  which  this 
minister  proposes  should  be  agreeable  to  you  it  would  be 
proper  for  you  to  converse  with  him,  to  settle  the  terms. 
I  will  procure  you  an  opportunity  of  doing  it  whenever 
you  please. 

I   shall  always  be  extremely  flattered  when  you  fur 
nish  me  particularly,  opportunities  of  showing  my  readi 
ness  to  serve  the  United  States,  and  to  you  sir,  the  per 
fect  esteem,  with  which  I  have  the  honour,  &c.  &c.* 
(Signed)  DE  VERGENNES. 

To  Mr.  Lee." 

«  VERSAILLES,  13th  June  1778. 

In  consequence  sir,  of  what  you  requested  of  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  and  of  me,  I  have  given  the  neces 
sary  orders  that  the  artillery  you  desire  should  be  collect 
ed  at  Nantes  according  to  your  wishes,  and  conformable 
to  the  annexed  statement,  which  I  have  the  honour  of 

*  The  above  and  following  letters  are  copied  from  translations  by  Mr.  A.  Lee 
from  the  originals. 


414  LIFE    OF 

sending  you.  It  will  require  a  month  at  least  to  collect 
the  whole  at  Nantes.  I  shall  transmit  you  hereafter  an 
account  of  the  price  of  these  articles  ;  and  as  to  the  pay 
ment,  the  king  authorizes  me  to  rely  on  your  punctuali 
ty  in  paying  when  circumstances  will  admit. 

I  am  happy  sir,  that  this  occasion  furnishes  me  an  op 
portunity  of  assuring  you  of  the  pleasure  I  have  in  trans 
acting  business  with  you,  and  of  proving  to  you  the  re 
gard  and  high  consideration,  with  which  I  have  the  hon 
our  to  be  sir,  &c.  &c. 

(Signed)  The  Prince  MONTBAREY." 

"  PARIS,  May  7th,  1778. 
To  his    excellency    Governor   Henry,   of  the    state   of 

Virginia. 

Sir, — My  brother  being  absent  on  a  negotiation  for  con 
gress,  at  the  court  of  Vienna,  when  Mr.  Lemaire  arrived 
here,  I   have  endeavoured  to  accomplish  the  purpose  for 
which  he  was  sent.    Mr.  Page  will  show  you  the  answer 
from  the  Farmers  General,  and  the  enclosed  will  inform 
you  that  I  have  been  more  successful  with  the  minister 
here,  in  obtaining  the  artillery,  &c.  which  is  the  most  dif 
ficult  and  material  article.    Your  excellency  will  see  how 
I  am  pledged  on  the  part  of  the  state,  and  therefore  will 
I  hope  use  all  possible  means  of  sending  tobacco,  so  as 
to  enable  me  to   perform  my  promise  of  replacing  them 
punctually  and  speedily.     The  attainment  of  future  fa 
vours  will  greatly  depend  on  this,  as  well  as  the  estab 
lishing  such  a  character  as  must  always  be  of  use  to  us. 
I  had,  to  make  sure  of  your  having  this  essential  article 
of  artillery,  agreed  with  a  merchant  of  Cadiz,  to  send 
you  the  same  quantity  directly  from  Sweden,  on  condi 
tion  that  it  should   be   paid  in  tobacco,  at  the  current 
price  with  you,  on  delivery,  the  prime  cost,  with  commis 
sion,  freight,  ensurance,  and  other  necessary  expenses.    I 
shall  not  countermand  this  order,  because  it  will  make 
you  surer  of  having  what  the  state  wants  ;  and  should 
both  sets  arrive  the  surplus  will  serve  for  your  marine, 
or  be  saleable.     I   have  furnished  Capt.  Lemaire  with 
money  out  of  my  own  pocket  to  pay  his  and  the  pilot's 


ARTHUR    LEE.  415 

expenses,  and  sent  him  to  Strasburg  Sollenge,  to  engage 
the  sabres,  &c.  for  the  light  horse.  The  pilot  is  boarded 
in  the  country,  it  being  dangerous  to  leave  him  at  a  sea 
port  or  in  Paris.  I  am  so  persuaded  of  the  superior  excel 
lence  of  the  Prussian  muskets  that  I  shall  do  every  thing 
in  my  power  to  furnish  you  with  ten  thousand  of  them. 
The  king  of  Prussia  was  so  gracious  as  to  give  orders 
for  my  being  supplied  with  as  many  as  I  should  require 
out  of  his  own  arsenals,  at  the  price  he  paid,  of  which  he 
ordered  an  account  to  be  sent  me.  But  I  am  afraid  the 
present  preparations  for  war  in  Germany  will  either  pre 
vent  my  having  them,  or  augment  the  price.  The  ex 
hausted  state  of  Great  Britain  has  rendered  her  unable 
to  carry  menaces  into  execution  against  France,  for 
concluding  a  treaty  with  us.  Before  this  reaches  you  a 
French  fleet  under  Count  d'Estaing,  their  best  admiral, 
will  have  arrived  to  your  assistance.  The  enemy  there 
fore  is  likely  to  be  blocked  up  in  their  turn,  for  the  fleet 
they  had  prepared  under  admiral  Byron  to  reinforce  Lord 
Howe  is  stopped,  and  it  is  generally  thought  will  not 
sail.  This  arises  from  apprehensions  for  their  safety  at 
home.  If  they  do  not  support  their  naval  superiority 
with  you,  I  think  we  shall  soon  have  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  them  driven  entirely  out  of  America.  A  continua 
tion  of  that  spirit  and  vigour  with  which  your  affairs  have 
hitherto  been  conducted  must  soon  accomplish  our  utmost 
wishes,  and  secure  us  in  peace,  liberty  and  safety. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  regard  and 
respect  your  excellency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  June  15th,  1778. 

To  his  excellency  Governor  Henry,  of  Virginia. 

Your  excellency'^  letter  to  my  brother,  W.  Lee,  of 
the  10th  of  April,  with  his  commission  under  the  great 
seal  arrived  here  safe  yesterday.  I  have  forwarded  their 
contents  to  him  at  Vienna.  The  enclosed  letters  will 
show  the  endeavours  I  have  used  to  promote  and  accomplish 
the  most  difficult  part  of  Capt.  Lemaire's  mission.  Your 
excellency  will  have  the  goodness  to  enable  me  as  soon 


416  LIFE    OF 

as  possible  to  discharge  the  engagement  I  am  under  on 
the  part  of  the  state,  to  pay  for  the  things  furnished.  1 
should  wish  the  tobacco  for  that  purpose  to  be  consigned 
to  my  brother,  because  I  cannot  so  well  depend  upon  an 
other.  By  his  direction  I  have  put  the  other  articles  of 
Capt.  Lemaire's  list  into  the  hands  of  Messrs.  Penet  & 
Co.  who  have  agreed  to  transmit  them  as  speedily  as  pos 
sible,  upon  the  terms  settled  by  Mr.  King.  I  hope  what 
I  have  done  will  be  agreeable  to  you ;  and  that  it  will 
speedily  supply  the  wants  of  our  country.  As  our  ene 
mies  appear  unable  to  reinforce  their  navy  employed 
against  you,  and  Count  d'Estaing's  fleet  is  stronger,  it  is 
to  be  hoped  your  coast  will  soon  be  cleared,  by  their  ships 
being  entirely  driven  away.  They  are  equally  unable  to 
avenge  themselves  on  our  ally  here,  and  will  probably 
soon  be  forced  to  call  home  all  their  forces  for  their  own 
defence.  The  diminution  of  their  commerce,  the  dis 
tress  of  their  people,  the  imbecility  and  wickedness  of 
their  counsels,  and  the  rapacity  of  their  officers,  an 
nounce  the  inevitable  downfall  of  their  domination,  and 
the  ruin  of  their  affairs. 

I  have  the  honour  of  being,  with  every  sentiment  of 
respect  and  esteem,  your  excellency's  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  July  16th,  1778. 

To  his  excellency   Governor  Henry,  of  Virginia.     The 
same  to  Governor  Johnson,  of  Maryland. 

Sir, — His  excellency  the  minister  of  marine  to  his 
most  Christian  majesty  having  signified  to  the  commis 
sioners  here  that  he  was  apprehensive  the  French  settle 
ments  atMiguelon  and  St.  Pierre  would  suffer  much  for 
want  of  provisions,  unless  they  were  supplied  by  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  your  excellency  will  oblige 
our  new  allies  by  directing  notice  to  be  given  to  the  in 
habitants  of  your  state  that  they  will  find  a  good  market 
at  those  places. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  esteem  your 
excellency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  417 

«  PARIS,  July  29th,  1778. 

His  excellency  Governor  Henry, 

Dear  Sir, — It  was  with  the  greatest  pleasure  I  learnt 
from  Capt.  Le  Maire's  mission  that  you  had  at  length 
awakened  our  state  to  the  necessity  of  putting  herself 
into  a  respectable  posture  by  being  well  provided  with 
warlike  stores.  I  have  done  all  in  my  power  to  promote 
a  purpose  on  which  her  future  prosperity  and  even  safety 
so  much  depend.  Though  it  is  not  possible  to  do  things 
in  this  country  with  the  expedition  one  would  wish,  yet 
I  hope  wre  shall  procure  in  a  short  time  the  chief  part  of 
the  supplies  demanded.  I  expect  my  brother  William 
here  soon,  who  will  put  things  into  a  better  train  than 
my  want  of  knowledge  and  other  avocations  will  permit. 

Not  having  been  able  to  raise  any  money  upon  credit 
for  the  state,  which  in  this  country  and  at  this  time  is 
extremely  difficult,  I  have  engaged  to  advance  as  far  as 
forty  or  fifty  thousand  livres,  for  those  things  which  in 
dispensably  require  it.  I  have  endeavoured  to  make  such 
an  agreement  with  Penet  &  Co.  as  will  leave  you  at  lib 
erty  to  make  payment  for  what  they  furnish  in  the  man 
ner  most  convenient  for  the  state. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  CHAILLOT,  June  3d,  1778. 

His  excellency  Count  de  Vergennes. 

I  have  the  honour  of  enclosing  to  your  excellency  a 
list  of  brass  cannon,  mortars,  &c.  of  which  the  state  of 
Virginia  is  in  the  most  pressing  and  immediate  want  for 
its  defence.  If  they  can  be  furnished  out  of  the  royal 
arsenals,  to  be  replaced  at  the  expense  of  that  state,  it 
will  be  doing  it  a  most  essential  service,  and  a  favour  for 
which  they  will  be  forever  grateful. 

As  the  safest  opportunities  of  sending  them  will  occur 
in  about  three  weeks,  your  excellency  will  pardon  me 
for  pressing  for  these  articles  to  be  sent  by  this  convey 
ance. 

Nothing  but  the  most  urgent  necessity  would  induce 
me  to  give  your  excellency  this  extraordinary  trouble, 

VOL.  i.  53 


418  LIFE    OF 

or  to  trespass  so  much  upon  that  goodness,  of  which  we 
have  already  received  such  substantial  proofs. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect  and 
esteem,  your  excellency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"CHAILLOT,  Aug.  4th,  1778. 

Messrs.  Penet  &  Co. 

Gentlemen, — The  bearer  of  this  is  Capt.  Le  Maire,who 
by  our  agreement  is  to  inspect  the  articles  you  ship  for  the 
state  of  Virginia.  You  will  therefore  be  so  good  as  to 
give  him  all  necessary  facilities  for  examining  and  approv 
ing  the  supplies  you  are  to  furnish. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  gentlemen,  your  most  obedi 
ent  servant,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

Aug.  21, 1778. 

"  Mr.  Lawrence  and  Mr.  Robert  Brooke,  the  gentle 
men  who  will  deliver  you  this,  are  of  a  respectable  fami 
ly  in  the  state  of  Virginia.  I  shall  be  obliged  to  you  for 
any  civilities  you  show  them;  and  if  they  apply  to  you 
for  any  money  for  their  expenses,  you  may  with  safety 
advance  it  to  them. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  gentlemen,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

A  Monsrs.  Penet  fy  Decoster, 
Negotiants  a  Nantes. 

P.  S.  I  expect  some  brass  artillery  will  be  delivered  to 
you  to  be  shipped  for  the  state  of  Virginia,  which  I  beg 
you  will  do  on  freight  as  cheap  and  as  well  as  possible, 
and  if  practicable  ensure  it." 

"  PARIS,  Sept.  3d,  1778. 

The  Hon'ble  John  Page,  Virginia. 

Dear  Sir, — I  had  the  honour  of  writing  to  you  on  the 
24th  August,  since  which  nothing  new  has  happened  in 
Europe.  You  will  see  by  the  enclosed  account  what  money 
I  have  advanced  for  the  state,  which  was  absolutely  ne 
cessary  to  complete  the  furnishing  of  what  was  wanting; 
besides  this  I  have  pledged  myself  to  the  government 


ARTHUR  LEE.  419 

here,  that  the  brass  artillery,  &c.  which  I  prevailed 
upon  them  to  furnish,  should  be  punctually  paid  for.  I 
therefore  beg  the  favour  of  you  to  take  care  that  remit 
tances  should  be  speedily  made  for  this  purpose,  that  I 
may  not  be  left  in  a  disagreeable  situation,  having  exert 
ed  and  pledged  myself  for  the  service  of  the  state.  There 
is  a  society  established  here  upon  the  plan  of  the  Society 
of  Arts  in  London ;  a  correspondence  between  your  so 
ciety  and  them  might  be  mutually  beneficial,  and  if  you 
approve  of  it  I  will  endeavour  to  establish  it ;  it  is  called 
the  Society  of  Emulation;  and  as  I  have  also  had  the  ho 
nour  of  being  chosen  a  corresponding  member  of  it,  I  could 
easily  connect  the  two  together. 

The  universal  disorder  of  the  times  makes  it  very  diffi 
cult  to  transact  business.  It  is  therefore  that  I  have  not 
received  an  answer  relative  to  the  great  seal,  nor  the  bills 
of  lading  of  the  paper  desired  by  the  treasury,  and  which 
I  have  reason  to  believe  has  been  shipped  from  Holland 
for  St.  Eustatia. 

With  great  esteem  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  VERSAILLES,  Dec.  31st,  1778. 

I  received  sir  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  to  write 
me  the  1 5th  of  this  month,  relative  to  the  refusal  of  the 
director  of  the  arsenal  at  Nantes  to  deliver,  without  an 
order  from  me,  to  the  agent  for  Virginia,  an  essential  part 
of  the  coast  carriage,  which  I  directed  to  be  added  to 
the  rest  of  the  artillery  delivered  at  that  place  for  that 
state.  I  have  ordered  that  director,  agreeably  to  your 
desire,  to  deliver  the  lock  belonging  to  the  carriage,  with 
its  other  appendages.  You  may  communicate  this  to  your 
agent  at  Nantes. 

I  am,  &c.  &c. 

Signed,  The  Prince  MONTBAREY. 

M.  Arthur  Lee." 

"  VERSAILLES,  March  27,  1779 

I  have  communicated  sir,  to  the  Prince  de  Montbarey, 
the  letter  which  yon  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  the 


420  LIFE    OF 

22d  of  this  month.  This  minister  has  just  made  me  the 
answer  which  I  subjoin.  You  will  perceive  from  that, 
that  the  king  wills  that  the  warlike  stores  furnished  to 
the  state  of  Virginia,  should  follow  their  first  destina 
tion. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

Signed,  DE  VERGENNES. 

M.  Lee." 

Translation  of  M.  de  Vergennes's  letter  to  Mr.  Lee. 

"  VERSAILLES,  Feb.  16,  1779. 

I  have  the  honour  of  transmitting  to  you  sir,  a  copy 
of  Prince  Montbarey's  letter,  and  the  note  that  accompa 
nied  it.  You  will  there  see,  that  the  state  of  Virginia 
owes  to  the  artillery  chest  £256,633  7s.  IQd.  for  the 
payment  of  the  effects  furnished.  I  doubt  not  that  you 
will  take  the  speediest  measures  for  the  immediate  pay 
ment  of  this  sum. 

I  have  the  honour,  &:c. 

Signed,  DE  VERGENNES. 

M.  Arthur  Lee." 

(Translation.) 

"  I  annex  an  account  of  the  sum  of  £256,633  7s.  10d., 
which  the  state  of  Virginia  owes  to  the  artillery  chest 
for  the  supplies  furnished  them.  I  shall  be  obliged  to 
you  to  concert  with  the  deputies  of  the  United  States 
for  the  payment  of  that  sum  into  the  hands  of  M.  Chas- 
til,  formerly  treasurer  general  of  the  artillery,  &c.  to  dis 
charge  the  accounts  of  last  year. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c.  MONTBAREY. 

Count  Vergennes." 

(Translation.) 

"  VERSAILLES,  March  20th,  1779, 

I  have  communicated  to  the  Prince  Montbarey  the  let 
ter  in  which  you  informed  me  of  the  impossibility  of  the 
state  of  Virginia  paying  at  present  for  the  artillery  which 
his  majesty  has  furnished  them.  I  subjoin  a  copy  of  that 


ARTHUR    LEE. 


421 


minister's  answer,  by  which  you  will  see  what  he  pro 
poses  to  do. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

Signed,         DE  VERGENNES. 

M.  Arthur  Lee." 

(Translation  of  Prince  Montbarey's  letter.) 

"  I  have  informed  the  king  of  the  letter  sir,  which 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  the  21st  of  last 
month,  of  the  impossibility,  as  represented  by  Mr.  Lee, 
that  Virginia  should  pay  the  king  the  sum  of  £256,633 
7s.  lOd.  for  the  artillery  that  was  furnished  from  his  ma 
jesty's  arsenal.  It  was  not  intended  to  urge  this  payment, 
but  as  the  passage  of  these  effects  was  very  doubtful  in 
the  then  circumstances,  his  majesty  reserves  to  himself  the 
furnishing  them  when  their  passage  can  be  more  sure  ; 
you  will  therefore  be  so  good  as  to  apprise  Mr.  Lee  that 
I  give  orders  for  their  being  restored  to  the  king's  maga 
zine  at  Nantes. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c.  MONTBAREY. 

Count  de  Vergennes." 

"PARIS,  March  22d,  1779. 
To  his  excellency  Count  Vergennes. 

I  had  yesterday  the  honour  of  receiving  your  excellen 
cy's  letter  of  the  20th,  enclosing  one  from  the  Prince  Mont- 
barey,  to  inform  me  of  his  intention  to  give  orders  for 
the  re-entry  of  the  artillery  and  munitions  of  war,  which 
his  majesty  had  the  goodness  to  furnish  to  the  pressing 
wants  of  the  state  of  Virginia  ;  and  which  have  been 
shipped  at  a  great  expense  to  the  state,  as  well  as  to  his 
majesty.  Events  have  happened  since  I  had  the  honour 
of  writing  to  your  excellency  upon  this  subject,  on  the 
16th  of  Feb.,  which  compel  me  to  beseech  you  to  use 
your  utmost  influence  in  preventing  this  resolution  from 
being  carried  into  execution ;  as  [  apprehend  nothing 
can  be  in  the  actual  state  of  things  more  detrimental 
and  even  fatal  to  the  state  of  Virginia,  and  consequently 
to  the  common  cause.  I  mentioned  to  your  excellency 


422  LIFE    OF 

that  immediately  upon  your  assurance  that  these  things 
would   be  furnished  by  his   majesty,  I  wrote  to  inform 
the  state  of  it ;  and   I   have  written  so  repeatedly  since 
that  there  is  a  moral  certainty  of  the  information  having 
reached   them.     This,  we  may  reasonably  suppose,  will 
have  prevented  them  from  providing  from  other  quarters 
these   necessary  articles  of  defence.      We  are  now  cer 
tain  of  the  enemy's  having  transferred  the  war  to  the 
southern  states,   and   my  intelligence   from   England  is 
such  that  I  can  assure  your  excellency  they  mean  to  push 
the  war  there,  and  to  invade  the  state  of  Virginia  as  soon 
as  they  can  send  out  the  reinforcements  of  troops,  which 
are  now  preparing  with  great  diligence.     In  this  situa 
tion  his  majesty's  goodness  in  having  so  readily  furnished 
the  artillery  and  munitions  required,  will,  if  they  should 
be  actually  stopped,  prove,  in  all  probability,  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  stale,  by  leaving  it  defenceless  to  the  enemy's 
invasion.     With  regard  to  the  risk  this  furniture  runs  in 
going  at  present,  which  is  stated  as  the  reason  for  recall 
ing  it,  I  have  the  pleasure  of  informing  your  excellency 
that  I  yesterday  received  a  letter  from  Nantes,  advising 
me  that  the  convoy  was  arrived,  and   only  waited  for  a 
fair  wind  to  sail  with  all  the  American  vessels  at  Pain- 
beuf.     The  vessel,   too,   in  which   these  munitions  are 
shipped,  is  well  armed  ;  and  the  state  will  be  obliged  to 
pay,  as  I  am  informed  upon  enquiry,  in  freight  and  ex 
penses  upwards  of  forty  thousand  livres  for  nothing,  if 
the  articles  are  stopped. 

These  reasons  will  I  hope  convince  your  excellency 
that  my  apprehensions  of  the  injurious  consequences  of 
recalling  what  was  furnished,  are  well  founded ;  and  will 
weigh  with  you  to  obtain  the  stoppage  or  revocation  of 
the  order  for  their  detention.  There  has  lately  appeared 
in  the  London  papers  an  intercepted  letter  from  a  tory 
gentleman  in  Virginia,  and  I  have  information  that  the 
British  ministry  are  in  possession  of  several  more  of  the 
same  kind,  encouraging  an  attack  upon  that  state.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  this  will  confirm  and  quicken  the  de 
signs  of  the  enemy,  and  therefore  have  additional  reason 
for  conjuring  your  excellency  to  obtain  permission  for 
the  departure  of  the  munitions  in  question. 


ARTHUR    LEE. 

I  must  beg  the  favour  of  being  apprised  as  soon  as- 
possible  of  his  majesty's  ultimate  determination. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Signed,  A.  LEE." 

"  VERSAILLES,  May  21st,  1779, 

To  Mr.  Lee. 

I  have  communicated  sir,  to  Prince  Montbarey  the 
letter  you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  the  22nd  of 
this  month.  This  minister  has  just  made  me  an  answer,, 
of  which  I  subjoin  a  copy.  You  will  there  see  that  the 
king  thinks  proper  that  the  supplies  furnished  to  the 
state  of  Virginia  should  follow  their  first  destination. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

Signed,         DE  VERGENNES." 

Translation  of  the  copy  of  a  letter  from  the  Prince  Mont 
barey,  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 

"VERSAILLES,  May  26th,  1779. 

I  received  sir,  your  letter  of  yesterday.  Upon  the  re 
presentation  of  Mr.  Lee,  I  inform  the  director  of  artillery 
at  Nantes  that  his  majesty  consents  to  let  the  supplies 
which  were  furnished  to  the  state  of  Virginia,  pursue  their 
first  destination.  You  will  be  so  good  as  to  inform  that 
late  deputy  of  this. 

I  have  the  honour,  &,c.  MONTBAREY." 

(Translation.) 

"PARIS,  April  15th,  1779. 

M.  Arthur  Lee. 

I  received  sir,  the  two  letters  you  did  me  the  hon 
our  to  write  me  the  16th  and  30th  of  last  month.  You 
therein  remind  me  of  the  order  I  formerly  gave  to  ex 
empt  from  duties  a  quantity  of  sabres,  shovels,  spades, 
and  axes  sent  from  Strasburg  to  Nantes,  to  go  to  Vir 
ginia,  and  you  claim  the  execution  of  it.  You  desire  at 
the  same  time  a  discharge  of  the  security  which  the  di 
rectors  of  the  farmers  at  Nantes,  have  insisted  upon  for 
considerable  duties  which  they  will  have  paid  on  the  ex- 


424  LIFE    OF 

portation  of  different  cannon,  mortars,  bombs,  ball,  and 
other  like  munitions  of  war,  which  the  king  has  been 
pleased  to  furnish  to  the  state  of  Virginia.  I  subjoin 
orders  for  the  restitution  of  the  sum  paid  on  the  arms 
and  other  utensils  sent  from  Strasburg  to  Nantes.  As 
to  the  other  articles,  I  had  the  honour  of  informing  you 
on  the  24th  of  last  August,  that  the  exemption  was  a  fa 
vour  which  could  not  be  repeated.  You  have  seen  that 
this  was  founded  on  principle,  and  that  the  king  himself 
submits  to  pay  the  duties  destined  for  his  service.  I  re 
gret  exceedingly  that  these  reasons  prevent  me  from  an 
nulling  the  security  in  question. 

I  have  the  honour  &c.  Signed,         NECKER." 

"PARIS,  April  15th,  1779. 

A.  M.  M.  Necker,  Controleur  General  des  Finances. 

Sir, — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  letter  of  this 
day's  date,  containing  an  order  for  repaying  the  duties 
collected  upon  the  sabres,  fee.   sent  from  Strasburg  to 
Nantes,  and  informing  me  that  the  engagement  for  pay 
ing  the  duties  demandable  upon  the  export  of  the  artil 
lery  and  munitions  of  war,  granted  by  his  majesty  for  the 
state  of  Virginia,  cannot  be  given  up.     I  beg  sir,  you 
will  believe,  that  it  is  with  infinite  regret  I  trouble  you 
again  upon  the  subject.     But  it  is  an  act  of  inevitable 
necessity.     I  have  not  money  to  pay  the  duties  engaged 
for,  nor  in  the  present  situation  of  things  is  it  possible  for 
me  to  say  when  any  funds  will  arrive  to  answer  the  de 
mand.     The  difficulties  of  finding  sailors  for  merchant 
ships  in  Virginia  are  very  great;  and  hitherto  where  these 
have  been  overcome,  the  tobacco  has  unfortunately  fallen 
into  the  enemy's  hands.     It  is  far  from  being  the  dispo 
sition  of  any  of  the  United  States,  to  distress  their  friends, 
or  press  for  favours.     But  in  our  actual  situation,  we  must 
either  deliver  ourselves  up  unarmed  to  be  massacred  by 
our  merciless  enemies,  or  obtain  the  necessary  means  of 
defence  by  indulgences,  which  the  singular  situation  of 
our  affairs  alone  induces  us  to  ask.     The  engagement  en 
tered  into  by  my  merchant  was  unknown  to  me,  till  the 
articles  were  shipped,  and  the  vessel  ready  to  sail.     He 


ARTHUR    LEE.  425 

did  it  in  full  confidence  that  I  should  obtain  a  remission 
of  the  duties.  Indeed  there  was  no  alternative  but  ob 
taining  this  remission,  or  stopping  the  supplies  and  un 
doing  all  that  had  been  done.  I  did  understand  from  the 
letter  I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  from  you  on  the  24th 
of  August  last,  that  the  exemption  then  granted  on  the 
sabres  was  not  to  be  drawn  into  a  claim  of  such  exemp 
tion  in  future.  But  that  it  should  operate  to  preclude  all 
the  other  articles  of  the  same  supply,  for  the  same  pur 
pose,  and  where  exactly  the  same  necessity  for  asking 
an  exemption  existed,  did  not  then  strike  me.  Nor  did 
I  then  know  that  there  were  any  duties  demandable  on 
the  export  of  brass  cannon,  &c.,  especially  coming  from 
the  royal  arsenals. 

Under  these  circumstances  sir,  I  am  obliged  to  beg  you 
will  have  the  goodness  to  revise  the  resolution  you  have 
done  me  the  honour  to  send  me.  I  am  extremely  sorry 
to  add  this  troublesome  request  to  the  thanks  which  are 
due  for  what  you  have  already  granted;  nor  can  any 
thing  be  more  mortifying  than  the  necessity  which  com 
pels  it. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

Signed,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

(Translation.) 

"  PARIS,  April  26th,  1779. 

I  have  received  sir,  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  of 
writing  me  the  15th  of  this  month,  relative  to  the  artil 
lery,  bombs  and  balls  which  the  king  has  been  so  good  as 
to  furnish  to  the  state  of  Virginia,  and  which  have  been 
shipped  at  Nantes.  After  the  explanation  you  have  made, 
I  gave  orders  to  the  Farmers  General  to  annul  the  secu 
rity  given  by  Mr.  Schweighauser.  But  I  beg  you  will 
be  so  good  as  to  observe,  that  a  similar  favour  cannot  be 
granted  consistent  with  the  laws. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Signed,  NECKER. 

Mr.  Arthur  Lee." 

VOL.  j.  54 


426  LIFE   OF 

"PARIS,  May  2d,  1779. 

To  the  Hon'ble  B.  Franklin,  M.  P. 

By  letters  this  day  from  Nantes,  I  am  informed  that 
the  Alliance  frigate  is  manned,  and  ready  to  sail ;  adverse 
winds  still  detain  the  American  fleet  at  Brest,  with  its 
convoy.  As  that  convoy  is  destined  to  the  French  isl 
ands,  it  will  of  course  leave  those  vessels  which  are  in 
tended  for  the  United  States  before  they  reach  the  coast. 
Yet  there  it  is,  that  as  well  from  the  enemy's  cruisers  as 
from  the  multitude  of  privateers  lately  fitted  out,  they 
will  run  the  greatest  risk.  Not  only  the  public  at  large 
is  highly  interested  in  the  safe  arrival  of  this  fleet,  but 
the  state  of  Virginia  depends  upon  it  for  supplies  essen 
tially  necessary  for  her  defence  and  preservation.  The 
difficulty  with  which  these  have  been  obtained,  and  the 
impossibility  of  replacing  them  if  lost,  make  it  of  the 
last  importance  to  use  every  possible  means  for  their  pro 
tection. 

For  these  reasons  I  presume  to  submit  to  your  consid 
eration,  whether  the  Alliance  can  render  a  more  useful 
and  acceptable  service  to  our  country,  than  by  immediate 
ly  joining  that  fleet  at  Brest,  and  convoying  it  quite  to 
our  ports. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Signed,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PASSY,  May  3d,  1779. 

Hon'ble  A.  Lee,  Esq. 

Sir, — I  did  write  to  the  gentlemen  at  Nantes  concern 
ed  in  fitting  out  the  vessels  for  America,  offering  them 
the  Alliance  as  a  convoy,  and  ordered  her  to  Nantes  ac 
cordingly  ;  they  did  not  choose  to  accept  that  offer,  know 
ing  as  I  suppose  her  weakness,  but  sailed  for  Brest  to  go 
with  the  French  convoy  without  waiting  her  arrival,  and 
would  probably  have  been  gone  long  before  she  could 
have  been  fitted  for  sea,  if  contrary  winds  had  not  pre 
vented.  1  wish  your  information  were  true,  that  she  is 
manned,  and  fit  for  such  service ;  it  must  be  from  some 
person  who  is  unacquainted  with  the  facts,  perhaps  Mr. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  427 

Ford.  I  must  suppose  the  merchants  are  satisfied  with 
the  convoy  they  have  put  their  ships  under,  as  I  do  not 
learn  that  they  have  applied  for  one  more  suitable.  I 
would  readily  have  solicited  such  an  application,  if  I  had 
understood  it  to  be  necessary,  being  equally  desirous  with 
you  of  their  arriving  safe,  and  sensible  of  the  importance 
of  it.  But  I  have  not  received  a  line  from  any  of  them 
to  any  such  purpose;  and  Capt. Landais  has  assured  me, 
that  my  supposition  of  his  having  men  enough  to  fight 
his  ship  on  occasion,  in  going  home,  though  not  enough  to 
man  prizes  on  a  cruise,  was  a  great  mistake  in  my  inform 
er;  he  then  wanted  150  men,  and  I  have  not  since  heard 
of  her  having  recruited  more  than  40,  with  the  exchang 
ed  Americans  from  England.  Mr.  Ford  may  probably 
be  accommodated  in  the  same  frigate  that  will  take  Mr. 
Adams. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Signed,  B.  FRANKLIN. 

P.  S.  I  am  glad  to  hear  from  you,  that  the  supplies 
necessary  for  Virginia  are  shipped." 

"  MAY  6th,  1779. 

The  Hon'ble  B.  Franklin, 

Sir, — I  had  not  the  honour  of  receiving  your  answer 
till  to-day,  though  it  is  dated  the  3d.  It  came  by  the 
penny-post.  It  was  by  Mr.  Adams's  information  when 
on  board,  that  I  understood  the  Alliance  had  then  (April 
29th)  a  good  crew,  and  I  cannot  express  my  concern  on 
hearing  from  you  that  it  is  otherwise.  The  persons  and 
properties  of  so  many  of  our  countrymen,  the  valuable 
merchandize,  and  the  essential  stores  for  the  United  States 
and  for  that  of  Virginia,  which  are  on  board  this  fleet  at 
Brest,  are  of  such  infinite  importance  to  our  country,  that 
I  cannot  help  trembling  for  their  fate,  since  I  have  lately 
learnt  that  M.  la  Morte  Piquet  will  positively  protect 
them  no  farther  than  in  his  way  to  the  West  Indies,  and 
that  our  coast  swarms  with  privateers  fitted  out  from 
New-York,  Rhode  Island,  and  Augustine.  The  supplies 
for  the  state  of  Virginia  were  those  obtained  some  time 
ago  from  the  crown,  consisting  of  brass  cannon,  mortars, 


428  LIFE    OF 

bombs,  and  ball.  The  articles  which  my  brother  solicit 
ed  your  assistance  in  procuring,  are  a  second  order,  and 
as  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  state  as  the  first; 
which  first  only  I  have  fulfilled,  except  in  those  articles 
which  the  house  of  Penet  engaged  for,  but  did  not  send. 
The  gentlemen  going  to  and  shipping  goods  for  America, 
I  know  lamented  that  their  repeated  requests  through 
the  commissioners  to  the  ministry  for  a  convoy  quite  to 
America,  were  unsuccessful ;  they  had  waited  several 
weeks,  and  at  a  great  expense,  in  expectation  of  it,  when 
the  commissioners  sent  them  a  copy  of  M.  de  Sartine's 
final  answer  to  their  reiterated  applications,  containing 
these  words — "  si  ceux  qui  sont  actucllement  a  JVants  ay  ant 
destination,  pour  les  Etats  Unies,  descendant  promptement 
la  Riviere  Us  seront  escortes  jusqu'au  de  la  des  caps  and 
plus  loin  encore,  c'est  a  dire,  pendant  tout  le  terns  quails 
voudront  suivre  la  route  de  convoy  des  Batimens  Frangois 
destines  pour  les  Isles  de  PAmerique."  It  was  a  great  mor 
tification  to  them  that  the  Alliance  was  not  manned,  nor 
any  certainty  when  she  would  be  so,  which  obliged  them 
to  put  themselves  under  the  French  West  India  convoy, 
as  the  best  and  only  one  that  then  offered. 

I  presume  then  it  was  not  their  being  satisfied  with  a 
convoy  half  the  way,  that  prevented  their  applying  to 
you,  since  your  late  appointment,  to  obtain  for  them  a 
more  sufficient  one,  but  their  knowing  that  application 
had  already  been  made  by  you  and  the  other  commission 
ers  without  success.  It  is  also  probable  that  their  being 
under  sailing  orders  in  Brest  Road,  deprived  them  of 
knowing  the  state  the  Alliance  was  in  at  Nantes;  but  it 
is  most  sure,  that  they  would  have  been  extremely  hap 
py  to  have  seen  her  return  to  Brest  as  their  convoy. 
They  had  every  reason  to  expect  that  this  would  be  the 
case  if  she  got  men  at  Nantes,  because  you  had  directed 
them  to  be  informed  that  you  had  given  orders  for  her  to 
convoy  them,  which  it  was  understood  the  want  of  men 
only  prevented.  I  cannot  therefore  doubt  that  the  wish 
es  of  all  the  American  gentlemen,  that  the  Alliance  should 
convoy  them,  coincide  with  mine,  though  circumstances 
have  prevented  them  from  being  expressed. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  429 

It  was  from  a  persuasion  of  this,  and  from  an  anxiety 
for  their  safety,  as  well  as  for  that  of  the  important  sup 
plies  that  go  with  them,  that  I  ventured  to  submit  to  you 
my  opinion  of  the  utility  of  ordering  the  Alliance  imme 
diately  to  Brest,  which  I  still  most  earnestly  wish  may 
if  possible  be  done.  Most  of  these  gentlemen  have  al 
ready  experienced  the  miseries  of  being  made  prisoners, 
to  which  there  is  too  much  reason  to  apprehend  they  will 
return,  if  they  are  left  upon  our  coast  without  convoy. 
It  is  a  long  time  too  since  congress  has  heard  from  their 
servants  in  Europe.  Mr.  Izard  and  myself  have  written 
to  our  constituents,  in  expectation  of  our  despatches  go 
ing  in  safety  by  the  Alliance,  or  under  her  convoy,  upon 
matters  in  which  the  public  honour,  interest,  and  safety, 
are  deeply  concerned.  I  am  sorry  to  have  troubled  you 
with  so  long  a  letter,  but  out  of  the  fullness  of  the  heart 
the  tongue  speaketh;  and  I  am  filled  with  the  most  anx 
ious  concern  for  the  fate  of  the  fleet,  if  it  is  to  be  left 
unprotected  in  any  part  of  the  voyage. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Signed,  ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  N.  B.  Mr.  A.  Lee  having  waited  some  time  without 
receiving  an  answer  to  the  above  letter,  on  the  1/ith  of 
May  I  waited  on  Dr.  Franklin  to  know  whether  or  not  he 
had  received  it.  His  answer  was,  that  he  had,  but  that 
as  the  ships  were  then  sailed,  he  did  not  think  it  neces 
sary  to  make  any  answer. 

Signed,  LUDWELL  LEE." 

"  Observation. — The  ships  sailed  from  Isle  Dey,  near 
Brest,  the  10th  of  May;  the  post  is  four  full  days  from 
Brest  to  Paris;  then  the  date  of  my  letter  was  eight  days 
before  the  receipt  of  that  intelligence,  which  it  is  pre 
tended  made  an  answer  unnecessary.  The  fact  is,  that 
the  Alliance  was  ordered  immediately  to  L'Orient,  to 
join  the  private  cruisers  fitted  out  by  Mr.  Chaumont. 
With  regard  to  her  not  being  manned,  the  Hon.  Mr.  Ad 
ams,  who  wrote  that  she  was,  had  been  on  board  of  her 
for  some  weeks,  had  sailed  in  her  from  Brest  to  Nantes, 
and  spoke  from  what  he  saw;  nor  is  it  easy  to  conceive, 


430  LIFE     OF 

that  if  she  was  manned  sufficiently  to  go  upon  a  cruise, 
she  was  unfit  to  go  as  a  convoy,  which  requires  fewer 
men ;  since  in  the  latter  case  she  was  to  fight  only ;  in 
the  former,  to  fight  and  man  her  prizes.  A.  L." 


(d)  Memoire  to  the  French  Court. 
"  When  a  conduct  of  premeditated  perjury,  shameless 
perfidy,  and  unexampled  cruelty,  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain  during  the  present  war,  had  so  much  exasperated 
the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  that  it  was 
apprehended  they  would  proceed  to  retaliation,  which  if 
once  commenced  in  anger  might  be  carried  to  extremities 
the  most  horrible,  the  congress  issued  an  address,  exhort 
ing  forbearance,  and  a  farther  trial,  by  examples  of  lenity 
and  generosity,  to  recall  their  enemies  to  the  practice  of 
humanity  amid  the  calamities  of  war.  In  consequence  of 
this,  neither  the  congress  of  the  United  States,  nor  any 
of  the  states  apart,  have  ever  exercised,  or  authorised  the 
exercise  of  the  right  of  retaliation.  Their  enemies  how 
ever  continued  their  barbarities,  till  the  issue  of  war, 
turning  against  them,  put  one  of  their  armies,  and  a  mul 
titude  of  other  prisoners,  into  the  power  of  the  states. 
From  that  time  till  lately,  their  conduct  towards  those 
citizens  of  the  United  States  whom  they  had  made  pri 
soners,  was  less  stained  with  atrocious  insolence  and  in 
humanity.  But  since  they  have  found  that  all  the  efforts 
and  arts  of  their  commissioners  could  neither  intimidate 
nor  seduce  the  congress,  nor  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  they  have  become  outrageous,  and  in  that  spirit 
have  published  a  proclamation  which  contains  the  follow 
ing  brutal  menaces,  and  which  they  have  already  begun 
to  execute,  by  desolation  and  murders,  wherever  they 
can  approach.  It  is  therefore  manifestly  the  enemy's 
policy,  to  disgust  the  people  of  America  with  their  alli 
ance  with  France,  by  convincing  them,  that  instead  of 
shielding  them  from  future  miseries,  it  has  accumulated 
additional  calamities  upon  their  country.  To  stop  the 
progress  of  these  cruelties,  and  disappoint  their  purpose, 


ARTHUR    LEE. 


431 


the  commissioners  submit  to  your  excellency's  considera 
tion  two  measures,  which  in  their  opinion  are  most  like 
ly  to  answer  these  ends. 

1st.  That  the  court  of  France  should  announce  to  that 
of  Great  Britain  that  unless  this  declaration  of  its  com 
missioners  is  formally  renounced,  and  the  cruel  method 
of  carrying  on  the  war  effectually  stopped,  this  court  will 
join  with  the  United  States,  in  the  severest  retaliation. 
2nd.  That  a  powerful  fleet  of  thirty  or  forty  sail  should 
be  immediately  sent  to  the  coast  of  America,  to  support 
this  declaration,  and  secure  a  naval  superiority  over  the 
enemy  in  those  seas.  The  commissioners  suggest  this 
measure  as  appearing  to  them  to  be  the  most  sure  and 
effectual  means  of  distressing  the  enemy,  and  destroying 
her  commerce,  humbling  her  pride,  and  reducing  her  to  the 
necessity  of  suing  for  peace.  Upon  this  naval  superiori 
ty  in  those  seas  must  depend  the  valuable  commerce  of 
their  islands  and  the  islands  themselves.  The  difficulties 
of  provisioning  a  fleet  at  such  a  distance,  or  of  repairing 
it,  in  case  of  any  accident,  augment  with  the  number  to 
such  a  degree,  that  it  seems  impossible  for  the  enemy  to 
support  thirty  or  forty  sail  of  the  line  in  that  quarter, 
and  therefore,  though  they  are  able  to  meet  and  even 
out-number  Count  d'Estaing's  fleet,  yet  against  the  pro 
posed  augmentation  it  is  conceived  they  could  not  con 
tend.  The  commissioners  hope  the  speedy  assistance 
and  reparation  received  by  Count  d'Estaing's  fleet  will 
show  the  advantages  which  this  country  must  enjoy  in 
carrying  on  the  naval  war  on  a  coast  friendly  to  her,  and 
hostile  to  her  enemy.  And  these  advantages  they  trust 
will  in  future  be  much  more  sensible,  because  the  ap 
pearance  of  the  fleet  this  time  was  sudden  and  unexpect 
ed,  and  the  last  season  in  that  particular  part  of  the 
country  was  the  most  unfavourable  that  has  been  known 
for  many  years." 

END   OF   VOL.  I. 


OF 


ARTHUR     LEE. 


PRUSSIAN     PAPERS. 

"PARIS,  April  19th,  1777. 
To  his  excellency  Baron  Schulenburg  at  Berlin. 

Sir, — We  received  the  letter  which  you  did  us  the 
honour  to  write  to  us  of  the  15th  ultimo,  and  should 
earlier  have  replied  particularly  thereto,  out  from  the 
daily  expectation  we  had,  of  receiving  orders  from  the 
congress  of  the  United  States  on  this  important  sub 
ject.  We  have  their  commands  to  inform  his  Prussian 
majesty's  ambassador  here  that  they  propose  to  send  a 
minister  to  your  respected  court  with  all  convenient 
expedition,  properly  empowered  to  treat  upon  affairs 
of  importance  ;  and  that  we  are  in  the  mean  time  in 
structed  and  authorised  by  the  congress  to  solicit  the 
friendship  of  your  court,  to  request  that  it  would  af 
ford  no  aid  to  their  enemies,  but  use  its  good  offices 
to  prevent  the  landing  of  troops  by  other  powers  to 
be  transported  to  America,  for  their  destruction  ;  and 
to  offer  the  free  commerce  of  the  United  States  to  the 
subjects  of  Prussia.  We  have  taken  the  earliest  op 
portunity  of  obeying  these  commands.  But  consider- 

VOL.    II.  1 


6  LIFE    OF 

ing  the  great  importance  of  establishing  a  free  com 
merce  between  the  two  countries  as  soon  as  possi 
ble,  and  confident  that  every  objection  may  be  obvi 
ated,  and  the  wished  for  intercourse  opened  and  es 
tablished  on  the  most  certain  and  beneficial  grounds, 
to  promote  the  interest  of  both  countries  ;  we  pro 
pose  that  one  of  us  shall  wait  on  your  excellency  as 
soon  as  conveniently  may  be  done,  to  explain  person 
ally  the  situation  of  America,  the  nature,  extent,  and 
importance  of  its  commerce,  and  the  methods  by 
which  it  may  be  carried  on  with  Prussia  to  mutual 
advantage.  In  the  proposed  interview  we  are  con 
fident  the  difficulties  mentioned  by  your  excellency 
may  be  surmounted,  and  a  very  considerable  part  of 
American  commerce  be  turned  to  Prussia,  by  meas 
ures  neither  dangerous  nor  expensive. 
We  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

BENJ.  FRANKLIN, 
S.  DEANE, 
A.  LEE." 

«  Sir? — I  have  been  informed  by  the  letter  which 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  the  8th  of  this 
month,  that  in  consequence  of  the  19th  past,  which 
came  to  me  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Franklin,  Deane,  and 
yourself,  that  you  were  upon  the  point  of  setting  off 
for  this  place,  unless  prevented  by  some  unforeseen 
accident.  My  answer  of  the  llth  will  have  shown 
you  sir,  that  I  still  fear  the  difficulties  that  oppose 
themselves  in  the  present  circumstances  of  things  to 
establishing  a  commerce  between  the  king  and  the 
colonies  of  North  America  ;  and  that  I  look  upon  our 
conversations  upon  this  subject  rather  as  prelimina 
ries  for  the  time  to  come,  than  as  negotiations,  which 
may  be  immediately  productive  of  advantageous  con 
sequences. 

For  this  reason  sir,  I  think  you  need  not  be  uneasy 
about  the  delays  which   retard  your  journey ;    and 


ARTHUR    LEE.  7 

that  no  reproach  of  neglecting  the  interests  of  your 
constituents  can  fall  upon  you,  when  you  are  obliged 
to  put  off  a  business  the  result  of  which  will  probably 
be  far  distant,  to  treat  of  others  of  more  importance 
and  more  pressing. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

SCHULENBURG. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 

"  BERLIN,  June  20th,  1777. 
Count  Schulenburg. 

Sir, — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  excellency's 
letter  of  the  18th,  this  day.  Upon  trial  I  hope  the 
difficulties  will  not  be  found  so  great  as  your  excel 
lency  seems  to  imagine. 

When  I  had  the  honour  of  conversing  with  your 
excellency  I  mentioned  that  the  admission  of  our 
cruisers  into  his  majesty's  ports,  to  supply  themselves 
with  necessaries,  carry  in  and  sell  their  prizes  in  a 
secret  manner,  would  be  attended  with  great  advan 
tages.  It  is  the  only  method  of  establishing  a  com 
merce  at  present  from  America  hither,  in  the  commo 
dities  and  vessels  of  the  states.  For  the  privateers 
take  in  a  light  cargo  from  America,  which  they  bring 
to  the  ports  where  they  are  permitted  ;  this  they  ex 
change  for  necessary  supplies  and  then  make  a  cruise, 
by  the  profits  of  which  they  are  enabled  to  purchase 
a  cargo  of  such  manufactures  as  are  wanted  in  Ame 
rica,  with  which  they  return. 

If  I  had  his  majesty's  permission  to  signify  that 
our  cruisers  would  be  received  in  his  ports  upon  this 
footing  as  they  are  in  the  south,  I  can  have  no  doubt 
but  that  this  species  of  commerce  would  soon  take 
place ;  and  most  assuredly  the  advantages  of  it  to 
those  ports,  and  consequently  to  his  majesty's  king 
dom,  would  be  very  considerable.  Without  such 
permission  our  congress  will  be  obliged  to  send  the 
prizes  they  make  in  the  northern  seas,  either  to  the 


O  LIFE    OF 

south  or  directly  to  America,  and  will  have  no  means 
of  commerce  or  communication  with  his  majesty's 
dominions. 

In  about  ten  days  I  propose  quitting  Berlin  on  my 
return,  before  which  I  hope  to  hear  from  your  excel 
lency  upon  this  important  subject. 

I  have  the  honour  of  being  with  the  greatest  re 
spect  your  excellency's  most  humble  and  most  obedi 
ent  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"BERLIN,  June  18th,  1777. 

Sir, — After  having  deliberately  examined  the  pro 
positions  you  had  the  goodness  to  address  to  me,  con 
cerning  the  establishment  of  a  commerce  between  the 
states  of  the  king  and  the  English  colonies  of  North 
America,  I  agree  with  you  sir,  that  it  is  very  likely 
that  even  paying  the  highest  ensurance,  the  scarcity 
and  dearness  of  our  goods  in  America,  together  with 
the  abundance  and  lowr  price  of  your  productions, 
which  might  be  advantageously  sold  in  Europe,  would 
render  this  commerce  very  profitable  to  both  parties. 
It  remains  only  to  make  a  trial,  but  an  almost  insur 
mountable  difficulty  presents  itself,  which  is,  that  hav 
ing  never  adventured  as  far  as  your  country  we  want 
ships,  as  well  as  captains,  pilots,  and  sailors,  who 
could  and  would  be  sent  into  those  seas,  besides  that 
the  vessels  that  we  have  are  necessary  for  carrying 
on  the  interior  commerce  of  the  king's  different  pro 
vinces,  and  for  that  which  we  have  with  France,  Spain, 
and  England  ;  our  only  resource  is  then  to  try  if  there 
are  any  owners  of  vessels  in  Holland  or  Hamburg, 
who  for  a  convenient  freight  would  undertake  to 
carry  our  merchandize,  and  in  the  second  place  to 
find  out  an  ensurance.  We  shall  endeavour  to  get 
ourselves  well  informed  on  these  two  points,  and  if 
there  is  a  possibility  of  succeeding  in  this  way  after 
having  obviated  some  other  small  difficulties,  we  may 


ARTHUR    LEE.  9 

benefit  ourselves  by  the  instructions  which  you  have 
had  the  goodness  to  point  out  to  us. 

I  have  the  honour  to   be  with  most  distinguished 
esteem  and  respect,  sir,  &c. 

BARON  SCHULENBURG. 

Mr.  Arthur  Lee" 

"BERLIN,  June  28th,  1777. 

Dear  Sirs, — I  have  not  yet  received  a  line  from 
you.  It  is  not  easy  to  divine  the  reason  of  so  long  a 
silence.  There  is  for  sale  here,  and  deliverable  in 
any  port  in  France,  fourteen  thousand  weight  of  brass 
cannon,  at  six  guineas  the  quintal,  and  six  thousand 
to  be  melted  down,  at  five  guineas  and  a  half.  They 
are  six,  twelve,  and  twenty-four  pounders.  The  ex 
pense  of  freight  and  ensurance  to  Nantes  or  else 
where  will  be  added  to  this  price.  Two  days  ago, 
while  I  was  at  dinner,  my  bureau  was  broke  open 
and  some  papers  stolen  out,  which  were  in  my  porte- 
feuille.  The  English  envoy  happened  to  be  in  the 
hotel  where  I  lodge  when  I  discovered  the  robbery. 
Upon  being  informed  that  I  was  gone  to  the  gover 
nor,  and  that  the  suspicion  fell  upon  one  of  his  ser 
vants,  he  went  away  in  great  confusion,  and  in  half 
an  hour  the  porte-feuille  with  all  the  papers  were  laid 
down  at  the  door,  and  the  person  ran  off  undiscovered. 
The  examinations  that  have  been  taken,  charge  his 
servant  with  having  repeatedly  told  the  servants  of 
the  hotel  that  his  master  «would  give  two  thousand 
ducats  for  my  papers.  The  landlord  who  charged 
his  servant  with  it  before  him,  deposes  that  he  said 
he  would  send  the  servant  to  answer  for  himself,  but 
that  the  servant  never  appeared.  Prince  Colberg, 
who  was  also  present,  deposes  that  he  immediately 
quitted  the  room  in  the  greatest  confusion.  The 
whole  is  before  the  king.  The  return  of  the  papers, 
and  those  which  he  particularly  wanted  not  having 
been  left  in  the  bureau,  disappointed  him  of  his  ob- 


10  LIFE  OF 

ject,  while  the  whole  odium  rests  upon  him.  He 
will  do  better  the  next  time,  and  his  court  will  no 
doubt  encourage  him.  Public  ministers  have  been 
regarded  as  spies;  Mr.  Elliot  will  give  them  the  ad 
ditional  title  of  robbers. 

I  shall  leave  this  on  Thursday  next,  and  expect  to 
be  at  Strasburg  in  twelve  days  from  thence,  so  that  a 
letter  will  meet  me  there  by  return  of  post. 

I  am,  with  the  greatest  esteem,  dear  sirs,  yours,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  -Benjamin  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane,  Esqrs. 
Commissioner  S)  Paris. ' ' 

"JUNE  28th,  1777. 
To  the  Commissioners  at  Paris. 

Dear  Sirs, — It  is  now  the  28th,  and  not  a  line 
from  you.  I  cannot  divine  the  reason  of  so  long  a 
silence.  There  is  for  sale  here,  deliverable  at  any 
port  in  France,  414,000  weight  of  brass  cannon,  at 
six  guineas  the  quintal,  and  60,000,  to  be  melted 
down  again,  at  five  guineas  and  a  half.  They  are  6, 
12,  and  24s.  The  expense  of  freight  and  ensurance 
to  Nantes  will  be  added  to  this  price.  The  enclos 
ed  estimate  of  clothing  you  will  compare  with  that 
you  have  contracted  for,  and  determine  whether  it  be 
worth  while  to  order  10,000  suits  from  hence,  which 
can  be  furnished  in  a  very  short  time. 

I  am  dear  sirs,  &c.  A.  LEE. 

N,  B.  The  estimate  was  about  24  francs  a  suit." 

"  BERLIN,  July  6th,  1777. 

To  the  Commissioners  at  Paris. 

Dear  Sirs, — I  informed  you  in  my  last,  of  the  28th, 
of  my  having  been  robbed  of  my  papers,  and  having 
retrieved  them  within  a  few  hours.  Whether  they 
were  read  I  cannot  ascertain,  but  I  think  they  would 
never  have  returned  them  had  they  known  their  con 
tents.  My  journal  book,  which  was  among  them,  con- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  11 

tained  all  our  transactions  in  France  and  Spain.  You 
will  therefore  judge,  whether  it  be  proper  to  guard 
those  courts  against  any  complaints  from  England. 
As  they  have  returned  the  evidence  of  what  they  will 
allege,  it  may  well  be  treated  as  a  forgery,  supposing 
always  they  have  read  it,  which  I  do  not  believe.  I 
have  just  learnt  that  the  English  envoy  has  despatch 
ed  his  secretary  to  London;  but  whether  to  guard 
against  the  storm  he  expects  his  indiscretion  will  ex 
cite  from  hence,  or  to  give  the  intelligence  he  obtain 
ed,  or  both,  I  know  not.  I  have  thought  it  prudent 
to  wait  here  some  days,  to  see  whether  the  ill-humour 
he  has  excited  will  furnish  a  favourable  opportunity  of 
obtaining  something.  I  shall  leave  this  place  next 
week,  unless  some  advice  from  you  should  stop  me. 
Hitherto  I  have  not  been  favoured  with  a  single  line. 

I  see  in  the  English  papers  that  cruisers  are  sent 
to  the  Baltic,  which  I  am  afraid  are  against  Weeks. 
Perhaps  you  will  think  it  proper  to  change  the  name 
of  Boux's  ship,  to  embarrass  their  complaint  to  the 
states,  should  they  make  any.  I  enclose  you  the  pri 
ces  of  several  articles  we  want,  and  which  seem  to 
be  cheaper  here  than  in  France. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your 
obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  July  29th,  1777. 
The  Hon'ble  Chairman  of  the  Secret  Committee, 

Sir, — I  had  the  honour  of  informing  the  committee 
of  my  proceedings  at  Berlin,  in  a  letter  from  thence 
dated  the  llth  of  last  month.  On  my  first  interview 
with  his  excellency  Baron  Schulenburg,  he  informed 
me  that  upon  receiving  information  of  my  intending 
to  come  to  Berlin,  he  had  written  to  signify  the  king's 
resolution  not  to  receive  me  as  a  public  minister;  but 
that  he  should  be  glad  to  receive  any  information  re 
lative  to  the  proposal  of  carrying  on  trade  with  us. 


12  LIFE    OF 

I  urged  the  example  of  the  civil  wars  both  in  England 
and  Holland,  during  which  public  ministers  were  re 
ceived  from  them  by  neutral  powers,  without  its  be 
ing  deemed  an  infringement  of  their  neutrality;  with 
many  other  similar  instances  of  great  authority.  He 
answered,  that  his  majesty  had  pledged  his  honour  to 
the  king  of  Great  Britain  not  to  interfere  in  this  dis 
pute,  and  he  was  determined  not  to  commit  himself. 
He  therefore  wished  I  would  confine  myself  entirely 
to  the  subject  of  trade,  as  he  could  not  hear  any  farther 
propositions. 

As  I  had  not  been  expressly  commissioned  by  con 
gress  to  the  court  of  Berlin,  I  thought  it  not  pru 
dent  to  insist  on  this  point.  I  therefore  gave  him 
what  light  I  could,  touching  the  proper  articles  of 
commerce,  the  best  ports  in  America,  and  the  best 
means  of  conducting  the  trade.  - 1  trusted  that  I 
should  find  an  opening  for  going  farther,  upon  better 
acquaintance  and  opportunity.  Accordingly  I  ven 
tured  in  a  little  time  to  propose  the  opening  their 
ports  to  our  cruisers,  and  to  allow  the  sale  of  their 
prizes.  I  was  assured,  in  answer  to  this  proposition, 
that  they  would  enquire  upon  what  footing  this  was 
done  in  France  and  Spain,  and  inform  me  whether 
the  same  could  be  admitted  in  their  ports. 

While  I  was  at  dinner  one  day,  some  person  contriv 
ed  to  get  into  my  chamber,  which  was  locked,  and  to 
break  open  my  desk,  from  whence  he  took  all  my  pa 
pers.  1  soon  discovered  the  robbery,  and  alarming 
the  police,  the  English  envoy,  who  happened  to  be  on 
a  visit  in  the  hotel  when  the  alarm  was  given,  imme 
diately  went  home,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  papers 
were  all  returned,  apparently  unopened.  The  envoy 
went  to  the  king  next  day  to  excuse  himself,  but  was 
not  admitted.  It  appeared  upon  examination,  that 
his  servants  had  frequently  offered  a  large  sum  to  the 
servants  of  the  house,  if  they  would  steal  my  papers. 
But  as  I  never  went  out  of  my  room  upon  the  most 


ARTHUR    LEE.  13 

trifling  occasion  without  locking  them  up,  they  were 
obliged  to  have  recourse  to  violence.  The  resentment 
of  every  one  at  so  outrageous  an  act,  was  soon  lost  in 
the  contempt  of  the  envoy's  folly  in  returning  what 
he  had  incurred  so  much  odium  in  acquiring.  The 
minister  of  state  told  me  they  could  do  nothing  more 
than  insist  on  his  recall,  which  he  imagined  the  envoy, 
considering  the  unfavourable  light  in  which  this  ac 
tion  had  placed  him,  would  ask  himself. 

I  thought  this  a  favourable  opportunity  of  pressing 
for  aid  from  the  king,  in  artillery,  arms,  and  money ;  of 
which  last  I  was  well  informed  he  had  a  considerable 
sum  in  his  treasury.  But  I  could  obtain  nothing  but 
assurances  of  his  desire  to  serve  us,if  it  were  in  his  pow 
er.  Upon  my  taking  leave,  the  baron  Schulenburg  de 
livered  me  a  message  from  his  majesty,  desiring  me  to 
assure  my  constituents,  that  nothing  would  give  him 
more  pleasure  than  to  hear  of  their  success,  and  that 
he  wished  whatever  good  news  I  received  might  be 
communicated  to  him. 

I  did  not  omit  to  press  his  interposition,  relative  to 
German  and  Prussian  auxiliaries.  In  answer  to  this, 
the  minister  assured  me  that  we  had  no  reason  to  ap 
prehend  any  thing,  either  from  the  one  or  the  other  in 
future. 

What  I  have  collected  from  various  sources  on  the 
subject  is  this.  The  German  princes,  who  have  hired 
their  troops,  besides  having  rendered  themselves  ex 
tremely  odious,  have  suffered  greatly  and  are  still  suf 
fering  by  the  emigration  of  their  subjects,  for  fear  of 
being  forced  into  this  service,  which  is  excessively  un 
popular  and  odious  through  all  Germany.  Under  these 
circumstances,  those  princes  are  neither  much  inclin 
ed  nor  at  all  able  to  furnish  new  supplies.  The  re 
cruits  already  sent  were  furnished  by  their  utmost  ex 
ertions,  and  in  all  probability  will  be  their  last. 

The  situation  of  the  empress  of  Russia  is  not  more 

VOL.    II.  2 


14  LIFE    OF 

favourable.  She  is  under  a  constant  alarm  for  the  in 
ternal  quiet  of  her  kingdom,  in  which  there  are  every 
where  the  seeds  of  great  and  dangerous  discontents. 
A  considerable  force  is  required  to  preserve  the  acqui 
sitions  she  has  made  in  Poland.  The  peace  with  the 
Porte  is  an  armed  truce,  which  threatens  to  break  out 
into  action  every  moment.  The  first  and  most  sacred 
principle  of  the  Mahometan  religion  is,  the  union  of  all 
mussulmans.  The  dividing  Crimea  from  them  is  for 
this  reason  a  mortal  W7ound  to  their  religious  opinions, 
and  renders  the  late  peace  universally  odious.  Per 
petual  obstacles  are  therefore  raised  to  the  execution 
of  it,  and  the  Turks  are  openly  preparing  to  avenge 
their  late  defeats.  So  circumstanced,  it  is  certain  the 
empress  is  herself  in  great  need  of  assistance,  instead 
of  being  in  a  condition  to  give  it ;  which,  were  she 
able,  it  is  conceived  she  would  never  stoop  to  do,  as  a 
subsidiary  of  Great  Britain,  in  such  a  contest,  and  in 
such  company  as  the  little  German  princes. 

What  is  a  farther  security  against  their  future  efforts, 
is  the  deficiency  of  funds  on  the  part  of  our  enemies. 
I  found  their  credit  in  Germany  had  been  at  no  time 
lower  than  it  is  now.  We  have  good  intelligence 
from  Holland  of  its  falling  there  apace.  In  England 
men  every  day  ruminate  more  deeply  on  the  dark 
and  ruinous  prospect  before  them,  and  most  assuredly 
their  credit  there  is  already  stretched  to  its  utmost. 
All  this  may  be  well  conceived,  from  the  light  in 
which  this  contest  was  always  viewed.  In  England 
it  was  regarded  as  unwise;  in  every  other  part  of  Eu 
rope,  as  unwise  and  unjust.  Nothing  but  the  most 
brilliant  and  immediate  success  could  have  prevented 
the  consequences  of  these  opinions.  That  has  not 
happened,  and  therefore  they  now  begin  to  experience 
the  bitter  effects  of  their  folly  and  injustice. 

Every  day  confirms  me  more  and  more  in  the  opi 
nion,  that  our  enemies  cannot  continue  the  war  anoth 
er  campaign  with  any  effect ;  and  that  the  acknowl- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  15 

edgment  of  your  independency  will  be  a  serious  sub 
ject  of  deliberation  among  the  powers  of  Europe  the 
ensuing  winter. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your 
obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  Sept.  9th,  1777. 

The  Hon'ble  Chairman  of  the  Secret  Committee, 

Sir, — I  have  not  heard  from  Berlin  relative  to 
their  determination  about  opening  their  ports  to  our 
cruisers. 

The  abbe  Raynal,  who  is  just  returned  from  a  tour 
in  England,  tells  me  that  nothing  disgusts  the  Eng 
lish  nation  so  much  with  the  continuance  of  the  war, 
as  the  seeing  their  ports  filled  with  French  ships,  to 
carry  on  their  commerce  with  other  nations.  Their 
merchants  are  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  this  expe 
dient  to  screen  their  merchandise.  I  say  screen,  be 
cause  they  cannot  expect  that,  according  to  the  law 
of  nations,  it  will  be  a  protection  when  discovered. 
They  have  been  driven  to  this  necessity  by  the  num 
ber  and  success  of  your  cruisers  in  and  about  the  chan 
nel,  which  has  raised  ensurance  so  high,  that  their 
manufactures  are  in  danger  of  being  augmented 
thereby  in  their  price,  too  much  for  the  European 
markets. 

I  thought  it  would  be  useful  to  inform  you  of  these 
facts,  to  show  the  utility  of  continuing  and  encourag 
ing  cruisers  in  these  seas,  as  they  will  perhaps  be  so 
discouraged  by  the  late  measures  in  this  country, 
(which  I  trust  will  not  be  of  long  continuance)  as  to 
confine  their  course  to  the  American  seas. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE," 


16  LIFE  OF 

"  BERLIN,  Nov.  6th,  1777. 

Sir, — The  king  was  surprised  to  learn  from  the  let 
ter  which  you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  the 
23d  ult.  that  you  had  received  no  news  from  America, 
while  the  public  papers  are  filled  with  many  different 
accounts,  principally  upon  the  descent  of  Gen.  Howe 
on  the  Chesapeake,  and  the  check  which  Gen.  Bur- 
goyne  is  said  to  have  received  from  the  American 
general  Arnold.  As  I  am  persuaded  his  majesty  will 
receive  with  pleasure  a  confirmation  of  the  last  arti 
cle,  in  consequence  of  the  interest  he  takes  in  the 
events  favourable  to  your  cause,  you  will  oblige  me 
much  sir,  by  communicating  to  me  authentic  accounts 
on  this  subject  the  moment  you  receive  them;  as  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  distinguish  the  truth  of  relations 
dictated  for  the  most  part  by  the  spirit  of  party. 

As  to  the  re-inforcement  of  troops  which  Great 
Britain  may  expect  from  the  other  powers  of  Europe 
for  the  ensuing  campaign,  I  can  assure  you  sir,  that 
your  nation  has  nothing  to  fear  from  Russia,  nor  from 
Denmark,  and  that  even  Germany  will  furnish  but  a 
few  hundreds  of  men,  which  the  Duke  of  Brunswick, 
the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  and  the  Margrave  of  An- 
spach,  cannot  avoid  sending,  to  fill  up  the  corps  which 
by  treaty  they  are  obliged  to  keep  up  in  America,  un 
der  British  pay.  It  is  with  sincere  pleasure  sir,  that  I 
give  you  this  agreeable  information,  having  the  honour 
to  be  with  distinguished  consideration,  &c. 

BARON  SCHULENBURG. 

Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  Paris." 

"PARIS,  Jan.  5th,  1778. 

Gentlemen, — My  despatches  by  Capt.  Young,  and 
since  by  Mr.  Deane,  jr.,  will  have  informed  you  of 
whatever  has  happened  worthy  of  your  attention  in 
the  departments  of  Spain  and  Prussia.  The  latter 
is  now  resigned  to  the  care  of  the  commissioner  ap 
pointed  to  it,  who  will  inform  congress  (as  he  is  in- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  17 

structed)  of  the  assurances  from  Baron  Schulenburg, 
secretary  of  state  to  the  king  of  Prussia,  that  his  mas 
ter  will  riot  be  the  last  to  acknowledge  your  indepen 
dency.  This  may  show  you  the  favourable  disposi 
tion  of  that  monarch,  who  I  believe  waits  only  for 
the  example  of  this  court,  which  I  trust  will  not  be 
long  delayed.  I  have  received  a  complaint  from  St. 
Sebastian  of  the  sailors,  who  carried  in  a  prize  there 
made  by  an*  American  privateer,  having  been  impri 
soned,  and  the  prize  seized.  This  passed  previous  to 
the  arrival  of  the  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender,  and 
Gen.  Washington's  having  given  battle  to  the  British 
army.  As  this  news  has  made  a  strong  sensation  in 
our  favour,  I  am  in  hopes  the  representations  I  have 
made  will  not  only  relieve  them,  but  prevent  any  vio 
lence  of  this  kind  in  future.  It  would  seem  that  the 
court  of  Spain  will  not  enter  into  any  negotiation  till 
we  have  concluded  the  business  here.  But  I  shall 
hold  myself  ready  to  execute  that  duty,  in  obedience 
to  the  commands  of  congress,  the  moment  it  is  per 
mitted.  I  expect  every  day  to  hear  that  the  blankets 
and  stockings  I  ordered  from  Bilboa  are  shipped.  The 
enclosed  letter  will  show  the  sincerity  of  those  pro 
fessions  I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  from  his  Prus 
sian  majesty;  and  as  he  is  in  great  esteem  with  the 
empress  of  Russia,  I  think  we  may  be  satisfied  that 
he  will  use  all  his  influence  to  prevent  our  enemies 
from  succeeding  in  their  solicitations  with  her.  1 
have  no  reason  to  alter  my  opinion  of  the  malignant 
obstinacy  with  which  our  enemies  are  determined  to 
pursue  the  war.  The  ill  success  has  produced  a  dis 
inclination  in  the  public  to  persevere,  which  gives 
them  some  alarm.  I  have  secret  but  sure  informa 
tion,  that  in  order  to  conquer  this  reluctance  by  the 
hope  of  a  speedy  end  to  the  war,  they  mean  very 
soon  to  lay  before  parliament  a  plan  of  accommoda 
tion.  Under  the  delusion  of  this  hope,  they  expect 
to  pass  easily  over  the  enquiry  into  the  state  of  the 


18  LIFE    OF 

nation,  and  to  have  its  force  continued  another  year 
under  their  direction.  Mr.  Stephenson,  who  will 
have  the  honour  of  delivering  you  this,  was  a  mer 
chant  in  Bristol,  whom  I  have  long  known  to  be  zeal 
ously  attached  to  the  cause  of  his  country. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

To  the  Corresponding  Committee." 

The  British  court  are  greatly  alarmed  about  Can 
ada,  for  the  defence  of  which  they  are  informed  8000 
men  at  least  are  necessary.  I  hardly  think  if  will  be 
possible  for  them  to  procure  any  thing  like  that  num 
ber.  The  refusal  of  a  passage  by  the  king  of  Prus 
sia  will  embarrass  and  impede  their  German  supplies 
as  stipulated,  and  I  have  good  intelligence  that  it  was 
done  with  the  approbation  of  the  emperor,  and  that 
he  will  use  his  influence  to  prevent  future  supplies. 

Sir, — In  answer  to  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the 
honour  to  write  me  of  the  28th  of  December,  of  the 
former  year,  I  must  begin  by  remarking  to  you  sir, 
that  before  that  last  I  had  received  two  letters  from 

you,  viz.  one  of  the  4th  and  another  of  the  of 

the  same  month  ;  but  as  you  assure  me  that  you  had 
wrote  twice  since  the  4th  of  December,  that  expres 
sion  of  some  doubt  whether  or  not  the  letter  of  the 
4th  is  comprehended  in  the  two  you  mention,  makes 
me  think  one  of  your  letters  has  miscarried  ;  as  to 
myself  sir,  after  my  letter  of  the  4th  of  December, 
the  receipt  of  which  you  have  acknowledged,  I  have 
made  you  two  answers,  one  of  the  18th,  and  another 
of  the  23d,  both  of  which  I  hope  have  come  to  hand. 
I  address  this  as  you  desire  to  Mr.  Grand,  banker, 
Montmartyr-street,  arid  that  we  may  guard  against 
our  letters  being  any  of  them  lost  for  the  future,  I 
would  propose  to  you  sir  to  number  yours,  as  I  shall 
do,  beginning  with  this. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  19 

The  reflections  you  make  upon  the  present  situa 
tion  of  affairs  are  most  just ;  and  indeed  Gen.  Howe's 
situation  appears  very  embarrassing.  We  must  see 
how  he  will  extricate  himself,  or  if  he  will  not  at 
least  take  and  keep  his  posts  with  more  prudence 
than  he  did  last  year.  As  the  events  of  this  war  be 
come  every  day  more  interesting,  I  again  pray  you 
sir  to  communicate  to  me  regularly  all  the  news  you 
may  receive.  The  king  seems  much  interested  in  it. 
His  majesty  wishes  that  your  efforts  may  be  crowned 
with  success,  and  as  I  have  told  you  in  mine  of  the 
13th  of  Dec.  he  will  not  hesitate  to  acknowledge  your 
independency  as  soon  as  France,  which  is  more  immedi 
ately  interested  in  the  issue  of  this  contest,  shall  set  the 
example.  His  majesty  would  make  no  difficulty  in 
receiving  your  ships  into  his  ports  if  it  were  not  that 
he  has  no  fleet  to  revenge  the  insults  that  may  be  of 
fered  to  your  ships.  The  port  of  Embden,  however 
safe  and  convenient  it  may  otherwise  be,  not  having 
even  a  fort  for  its  defence,  his  majesty  would  not 
wish  to  put  himself  in  so  disagreeable  a  situation. 
As  to  the  guns  and  other  arms  of  our  manufacture, 
you  are  at  liberty  sir,  either  to  buy  or  order ;  and  the 
splitt  gerbers,  bankers  and  undertakers  of  the  manu 
factory  of  arms,  have  instructions  to  deliver  you  as 
many  as  you  want.  I  subjoin  a  note  of  the  prices, 
which  are  the  same  that  the  king  pays,  and  as  to  the 
infantry  muskets,  they  may  be  procured  at  a  low 
price,  if  solidity  of  workmanship  is  more  desirable, 
rather  than  that  exactness  which  the  king  requires. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  distinguished  consid 
eration  sir,  &c. 

BARON  SCHULENBURG." 

Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  Paris." 


20  LIFE    OF 


"  2nd  February  1778. 
To  his  excellency  Baron  Schulenburg. 

I  was  honoured  with  jours  of  the  16th  of  January, 
some  few  days  since,  and  have  delayed  an  answer  in 
hopes  that  despatches  from  America  would  have  ena 
bled  me  to  give  your  excellency  some  acceptable  in 
telligence.  But  in  this  I  am  disappointed,  so  that 
we  have  nothing  but  the  relations  of  the  enemy  to 
direct  our  judgment  of  the  present  situation  of  things 
in  and  near  Philadelphia.  There  is  one  thing  how 
ever  that  must  strike  your  excellency  in  Gen.  Howe's 
narration,  which  is,  that  in  attempting  to  make  his 
forward  movement  he  is  constantly  attacked  instead 
of  attacking  ;  and  however  well  he  might  have  de 
fended  himself,  was  obliged  to  measure  back  his 
ground,  and  put  his  army  into  winter  quarters.  His 
tranquillity  or  even  safety  there  will  depend  much 
upon  the  mildness  of  the  winter  and  the  equipment 
of  the  army  of  the  United  States  for  a  campaign  in 
that  rigorous  season.  If  the  winter  is  severe  and 
Gen.  Washington's  army  tolerably  provided,  it  seems 
to  me  that  Gen.  Howe's  situation  will  be  far  from 
that  of  security. 

Congress  have  approved  of  the  convention  with 
Gen.  Burgoyne,  the  terms  of  which  I  am  very  much 
mistaken  if  the  British  government  do  not  violate. 
The  enemy  is  driven  entirely  back  into  Canada,  after 
blowing  up  the  works  of  Ticonderoga,  and  New-York 
is  pressed  on  all  sides. 

The  4th  and  the  1 1  th  were  the  letters  I  referred  to, 
and  I  have  had  the  honour  of  receiving  those  your  ex 
cellency  mentions. 

I  hope  the  period  for  executing  his  majesty's  most 
gracious  purpose  towards  us  is  not  remote ;  as  well 
as  that  of  the  reduction  of  the  British  power  within 
the  limits  of  due  respect  for  other  powers. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  21 

I  thank  your  excellency  a  thousand  times  for  the 
facilities  you  have  procured  us,  in  the  supplying  our 
selves  with  arms.  But  I  find  things  must  be  more 
arranged  before  we  can  avail  ourselves  of  your  good 
ness. 

The  enemy's  preparations  are  more  sounding  than 
substantial.  They  mark  a  radical  weakness  ;  and  will 
certainly  be  impotent  when  we  are  fortified  with  alli 
ances. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  respect, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  Dec.  25th,  1778. 

To  his  excellency  Baron  Schulenburg. 

I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  excellency's 
favour  of  the  1st.  I  am  extremely  sorry  for  having 
troubled  you  with  a  representation  which  seems  to 
have  given  offence  instead  of  obtaining  redress. 
The  character  of  a  merchant  nor  that  of  all  the  mer 
chants  in  Europe  can  weigh  against  the  evidence  of 
one's  senses.  I  do  assure  your  excellency  upon  my 
honour  that  the  musket  which  is  the  specimen  of 
those  sent  for  the  best  Prussian  arms,  and  which  have 
cost  me  five  livres  a  piece  more  than  the  best  arms  in 
France,  is  one  of  the  worst  that  I  ever  beheld.  I 
have  seen  most  of  the  troops  in  Europe,  and  I  never 
saw  such  a  musket  in  a  soldier's  hand.  Ft  has  this 
remarkable  trait,  that  it  is  neither  of  the  old  nor  of 
the  new  model ;  but  seems  to  have  been  a  barrel 
spoilt  in  attempting  to  new  model  it,  and  this  put 
into  a  stock  of  such  wood  and  of  such  fashion  as  can 
not  be  imagined  worse.  There  is  no  mark  of  its  hav 
ing  been  examined,  upon  it.  In  short  a  mistake  be 
tween  the  new  and  the  old  model  is  out  of  the  ques 
tion. 

But  your  excellency  will  give  me  leave  to  observe 
that  if  my  demand  was  not  explicit,  it  is  a  little  sur- 

VOL.  n.  3 


22  LIFE    OF 

prizing  that  the  house  of in  the  correspond 
ence  that  passed  between  them  and  myself  before 
the  order  was  executed,  did  not  ask  an  explanation 
whether  the  old  or  the  new  model  was  meant. 
They  knew,  though  we  did  not,  that  there  were 
different  kinds  of  arms  of  the  Prussian  make,  and 
therefore  that  a  mistake  might  happen.  As  to  my 
self,  I  had  seen  the  troops  at  Berlin,  and  the  arsenal 
furnished  with  arms  of  the  new  model.  I  had  con 
versed  with  sundry  officers  upon  the  preference  due 
to  arms  of  the  Prussian  make,  and  never  found  any 
one  who  by  that  term  did  not  understand  those  of  the 
new  model.  Not  knowing  therefore  that  there  was 
any  possibility  of  mistake  I  did  not  conceive  I  could 
be  more  explicit.  Upon  the  whole,  instead  of  the  best 
arms  in  Europe  which  I  promised,  I  have  sent  the 
worst,  if  the  rest  are  like  the  specimen  sent  me.  It 
is  not  from  any  doubt  of  the  justice  of  his  majesty's 
courts  that  I  shall  not  trouble  them  with  this  business. 
In  my  situation  it  is  obviously  impossible  to  pursue 
it  in  that  way.  I  hope  your  excellency  will  pardon 
me  for  having  given  you  the  pain  of  reading  one  let 
ter  on  the  subject,  and  I  should  not  have  added  a 
second,  but  that  there  was  a  sort  of  censure  thrown 
upon  me,  which  I  most  assuredly  did  not  deserve.  I 
should  have  thought  myself  censurable  if  I  had  con 
cealed  from  your  excellency  a  proceeding  on  the  part 
of  those  gentlemen  which  appeared  so  flagrant  to  me. 
You  thought  I  was  alone  to  blame,  in  which  I  cannot 
in  any  degree  whatsoever  concur.  I  have  the  hon 
our  of  enclosing  to  your  excellency  a  copy  of  a  mani 
festo,  to  which  the  avowedly  savage  intentions  of 
our  enemies  have  compelled  congress.  The  previous 
resolution  will  show  your  excellency  with  what  re 
luctance  congress  has  adopted  retaliation.  As  long 
as  it  was  possible  to  impute  the  barbarities  committed 
to  the  unauthorized  malignity  of  individuals,  they  ex 
horted  forbearance.  But  when  a  solemn  avowal  on 


ARTHUR    LEE.  23 

the  part  of  his  Britannic  majesty's  commissioners,  of 
their  determination  to  exercise  the  extremes  of  war, 
and  to  desolate  for  the  sole  purpose  of  destroying,  had 
deprived  them  of  the  apology  they  had  too  generously 
made  for  the  actions  of  their  enemies  ;  their  duty  to 
the  people,  to  humanity,  to  nations,  called  from  con 
gress  this  resolution  of  retaliation.  This  conduct  of 
our  enemies  will,  like  all  their  other  follies  and  perse 
cutions  knit  more  firmly  our  confederation.  The  in 
human  purpose  of  massacre  and  desolation  upon  a  pre 
text  of  our  being  mortgaged  to  France,  which  the  very 
treaty  to  which  they  allude  expressly  contradicts,  has 
armed  every  hand  and  heart  against  them  :  it  has  con 
firmed  the  wavering,  animated  the  timid,  and  exaspe 
rated  the  brave.  The  laws  of  nations  are  the  common 
property  of  all  civilized  people.  A  deliberate  deter 
mination  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to  violate  them 
and  recall  the  practices  of  barbarians,  should  render 
that  nation  abhorred  through  all  Europe.  Our  liber 
ties,  which  were  the  object  of  the  war,  are  secure  ;  we 
are  now  fighting  the  battles  of  humanity  and  of  na 
tions  against  the  avowed  and  bitter  enemies  of  both. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  respect 
your  excellency's  obedient  servant, 

A.  LEE." 


24  LIFE    OF 


APPENDIX    VI. 

Letters  from  Mr.  Arthur  Lee  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  Congress 
on  Foreign  Affairs. 

"NANTES,  Feb.  14th,  1777. 

Secret  committee. 

Gentlemen, — The  enclosed  book  is  esteemed  a 
work  of  genius,  and  as  such  I  have  thought  it  proper 
to  be  sent  to  you.  We  were  acquainted  with  the 
author  in  Paris,  who  is  a  man  of  very  high  character, 
and  so  strongly  our  friend  that  I  have  no  doubt  that 
if  the  want  of  his  second  volume,  which  is  not  yet 
published,  should  render  any  explanation  necessary, 
he  will  give  it  with  pleasure. 

Since  I  had  the  honour  of  writing  yesterday,  Mr. 
Thomas  Morris  has  informed  me  of  the  agreement  he 
has  just  concluded  with  the  Farmers  General  for  all 
the  tobacco  which  shall  arrive  here  on  your  account, 
at  seventy  livres  a  hundred.  It  was  probably  in  con 
templation  of  this  that  they  refused  to  sign  the  treaty 
with  us,  after  they  had  pledged  their  word  for  it. 
Our  object  was  to  interest  government  here  through 
them  in  our  commerce  so  much  as  to  secure  their 
utmost  protection  of  it ;  to  ensure  the  export  of  our 
produce,  which  we  apprehended  the  scarcity  of  ship 
ping  and  sailors  would  render  impracticable  in  our 
own  bottoms,  and  to  command  a  considerable  advance 
of  ready  money  for  a  full  supply  of  arms,  ammuni 
tion,  rigging,  &:c.  which  we  might  convey  with  more 
certainty  under  their  protection.  To  compass  these 
objects  we  were  induced  to  offer  them  such  tempting 
terms.  The  price  they  have  now  agreed  to  give  is 
certainly  a  good  one,  but  I  fear  it  will  not  relieve  us 


ARTHUR    LEE.  25 

from  our  difficulties,  as  there  is  no  advance  stipulat 
ed,  and  the  difficulty  of  exportation  seems  to  increase 
daily. 

Our  last  intelligence  from  England  informs  us  that 
a  bill  is  now  passing  for  granting  letters  of  marque 
against  you,  or  rather  for  repealing  so  much  of  their 
former  act  as  confined  it  to  the  navy.     The  press 
there,  still  continues  very  violent,  but  not  equally  pro 
ductive  ;  that,  together  with  the  great  preparation  of 
France  and  Spain,  seems  to  render  the  continuance 
of  peace  for  many  months,  impossible.     From  every 
thing  that  I  can  learn,  their  armaments  against  you 
will  be  very  late,  if  the  situation  of  Europe  will  suffer 
them  at  all.     But  it  is  best  to  prepare  for  their  plan 
as  if  it  would  be  executed  in  its  fullest  extent,  for 
it  is  impossible  to  have  such  reliance  on  the  politics 
of  Europe,  as  would  justify  the  hazarding  much  upon 
the  issue.     I  believe  you  have  not  yet  been  apprized 
of  what  it  may  be  material  to  you  to  know,  which  is 
that  the  British  government   offered   to  deliver  the 
prisoners  taken  on   Long  Island   to  the  East  India 
Company,  to  be  sent  to  their  settlements,  if  the  com 
pany  would  send  for  them  to  Gibraltar.     This  pro 
position  is  upon  record  in  the  company's   books,  a 
general  court  having   been   held   expressly   upon  it. 
Compared  with  other  things  it  may  possibly  serve  to 
show  their  good  faith  ;  and  it  is  itself  a  sufficient  evi 
dence  of  their    merciless  and  tyrannical  disposition 
towards  us. 

I  am  with  great  respect, 

A.  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  Oct.  6th,  1777. 

To  the  chairman  of  the  committee  of  foreign  affairs. 
Gentlemen, — By  the  Benjamin,  from  Berlin  on  the 
the  1 1th  of  June,  and  from  this  place  on  the  29th  of 
July,  I  had  the  honour  of  informing  you  at  large  of 


26  LIFE    OF 

my  proceedings  at  Berlin.  Not  having  received  an 
answer  from  that  court,  relative  to  the  reception  of 
our  cruisers  and  their  prizes  in  Prussian  ports,  I  have 
written  lately  to  press  for  one  which  I  hope  will  be 
favourable,  as  I  left  so  friendly  a  disposition  there, 
that  I  was  desired  to  communicate  his  majesty's 
warmest  wishes  for  our  success.  I  mentioned  too 
the  improbability  of  our  enemies'  drawing  assistance 
from  Russia,  for  the  next  campaign,  and  how  much 
their  resources  were  exhausted  in  Germany. 

By  Capt.  Young  I  received  the  commands  of  con 
gress  in  their  commission  to  me  for  the  court  of 
Spain.  As  Dr.  F.  had  announced  his  appointment, 
with  an  assurance  of  his  readiness  to  repair  to  Madrid 
as  soon  as  that  court  thought  proper  to  receive  him,  I 
conceived  it  unnecessary  to  apprize  them  of  the  new 
appointment,  till  we  are  informed  of  their  intention  to 
receive  a  commissioner.  During  my  absence  in  Ger 
many,  a  letter  was  received  from  Mr.  Gardoqui,  of 
Bilboa,  intimating  an  expectation  of  returns  from  you, 
for  what  was  transmitted  to  you  through  his  house. 
But  upon  an  application  to  his  court,  /  am  again  au 
thorised  to  assure  you  that  for  the  supplies  already  sent 
no  return  was  expected  ;  but  that  in  future  remittances 
of  American  produce  must  be  made  for  supplies 
through  the  house  of  Gardoqui.  It  is  impracticable 
to  bring  them  to  such  an  explanation  as  to  know  with 
certainty  whether  they  mean  this  in  earnest,  or  only 
as  a  cover,  should  the  transaction  transpire.  I  am  in 
clined  to  think  it  the  latter.  However,  I  wrote  to 
Mr.  Gardoqui,  in  consequence  of  it,  as  follows.  "  We 
are  now  to  begin  on  a  new  footing,  and  I  shall  take 
care  that  my  constituents  be  informed  that  for  all  the 
aids  they  receive  hereafter  from  your  quarter  they  are 
to  make  returns  in  tobacco,  pitch,  tar,  &c.  to  your 
house.  I  beg  to  know  by  your  next  whether  the 
same  arrangement  is  to  take  place  for  the  future, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  27 

with  regard  to  the  deposites  at  the  Havannah  and  New- 
Orleans,  or  whether  nothing  farther  is  to  be  transmit 
ted  through  those  channels,  that  if  so,  the  trouble  of 
sending  thither,  and  the  disappointment  may  be  pre 
vented.  As  the  winter's  campaign  is  approaching 
fast,  in  which  blankets  are  of  the  greatest  utility,  I 
wish  you  to  send  as  many  of  them  as  possible." 

Upon  this  subject  of  returns  I  think  it  my  duty  to 
state  to  you  some  facts  relative  to  the  demands  of 
this  kind  from  Hortalaez.     The  gentleman  who  uses 
this  name  came  to  me,  about  a  year  and  a  half  ago  in 
London,  as  an  agent  from  this  court,  and  wishing  to 
communicate  something  to  congress.     At  our  first 
interview  he  informed  me  that  the  court  of  France 
wished  to  send  an  aid  to  America  of  £200,000  ster 
ling  in  specie,  arms,  and  ammunition,  and  that  all 
they  wanted  was  to  know  through  which  island  it 
was  best  to  make  the  remittance,  and  that  congress 
should  be  apprized  of  it.    We  settled  the  Cape  as  the 
place,  and  he  urged  me  by  no  means  to  omit  giving 
the  earliest  intelligence  of  it,  with  information  that  it 
would  be  remitted  in  the  name  of  Hortaloez.    At  our 
next  meeting  he  desired  me  to  request  that  a  small 
quantity  of  tobacco  or  some  other  production  might 
be  sent  to  the  Cape,  to  give  it  the  air  of  a  mercantile 
transaction,  repeating  over  and  over  again,  that  it  was 
for  a  cover  only,  and  not  for  payment,  as  the  remittance 
was  gratuitous.     Of  all   this  I  informed  Dr.  F.*  by 
sundry  opportunities.     At  the  same  time  I  stated  to 
Mons.  Hortalaez  that  if  his  court  would  despatch  eight 
or  ten  ships  of  the  line  to  our  aid  it  would  enable  us 
to  destroy  all  the  British  fleet,  and  decide  the  ques 
tion  at  one  stroke.     I  repeated  this  to  him  in  a  letter 
after  his  return  to  Paris,  to  which  the  answer  was, 
that  there  was  not  spirit  enough  in  his  court  for  such 
an  exertion,  but  that  he  was  hastening  the  promised 

*  As  chairman  of  the  secret  committee. 


28  LIFE    OF 

succours.      Upon  Mr.  Dearie's  arrival  the  business 
went  into  his  hands,  and  the  aids  were  at  length  em 
barked  in  the  Amphitrite,  Mercure,  and  Seine. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  Nov.  30th,  1777. 

To  the  chairman  of  the  committee  for  foreign  corres 
pondence. 

Sir, — Since  the  enclosed,  I  received  a  letter  from 
the  king  of  Prussia's  minister,  to  inform  me  that  his 
majesty  cannot  at  present  open  his  ports  to  American 
armed  vessels,  for  the  sale  of  prizes,  as  he  finds  it  is 
not  permitted  in  France.  I  have  informed  the  minis 
ter  of  the  late  appointment  by  congress  to  his  court, 
and  do  not  think  it  improbable  but  that  the  king  will 
in  a  little  time  be  prevailed  upon  to  wink  at  the 
above  measure  being  executed,  though  he  will  not 
openly  approve  of  it  till  an  arrangement  is  made  for 
acknowledging  our  independency.  This  will  proba 
bly  come  under  serious  consideration  before  the  win 
ter  ends,  if  Gen.  Howe  should  not  be  successful. 

The  last  letter  I  received  from  the  Prussian  min 
ister  contains  the  following  paragraph  :  "  Berlin,  Nov. 
—  "  Quant  aux  renjorts  de  troupes  que  la  grande  Bre- 
tagne  pourroit  recevoir  des  autres  puissances  de  VEu- 
rope,  pour  la  campagne  prochaine,  je  puts  vous  assurer, 
JMons.  que  votre  nation  n'a  rien  a  craindre,  ni  de  la 
Russie,  ni  du  Dannemarc  ;  et  que  meme  Pjlllemagne  ne 
jfburnera  que  quelques  certaines  d'hommes  que  le  Due  de 
Brunswick,  le  Langrave  de  Hesse,  et  le  Margrave  d?Jlns- 
pach,  en  conformite  de  leur  traites  ne  saurient  se  dis 
penser  d'envoyer  annuellement  pour  la  recrue  des  corps 
de  troupes  que  ses  Princes  tiennent  en  Amerique  a  la 
solde  de  V  Jlngleterre.  C'est  avec  satisfaction  sincere, 
JMons.  que  je  vous  donne  cet  avis  consolant." 

Our  friends  in  Spain  have  been  prevailed  upon  to 


ARTHUR    LEE.  29 

renew  the  order  for  sending  you  supplies.  But  be 
fore  any  thing  was  done,  a  suspension  of  it  was  occa 
sioned  by  an  American  privateer  making  prize  of  a 
French  ship  coming  from  England  with  Spanish  pro 
perty  on  board.  Proper  measures  have  been  taken  to 
explain  this  proceeding  so  as  to  appease  the  com 
plaints  it  excited,  and  I  have  reason  to  hope  that  we 
shall  soon  see  the  former  goodwill  towards  us  restor 
ed  with  farther  proofs  of  its  sincerity. 

I  have  mentioned  the  little  probability  our  enemies 
have  of  obtaining  troops  for  another  campaign.  Nor 
will  their  difficulties  be  less  in  raising  supplies. 
Their  credit  falls  so  fast  in  Europe,  that  unless  the 
most  brilliant  and  effectual  success  of  this  campaign 
should  retrieve  it,  by  rendering  the  conquest  of  Ame 
rica  probable,  they  cannot  sustain  another.  Stat 
magni  nominis  umbra  may  almost  already  be  said  of 
Great  Britain,  and  the  decisive  weight,  a  weight  de 
rived  from  her  connexion  with  America,  in  the  bal- 
lance  of  Europe  which  she  has  long  held,  will  assur 
edly  fail  with  the  failure  of  this  year's  expectations. 

It  is  with  pleasure  I  inform  you  that  the  conduct 
of  your  generals,  and  the  bravery  of  your  troops  and 
seamen,  have  entirely  effaced  through  Europe  the  un 
favourable  impressions  made  at  first  by  the  scandalous 
reports  of  our  enemies.  At  the  same  time  there  is 
a  great  desire  to  have  authentic  accounts  from  us, 
which  unhappily  we  are  not  able  to  gratify,  having 
received  no  despatches  since  the  retreat  of  the  Bri 
tish  army  from  the  Jerseys.  I  have  imputed  it  to 
the  chances  of  the  sea,  and  of  war,  and  to  the  ardu 
ous  attention  of  congress  to  the  arrangement  and  de 
fence  of  a  young  government,  pressed  on  all  sides  by 
a  powerful  enemy.  The  king  of  Prussia  is  particu 
larly  anxious  on  this  subject,  as  you  will  judge  by  the 
following  extract  from  his  minister's  letter.  (Here 
follows  an  extract  in  French,  in  which  the  Prussian 
minister  informs  Mr.  Lee  of  the  desire  of  the  king  to 

VOL.    II.  4 


30  LIFE    OF 

receive  the  earliest  authentic  information  concerning 
the  affairs  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  events  of 
the  war.) 

I  enclose  you  the  king  of  Great  Britain's  speech, 
with  remarks  on  it  by  a  friend  who  was  present.  My 
private  letters  say,  the  ministry  are  exceedingly  dispi 
rited.  The  following  is  a  picture  of  the  public,  drawn 
by  an  able  hand  and  in  a  high  station.  "This  poor 
country  has  fallen  into  a  state  of  lethargy,  from  which 
all  efforts  to  rouse  her  seem  ineffectual.  The  single 
loss  of  Minorca  drove  the  people  of  England  almost 
to  madness ;  now  thirteen  provinces  dismembered 
from  the  British  empire  scarcely  excite  a  murmur,  ex 
cept  among  a  very  few,  who  dare  to  love  their  coun 
try  even  at  this  disgraceful  period."*  The  parlia 
mentary  campaign  will  soon  open,  but  nothing  is  to 
be  expected.  Corruption  has  spread  like  a  low-born 
mist,  a  Scottish  mist,  and  pervades  every  thing.  It  is 
certain  that  France  and  Spain  are  arming  with  un 
common  diligence,  and  to  a  great  extent.  The  states 
of  Holland  have  ordered  ten  men  of  war  as  a  con 
voy  for  their  West  India  trade,  and  will  not  permit 
any  interruption  of  it  by  our  enemies. 

Yet  with  these  circumstances  to  oppose  it,  the  im 
practicability  of  obtaining  an  adequate  number  of 
troops,  the  lowness  of  their  credit,  the  probability  of 
an  European  war,  the  carrying  on  of  their  commerce 
by  ships  of  their  rivals,  to  every  common  understand 
ing  the  impossibility  of  success,  and  (I  may  add  with 
certainty)  their  own  conviction  of  it,  I  am  clear  in 
my  opinion  that  they  will  attempt  another  campaign ; 
every  man  and  every  shilling  they  can  procure,  will 
be  devoted  to  the  desolation  of  our  country. 

The  privateer  which  gave  so  much  offence  by  tak 
ing  a  French  ship,  La  Fortune,  with  Spanish  property 
on  board,  is  called  the  Civil  Usage.  Since  that,  the 
Portsmouth  privateer,  from  Portsmouth,  Capt.  Hart, 
has  taken  an  English  merchantman  in  the  mouth  of 

*  Lord  Chatham. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  31 

the  Garonne.  Those  captures  have  given  great  of 
fence  to  the  two  courts;  to  remove  which  we  have 
promised  to  warn  all  American  captains  to  desist  from 
such  conduct,  till  the  pleasure  of  congress  is  known. 
The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  I  have  sent  to 
the  different  ports  of  Spain  for  that  purpose. 

"To  the  captains  and  commanders  of  all  ships  of  war, 
armed  vessels  and  privateers,  from  the  United  States 
of  North  America. 

PARIS,  Dec.  8th,  1777. 

Gentlemen, — Complaints  having  been  made  of  vio 
lence  done  by  American  armed  ships  to  neutral  na 
tions,  in  seizing  ships  belonging  to  their  subjects  and 
under  their  colours;  and  in  making  captures  of  ene 
my's  vessels  under  the  protection  of  their  coast,  con 
trary  to  the  usage  and  custom  of  nations.  This  is 
therefore  to  request  and  warn  you  not  to  commit  any 
such  violation  of  the  laws  of  nations,  but  that  (accord 
ing  to  the  powers  given  by  your  commission)  you  will 
confine  yourselves  to  the  capture  of  the  enemy's  ves 
sels,  when  not  within  the  protection  of  neutral  ports, 
rivers,  or  coasts,  and  of  all  others  that  are  carrying 
soldiers,  arms,  gunpowder,  ammunition,  provisions, 
and  other  contraband  goods,  to  any  of  the  British  ar 
mies,  or  ships  employed  against  the  United  States; 
you  will  respect  the  rights  of  neutrals,  from  which 
you  expect  protection,  and  treat  all  neutral  ships  with 
the  utmost  kindness  and  friendship,  for  the  honour  of 
yourselves  and  of  your  country. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

There  remains  nothing  for  me  to  add  at  present, 
but  to  assure  you  that  I  have  neglected  no  opportu 
nity  of  writing  to  you,  and  giving  a  full  account  of 
my  proceedings  in  Spain  and  Pruss'a. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  most  perfect  re 
spect,  &LC. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


32  LIFE    OF 

"  To  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  for  Foreign 
Correspondence. 

"  PARIS,  Dec.  8th,  1777. 

Since  rny  last  to  you  I  have  seen  your  despatches 
of  the  6th  of  Oct.  The  answer  relative  to  the  Ha- 
vannah  will  be  obtained  as  soon  as  possible;  but  I 
think  such  a  connexion  will  in  a  short  time  take  place 
between  the  two  countries,  as  will  put  that  matter 
out  of  all  doubt.  I  received  yesterday  a  letter  from 
the  Messrs.  Gardoqui,  at  Bilboa,  containing  the  fol 
lowing  passage.  'Our  worthy  friend,  Elbridge  Ger 
ry,  Esq.,  thinking  that  the  goods  shipped  per  Capt. 
Hodges  to  his  address  were  on  his  account,  he  wrote  us, 
that  he  would  place  the  amount  thereof  to  our  credit ; 
but  as  we  have  answered  him,  that  this  remittance  as 
well  as  the  rest  that  followed  through  the  same  chan 
nel  were  on  account  of  congress,  and  of  consequence 
out  of  our  power,  as  he  will  have  seen  by  the  sundry 
letters  wrote  to  him  since,  doubt  not  that  he  will  of 
consequence  conform  thereto;  and  we  assure  you,  that 
in  future  all  possible  means  will  be  used  to  prevent 
mistakes  of  this  kind.' 

By  a  letter  from  Holland  we  are  assured,  that  the 
king  of  Prussia  had  announced  to  the  states  his  hav 
ing  refused  a  passage  through  his  territories  to  Ger 
man  troops  hired  by  Great  Britain.  The  West  India 
fleet  from  Amsterdam,  &c.  is  to  be  convoyed  by  six 
men  of  war.  I  cannot  be  more  explicit,  than  to  as 
sure  you,  that  the  prospect  of  our  enemies  is  as  gloomy 
here  as  with  you,  and  that  I  am  not  mistaken  in  what 
I  formerly  wrote  you,  that  the  confirming  our  inde 
pendency  would  be  matter  of  serious  consideration 
among  the  powers  of  Europe  this  winter. 

I  have  remitted  Mr.  Gardoqui  money  for  ten  thou 
sand  blankets,  which  he  promises  to  send  with  all  pos 
sible  expedition. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  33 

"PARIS,  Dec.  19th,  1777. 
To  the  Committee. 

Our  joint  despatches  will  inform  you  of  the  for 
wardness  in  which  things  are  here  towards  the  desir 
ed  conclusion.  In  three  weeks  we  shall  hear  from 
Spain,  and  all  will  I  hope  be  settled.  The  late  in 
telligence  from  America  has  staggered  and  confound 
ed  our  enemies,  as  much  as  it  has  elated  and  decided 
our  friends.  Should  they  at  length  resolve  to  con 
tinue  in  rage  and  despair  what  they  commenced  in 
wickedness  and  folly,  and  venture  upon  a  general  war 
by  which  they  must  be  overwhelmed,  their  principal 
efforts  will  be  pointed  against  us,  unless  your  being 
in  a  respectable  state  of  preparation  should  deter 
them.  In  that  case  they  will  probably  confine  them 
selves  to  a  piratical  coasting  war,  and  preying  upon 
our  commerce.  I  have  directed  all  the  naval  stores 
that  are  collected  at  Bilboa  to  be  shipped  forthwith, 
the  moment  the  court  of  Spain  agrees  to  furnish  the 
money.  To  accelerate  this  material  supply,  I  pro 
posed  to  my  colleagues  to  remit  the  money  from  our 
funds  here,  but  they  did  not  think  it  advisable. 

Should  congress  want  any  person  to  serve  them  in 
a  public  character  in  Europe,  I  am  authorised  to  say 
that  Edmund  Jennings,  Esq.,  now  in  London,  will 
obey  their  commands.  His  abilities,  attachment,  and 
respectable  character  are  well  known.  It  has  also 
fallen  very  particularly  within  my  knowledge,  that 
Mr.  Thomas  Digges,  of  Maryland,  has  exerted  him 
self  with  great  assiduity  and  address  in  gaining  in 
telligence  and  doing  other  services  in  England. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  Feb.  10th,  1778. 

To  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — The  enclosed  memorial  and  letter  to 
Count  Florida  Blanca  will  inform  you  particularly  of 


34  LIFE    OF 

my  proceedings  in  Spain,  with  the  reasons  of  the  cau 
tious  conduct  of  that  court,  which  I  did  not  think  it 
safe  to  communicate  at  the  time.     France  is  now  pre 
paring.     The  war  with  Portugal  is  happily  conclud 
ed,  by  her  accession  to  the  family  compact,  and  there 
remains  only  the  hazard  of  the  treasure  at  sea,  which 
is  expected  in  April  next.     When  that  arrives,  I  have 
no  doubt  of  their  acceding  to  the  treaties  signed  here, 
and  joining  in  the  war  which  it  seems  probable  will 
be    declared   before   that  time  between   France   and 
England.     From  the  enclosed  accounts  you  will  also 
see  what  has  been  sent  from  the  house  of  Gardoqui 
in  pursuance  of  orders  from  the  Spanish  court,  and 
what  by  my  order,  which  I  am  to  pay  for  out  of  the 
fund  remitted  me  from  Spain  of  170,000  livres.    This 
fund  would  have  been  applied  in  time  to  have  had  the 
blankets,  &c.  with  you  for  the  winter  campaign,  but 
for  the  following  reason.     On  my  return  from  Ger 
many,  in  August,  I  found  from  various  expensive  pur 
chases  not  only  all  our  funds  from  our  friends  here 
had  been  exhausted,  but  we  were  also  involved  in  a 
considerable  debt,  and  not  half  of  our  orders  fulfilled, 
nor  any  fund  to  answer  your  draught.     It  was  there 
fore  thought  prudent  to  retain   that  sum,  until  we 
were  sure  of  an  additional  supply  from  hence.     The 
moment  this  was  secured,  I  sent  orders  for  the  ship 
ping  of  blankets  and   stockings,  which  are  certainly 
cheap,  and  I  hope  will  be  of  use.     Upon  this  mer 
cantile  subject  I   must  beg  leave  to  observe,  that  I 
have  had  nothing  more  to  do  with  the  proceedings  of 
that  kind  here,  but  signing   my  name  to  contracts 
made  by  my  colleagues,  or  rather  by  Mr.  Deane.    You 
will,  I  presume,  be  able  to  judge,  by  the  manner  in 
which  near  five  millions  of  livres  have  been  expend 
ed,  whether  it  is  wise  to  unite  the  political  and  com 
mercial  characters      I  am  given  to  understand,  that 
Spain  will  wish  to  have  the  possession  of  Pensacola 
secured  to  them  in  the  treaty.     I  shall  hope  to  re- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  35 

ceive  the  commands  of  congress  upon  that  point  as 
soon  as  possible.  Perhaps  congress  may  think  that 
circumstances  are  materially  changed,  since  the  pass 
ing  the  resolve  on  this  subject  the  3()th  December 
1776  ;  and  that  the  Mississippi  is  likely  to  be  the 
only  permanent  boundary  between  the  two  people. 
My  last  letter  from  the  king  of  Prussia's  secretary  of 
state,  dated  the  16th  of  January,  says,  (Here  follows 
a  long  extract  from  the  letter  in  French,  the  substance 
of  which  is,  that  "His  Prussian  majesty  wished  that 
success  might  attend  the  generous  efforts  of  congress 
(genereux  efforts)  in  effecting  their  independence;  that 
he  could  not  consider  the  question  of  acknowledging 
the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  until  France 
had  given  the  example ;  and  that  he  yet  felt  a  diffi 
culty  in  admitting  their  armed  vessels  into  his  ports," 
&c.) 

It  is  from  exceeding  good  intelligence  I  assure 
you,  that  the  finances  and  forces  of  our  enemies  are 
greatly  exhausted,  and  that  their  means  of  continuing 
the  war  are  in  no  manner  equal  to  their  threats  and 
their  enmity. 

I  beg  the  favour  of  having  my  duty  recommended 
to  congress;  and  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the 
greatest  respect,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

«PASSY,  Feb.  16th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — We  have  now  the  pleasure  of  sending 
you  the  treaties  of  amity  and  alliance  with  France, 
completed  after  long  deliberation,  and  signed  the 
6th  inst.  This  is  an  event  which  will  give  our  states 
such  an  appearance  of  stability,  as  must  strengthen 
our  credit,  encourage  other  powers  in  Europe  to  ally 
themselves  with  us,  weaken  the  hopes  of  our  internal 
as  well  as  external  enemies,  fortify  our  friends,  and 


36  LIFE    OF 

be  in  many  other  respects  so  advantageous  to  us, 
that  we  congratulate  you  upon  it  most  heartily.  And 
we  flatter  ourselves  that  the  congress  will  approve  of 
the  terms,  and  despatch  the  ratification  as  soon  as 
possible.  It  is  understood,  that  Spain  is  shortly  to 
accede  to  the  same  treaties.  We  have  in  ours  of  Dec. 
IKth  mentioned  the  reasons  of  her  delay,  which  still 
subsists,  but  will  probably  not  subsist  much  longer. 
These  treaties  continue  a  secret  here,  and  may  do  so 
till  the  commencement  of  the  war,  which  is  daily  ex 
pected.  Our  little  fleet  formerly  mentioned,  which 
has  been  long  watched  and  detained  in  Nantes  river 
by  the  English  cruising  off  Bellisle,  is  now  on  the 
point  of  sailing  under  the  convoy  of  a  French  squa 
dron.  As  the  English  are  pretty  strong  in  the  Bay, 
it  is  probable  that  their  attack  and  the  French  defence 
of  our  ships,  may  be  the  prelude  of  a  declaration  on 
both  sines. 

Having  received  part  of  the  3,000,000  livres,  we 
formerly  mentioned  to  you,  we  have  furnished  Mr. 
W.  Lee  and  Mr.  Izard  with  2000  guineas  each  for  the 
expenses  of  your  missions  to  Germany  and  Italy. 
And  as  we  have  received  intimations  from  Holland 
that  the  appearance  of  one  of  us  there  might  at  this 
juncture  have  good  effects,  we  have  resumed  the  pur 
pose  formerly  communicated  to  you,  and  as  soon  as 
our  treaty  with  France  is  known  and  the  winter  over, 
probably  either  Mr.  Deane  or  Mr.  Franklin  will  make 
a  journey  thither.  But  as  we  apprehend  it  may  be 
known  here  by  some  means  or  other  that  we  furnish 
the  expense  of  these  embassies  out  of  the  aids  receiv 
ed  from  this  court,  which  we  think  not  reputable  to 
your  congress,  we  must  again  press  you  to  make  us 
the  necessary  remittances  to  replace  what  we  have 
borrowed  from  the  funds  destined  for  your  supplies. 
And  particularly  we  pray  most  earnestly  that  you 
would  forward  as  soon  as  possible,  the  5000  hhds.  of 
tobacco  for  the  Farmers  Genera),  who  will  soon  be  in 


ARTHUR    LEE.  37 

want  of  it,  and  who  long  since  obtained  us  a  million 
for  your  use.  Our  honour  is  concerned  in  the  fulfil 
ling  of  this  contract. 

The  seizing  and  delivering  up  to  the  English  (two) 
prizes  taken  by  Capt.  Batson,  on  account  of  their 
being  illegally  entered,  under  a  false  declaration, 
made  a  good  deal  of  noise  among  our  people  in  the 
ports,  and  gave  unfavourable  impressions  of  the  friend 
ship  of  the"  court,  which  possibly  may  extend  to  Ame 
rica  ;  we  think  it  therefore  necessary  to  inform  you 
that  though  the  confiscation  of  these  prizes  on  the 
above  account,  is  said  to  be  agreeable  to  the  laws 
here,  and  that  the  king  after  a  condemnation  had  the 
power  of  disposing  of  the  produce  for  what  purpose, 
political  or  otherwise,  he  might  think  proper ;  and 
accordingly  he  restored  it,  at  that  juncture,  perhaps 
usefully,  to  the  English  claimants,  yet,  as  it  is  thought 
a  hard  case  with  respect  to  the  captors,  a  beginning 
is  made  of  indemnification,  and  we  hope  on  the  same 
principles  on  which  we  are  to  receive  soon  a  part, 
50,000  francs,  we  shall  be  able  in  time  to  recover 
the  whole. 

We  have,  to  avoid  disputes  at  this  particular*  time, 
delivered  up  the  cargo  brought  by  the  Amphitrite  to 
Mr.  Beaumarchais.  We  hear  he  has  sent  over  a  person 
to  demand  a  great  sum  of  you,  on  account  of  arms, 
ammunition,  &c.  We  think  it  will  be  best  for  you  to 
leave  that  demand  to  be  settled  by  us  here,  as  there 
is  a  mixture  in  it  of  public  and  private  concern,  which 
you  cannot  so  well  develope. 

We  send  you  herewith  a  great  many  newspapers ; 
you  will  see  Lord  North's  only  answer  to  our  appli 
cation  about  the  prisoners ;  as,  also,  the  success  of  a 
subscription  set  on  foot  in  England  by  our  friends,  for 
their  relief.  They  are  at  present  pretty  comfortably 
provided  for. 

By  our  late  advices  from  England,  the  ministers 
begin  to  be  alarmed  for  their  country,  and  perhaps  for 

VOL,  ii.  5 


38  LIFE    OF 

themselves.  Some  of  their  emissaries  have  been 
here  to  sound  us,  and  endeavour  to  get  from  some  of 
us  propositions  on  which  to  found  a  treaty ;  which  we 
evaded,  giving  as  a  reason,  our  not  being  empowered 
to  make  any  ;  and  apprehending  withal  that  even 
reasonable  ones  proposed  by  us  might  be  used  impro 
perly  by  the  ministry  to  exasperate,  instead  of  con 
ciliating  ;  the  pride  of  the  nation  choosing  still  to  con 
sider  us  as  subjects.  Many  of  the  speakers  in  par 
liament  of  both  sides  seem  to  look  upon  a  French  war 
at  this  juncture,  when  so  much  of  their  force  is  abroad, 
and  their  public  credit  so  shaken,  as  immediate  ruin. 
And  we  are  assured  by  the  last  post,  from  good  au 
thority,  that  even  Lord  Mansfield,  who  in  the  begin 
ning  of  this  business  was  so  valiant,  spoke  lately  in 
private  to  Lord  Cambden,  of  the  absolute  necessity 
of  an  immediate  coalition  of  parties,  to  prevent  the 
great  impending  danger  to  the  nation,  from  an  alli 
ance  between  the  house  of  Bourbon  and  the  Ame 
ricans,  which  he  said  he  had  good  information  was  on 
the  point  of  being  concluded. 

We  have  the  honour  of  being  with  the  highest 
esteem  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient,  humble  ser 
vants, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
SILAS  DEANE, 
ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  Feb.  28th,  1778. 

To  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Cor 
respondence. 

Gentlemen, — Our  joint  despatches  of  Dec.  28th, 
1777,  informed  you  that  Spain  had  promised  us  three 
millions  of  livres,  to  be  remitted  to  you  in  specie 
through  the  Havannah.  This  information  we  had 
through  the  French  court.  We  have  since  been  in 
formed  through  the  same  channel  that  it  would  be 


ARTHUR    LEE.  39 

paid  to  our  banker  here  in  quarterly  payments.  Of 
this  I  apprised  you  in  my  letter  of  the  —  of  January, 
1778.  Finding  however  that  no  payment  was  made, 
I  applied  lately  to  the  Spanish  ambassador  here  for  an 
explanation.  From  him  I  learnt  that  by  order  of  his 
court  he  had  informed  the  court  of  France  that  such 
a  sum  should  be  furnished  for  your  use,  but  in  what 
manner  he  was  not  instructed,  nor  had  he  received 
any  farther  communication  on  the  subject.  He  pro 
mised  to  transmit  my  application  to  his  court  without 
delay. 

The  balancing  conduct  which  these  courts  have 
until  very  lately  held  towards  us,  has  involved  us  in 
evitably  in  continual  contradictions  and  disappoint 
ments.  It  is  in  this  respect  fortunate  that  so  many 
of  our  despatches  have  miscarried,  otherwise  you 
would  have  been  equally  vexed,  embarrassed,  and 
disappointed.  The  chief  reason  that  induced  Spain 
to  temporize,  subsists  still,  except  the  war  with  Por 
tugal,  which  is  happily  concluded  by  her  accession  to 
the  family  compact.  Our  general  despatches  will 
convey  to  you  the  bills,  as  they  are  now  passing  in 
the  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  for  appointing  com 
missioners  to  negotiate  with  their  deluded  subjects, 
and  declaring  in  what  manner  they  will  be  graciously 
pleased  to  exercise  in  future  their  right  of  taxing  us. 
It  would  not  be  doing  justice  to  their  bills  to  at" 
tempt  any  comment  upon  them.  They  assert  for 
themselves,  and  loudly  too.  But  the  ministers  of 
England  give  out  that  they  have  despatched  half  a 
million  of  guineas,  to  pave  the  way  to  a  favourable 
reception  of  their  propositions,  and  I  know  from  the 
best  authority  here  that  they  have  assured  Count 
Maurepas  of  their  being  sure  of  a  majority  in  congress. 
By  such  base  arts  do  they  endeavour  to  cover  their 
nakedness,  and  sustain  their  desperate  cause.  France 
has  done  us  substantial  benefits,  Great  Britain,  sub 
stantial  injuries.  France  offers  to  guaranty  our  sove- 


40  LIFE    OF 

reignty  and  universal  freedom  of  commerce  ;  Great 
Britain  condescends  to  accept  of  our  submission,  and 
to  monopolize  our  commerce.  France  demands  of  us 
to  be  independent,  Great  Britain,  tributary.  I  do 
not  comprehend  how  there  can  be  a  mind  so  debased 
or  an  understanding  so  perverted  as  to  balance  be 
tween  them. 

The  journeys  T  have  made  both  north  and  south  in 
the  public  service  have  given  me  an  opportunity  of 
knowing  the  general  disposition  of  Europe  upon  our 
question.  There  never  was  one  in  which  the  har 
mony  of  opinion  was  so  universal.  From  the  prince 
to  the  peasant  there  is  but  one  voice,  one  wish  ;  the 
liberty  of  America,  and  the  humiliation  of  Great 
Britain. 

The  apprehension  of  troubles,  which  the  death  of 
the  elector  of  Bavaria  was  likely  to  excite  in  Ger 
many,  seem  to  have  subsided ;  and  of  late  the 
movements  of  the  king  of  Prussia  threaten  to  excite 
a  general  war.  Great  Britain,  whose  expiring  hope 
sustains  itself  on  every  straw,  finds  comfort  in  the  ex 
pectations  that  this  will  involve  France,  and  divert 
her  from  engaging  in  our  war.  But  in  my  judgment 
it  is  much  more  likely  to  operate  against  her  in  Prus 
sia,  than  against  us  in  France. 

I  beg  the  favour  of  having  my  duty  laid  before  con 
gress,  and  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  re 
spect,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  and  most  hum 
ble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"March  25th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — The  conclusion  of  the  treaties  here 
has  ended  the  powers  of  our  commission.  Whatever 
character  it  may  please  congress  to  give  to  their  re 
presentations  in  future  must  be  specified  by  new  pow 
ers,  and  letters  of  credence  to  the  sovereign,  with 


ARTHUR,  LEE.  41 

whom  they  are  to  act.  The  first  example  of  this 
kind  will  be  material,  in  determining  the  future  rank 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  among  other  sove 
reign  nations.  Since  the  treaty  of  Munster,  Venice 
and  the  United  Provinces  have  had  their  rank  as 
crowned  sovereigns.  I  presume  the  United  States  of 
America  will  not  think  a  lower  rank  competent  to  their 
dignity  and  to  the  importance  they  must  command 
in  the  balance  of  European  power.  For  I  am  satis 
fied  that  in  a  few  years  that  balance  must  be  in  their 
hand.  Whatever  orders  congress  are  pleased  to  give 
on  this  subject  their  ministers  must  support  with  firm 
ness  and  inflexibility,  at  first,  to  prevent  any  disagree 
able  disputes  for  the  future. 

By  the  enclosed  copies  of  letters  I  hope  to  give 
you  a  distinct  view  of  what  passed  in  Spain  and  Prus 
sia.  I  have  never  been  able  to  learn,  to  what  was 
owing  the  sudden  change  in  the  favourable  disposition 
of  the  Spanish  court  during  my  absence  in  Germany. 
Whether  it  arose  from  the  proceedings  at  Dunkirk, 
&c.  which  produced  such  rigour  on  the  part  of  France, 
they  will  not  inform  me.  But  it  is  clear  from  Baron 
Schulenburg's  letter,  that  the  conduct  of  France  in 
consequence  of  the  Dunkirk  business,  prevented  Prus 
sia  from  adopting  what  I  proposed. 

I  have  written  to  Messrs.  Gardoqui  about  their 
charging  five  per  cent,  commission,  which  appears  to 
me  exorbitant,  because  I  remit  them  the  money  be 
fore  they  lay  it  out. 

With  great  respect  I  have  the  honour  to  be  your 
obedient  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  April  4th,  1778. 

The  Committee  of  Secret  Correspondence. 

Having  pressed  the  matter  of  supplies  from  Spain 
I  received  an  answer  yesterday  that  endeavours  would 


42  LIFE    OF 

be  used  to  send  you  succours  through  the  Havannah. 
The  present  critical  situation  of  that  court  renders  it 
averse  to  being  more  particular,  or  to  receive  appli 
cations,  but  I  think  they  will  not  long  remain  under 
this  embarrassment.  Dr.  Franklin  and  I  are  now 
settling  the  articles  as  well  as  we  can,  from  the  pa 
pers  Mr.  Dearie  thought  proper  to  leave  in  Dr.  Frank 
lin's  hands.  How  orderly  and  adequate  they  are,  you 
will  judge  yourselves  from  the  list  I  shall  take  care 
to  transmit  to  you.  I  am  obliged  to  say  that  this 
gentleman  took  to  himself  the  entire  management  of 
the  business,  in  which  I  could  obtain  no  share  with 
out  a  quarrel ;  that  my  advice  and  assistance  were  al 
ways  rejected,  and  he  never  would  settle  accounts. 
Whether  he  has  conducted  it  well  you  will  have  the 
means  of  determining  by  what  you  have  received 
compared  with  the  sums  expended,  of  which  I  shall 
make  it  my  duty  to  transmit  you  an  account. 

I  cannot  venture  to  detail  to  you  the  plans  of  this 
court  relative  to  the  conduct  of  the  war  in  your  quar 
ter.  You  will  probably  see  the  commencement  of 
them  before  this  reaches  you.  I  enclose  some  addi 
tional  and  as  I  conceive  necessary  articles,  which  I 
shall  endeavour  to  obtain,  if  congress  approve  of  them. 
I  also  send  an  accurate  list  of  the  actual  and  intended 
force  of  Great  Britain. 

With  my  utmost  duty  and  respect  to  congress,  1 
have  the  honour  to  be  gentlemen,  your  most  respect 
ful  and  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  April  8th,  1778. 

Gentlemen, — Whether  there  were  any  public  de 
spatches  for  you  by  the  opportunity  that  carries  Mr. 
Deane,  the  late  commissioner,  I  do  not  know,  because 
my  colleagues  concealed  his  departure  from  me.  I 
trust  you  will  think  it  proper  to  desire  the  reason  of 
such  conduct ;  the  tendency  of  which  is  too  plain  and 


ARTHUR    LEE.  43 

too  pernicious  not  to  require  censure,  if  it  cannot, 
as  I  conceive  it  cannot,  be  justified  by  stronger  rea 
sons  of  utility. 

Great  Britain  has  not  yet  thought  proper  to  declare 
war  in  form  against  France.  But  the  vessels  and  sail 
ors  of  each  nation  are  reciprocally  seized  in  their 
ports,  and  a  French  frigate  has  lately  made  prize  of  an 
English  privateer.  Both  are  preparing  with  all  pos 
sible  despatch,  and  both  waiting  for  your  decisive  de 
claration,  with  an  anxiety  proportioned  to  their  con 
viction  of  that  declaration  deciding  the  fate  of  the 
war. 

As  far  as  I  can  venture  to  judge  of  courts  and  min 
isters,  those  of  this  country  seem  cordially  disposed 
to  co-operate  with  you  in  driving  the  British  entirely 
out  of  America.  But  from  what  I  could  observe  dur 
ing  the  conference  on  the  treaty,  they  seem  to  have 
some  wishes  relative  to  the  islands  of  the  fishery, 
which  are  not  altogether  compatible  with  the  system 
laid  down  by  congress. 

The  w;ar  between  the  emperor  and  the  king  of 
Prussia  seems  inevitable.  It  will  be  a  war  of  giants, 
and  must  engage  all  Germany.  Three  hundred  thou 
sand  men,  the  best  disciplined  and  the  best  led  that 
ever  made  war,  are  ready  to  dispute  the  question  on 
each  side.  Russia  is  sufficiently  occupied  by  her 
own  situation  and  the  Porte.  The  north  is  therefore 
no  longer  a  subject  for  your  apprehension.  The  whole 
house  of  Bourbon  will  certainly  join  in  the  war  against 
England.  Holland  therefore  seems  the  principal  ob 
ject  of  negotiation  now;  because  if  the  enemy  should 
be  deprived  of  her  amity,  they  must  soon  be  reduced 
to  a  carte  blanche. 

This  is  the  present  situation  of  Europe.  I  enclose 
you  a  memorial  which  I  wrote  last  year,  and  have 
now  sent  to  Holland,  to  promote  the  disposition  we 
are  informed  they  entertain  at  present  in  our  favour. 


44  LIFE  OF 

In  the  additional  articles  I  sent  for  your  considera 
tion,  there  are  some  not  very  materially  different,  but 
as  they  are  expressed  in  a  different  manner,  I  thought 
it  might  be  of  use  to  submit  the  choice  to  you. 

The  enclosed  report  of  what  I  received  from  the 
court  of  Spain,  is  in  answer  to  an  application  in  be 
half  of  the  people,  who  have  involved  themselves  in 
this  unfortunate  situation. 

It  is  proper  to  inform  you,  that  the  department  of 
Spain,  to  which  it  has  pleased  congress  to  destine  me, 
is  the  most  expensive  of  any,  because  the  court  spend 
different  parts  of  the  year  at  four  different  places;  at 
which  every  public  minister  is  obliged  to  reside,  and 
consequently  to  have  a  house,  which  augments  very 
much  his  expenses.  As  I  wish  to  avoid  all  occasion 
of  blame,  I  mention  this  circumstance  that  I  may  not 
appear  to  be  extravagant,  should  my  expenses  increase 
in  going  thither. 

You  will  greatly  oblige  me  by  presenting  my  duty 
to  congress;  and  believe  me  to  be,  with  the  greatest 
respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  April  14th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — 1  have  seen  your  examination  of  Capt. 
Folgier,  who  has  either  not  told  the  truth  relative  to 
the  contents  of  what  he  confesses  to  have  opened,  or 
they  were  opened  before  he  received  them.  He  men 
tions  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hancock  and  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee 
being  in  the  same  packet,  and  in  the  common  enve 
lope,  which  was  not  so,  as  I  have  not  the  honour  of 
being  Mr.  Hancock's  correspondent.  The  large  pack 
et,  marked  "Despatches,"  was  sealed  with  my  seal, 
and  contained  a  packet  for  the  chairman  of  the  secret 
committee,  one  for  Samuel  Adams,  Esq.,  one  for  F.  L. 
Lee,  Esq.,  and  several  for  R.  H.  Lee,  Esq.  They 
were  large,  and  contained  a  great  many  letters,  pub- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  45 

lie  and  private.  This  transaction  obliges  me  to  call 
to  mind  and  state  to  you  a  great  many  previous  cir 
cumstances. 

The  first  of  my  despatches  which  fell  into  his  hands 
after  his  arrival  here,  he  is  charged  by  Mr.  Carmichael 
with  having  opened.  It  is  true  he  accuses  Mr.  Car 
michael  of  having  done  it,  and  all  I  am  certain  of,  is, 
that  they  were  opened  and  detained.  Mr.  C.  appeals 
to  Mr.  Rogers,  who  he  says  was  present,  and  who  is 
now  a  major  in  the  army  of  the  states.  I  have  now 
in  my  possession  a  letter,  which  I  sealed  myself,  deliver 
ed  to  Mr.  Deane,  and  received  from  him  with  the  seal 
apparently  untouched ;  but  upon  examination,  it  was 
clear  it  had  been  opened,  and  that  with  a  dexterity 
not  easily  described,  but  of  which  there  remains  very 
convincing  proofs. 

These  instances  mark  a  strong  desire  in  Mr.  Deane 
to  become  acquainted  with  what  was  under  my  seal, 
and  I  shall  proceed  to  show,  that  this  curiosity  was 
likely  to  be  much  augmented,  at  the  period  that  Fol- 
ger's  despatches  were  examined. 

Upon  my  return  from  Germany  I  received  informa 
tion,  that  two  persons,  entirely  in  the  confidence  of 
Mr.  Deane,  (Dr.  Bankcroft  and  Mr.  Carmichael)  and 
maintained  by  him  with  the  public  money,  had  been 
speaking  with  great  enmity  against  me,  and  circulat 
ing  reports,  that  both  the  other  commissioners  were 
enemies  to  me,  and  that  we  were  at  open  variance. 
Such  variance  did  not  then  exist,  but  they  had  laid 
the  foundation  of  it  so  effectually  during  my  absence, 
that  it  could  not  fail  to  happen,  so  as  apparently  to 
justify  their  assertions.  The  report  of  this  variance 
had  been  industriously  propagated,  not  only  in  France 
but  in  England.  The  person  who  was  present  at 
these  conversations  was  clearly  of  opinion,  from  the 
similarity  of  the  manner,  that  some  most  atrocious 
abuse  of  my  brother  and  me,  with  no  very  modest 
praises  of  my  colleagues  and  of  Mr.  Carmichael, 
VOL.  n.  6 


40  LIFE    OF 

which  were  inserted  in  the  English  newspapers, came 
from  the  same  persons.  A  gentleman  to  whom  I  had 
entrusted  this  information,  with  the  design  of  concili 
ating  differences,  apprised  them  of  it.  This  gave 
them  great  alarm ;  and  I  found  they  were  exerting 
themselves  to  prevent  me  from  getting  any  farther 
information,  and  were  under  great  apprehensions  of 
the  consequences  of  what  I  had  already  received. 
This  was  a  little  before  the  despatches  in  question 
were  written.  Capt.  Hynson  was  sent  to  Havre  by 
Mr.  Deane;  he  corresponded  with  him,  and  received 
his  orders  from  him.  Every  thing  relating  to  it  was 
kept  a  profound  secret  from  me.  The  same  manage 
ment  was  used  relative  to  Capt.  Folger.  The  orders 
the  committee  have  seen,  were  given,  and  not  signed 
by  me;  I  never  before  saw  or  heard  of  them,  though  I 
wras  at  that  time  in  the  same  house  writh  my  colleagues; 
nor  did  they  communicate  to  me  the  vessel,  the  place, 
or  the  person  who  was  to  carry  our  despatches.  This 
concealment  of  things  from  me,  has  been  much  prac 
tised  since;  as  I  suppose  the  information  received 
from  those  letters,  made  it  appear  more  necessary. 

That  Mr.  Deane  and  those  connected  with  him 
should  think  their  own  safety  much  concerned  in  ex 
amining  and  detaining  my  despatches,  written  at  such 
a  juncture,  is  exceedingly  probable.  That  they  would 
not  hesitate  about  the  means,  their  former  proceedings 
prove.  I  had  also  previous  to  this  a  proof  of  Mr.  Car- 
michael's  curiosity  to  examine  my  correspondence. 
My  letters  from  London  were  addressed  under  cover 
to  a  tailor  in  Paris.  I  received  one  day  by  the  pen 
ny  post,  in  a  cover  addressed  by  a  strange  hand,  a 
letter  such  as  used  to  come  through  that  channel,  but 
which  was  open.  Upon  enquiring  of  the  tailor,  he 
told  me  that  he  had  sent  the  packet  to  Mr.  Carmi- 
chael,  and  that  Mr.  Carmichael's  man  had  left  word 
with  his  foreman  to  send  all  letters  that  came  to  him 
including  mine  to  his  master.  This  I  have  under  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  47 

foreman's  hand.  I  do  not  believe  that  any  one  in 
Paris  but  Mr.  Carmichael  knew  of  my  letters  coming 
that  way,  and  he  knew  it  a  little  before  by  accident. 

How  far  these  circumstances  justify  my  suspicion 
I  must  submit  to  congress.  It  seems  certain  that 
Capt.  Hynson  was  bribed  by  England,  and  if  he  had 
access  given  him  to  take  my  despatches  he  might 
have  served  both  his  employers  by  also  taking  the 
general  despatches. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  respect  your 
obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  April  26th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

At  my  return  from  London,  the  8th  of  January  last 
I  thought  it  my  duty  to  inform  Dr.  Franklin  as  well 
as  Mr.  Deane  of  the  injurious  report  propagated 
against  the  commissioners,  viz.  That  Mr.  Hartley 
told  me  that  Lord  North  had  informed  him,  c  that  he 
knew  of  Dr.  Bankcroft's  being  in  London,  and  was  in- 
formed  he  had  been  sent  there  by  the  American  com 
missioners  to  stock-job.' 

The  above  is  the  declaration  of  Mr.  Thornton, 
whom  the  commissioners  sent  with  their  letter  to 
Lord  North,  touching  the  prisoners.  He  informed 
me  as  above  on  his  return,  and  told  me  at  the  same 
time  that  he  had  given  the  same  information  to  Dr. 
F.  Dr.  Bankcroft  lived  in  the  house  with  Dr.  F.  and 
Mr.  D.  at  the  public  expense.  He  set  out  express 
for  London,  immediately  upon  our  receiving  the  news 
of  Gen.  Burgoyne's  surrender.  His  departure  was 
kept  a  secret  from  me  for  some  time.  He  has  been 
trusted  since  by  Dr.  F.  and  Mr.  D.  with  the  secrets 
of  state  communicated  to  the  three  commissioners 
only,  with  such  strict  injunctions  of  secrecy  that  the 
commissioners  thought  they  were  not  at  liberty  to 
communicate  them  to  the  commissioners  for  Vienna 


48  LIFE    OF 

and  Tuscany,  and  Mr.  Lee  would  not  do  it  without 
their  concurrence.  Dr.  Bankcroft  still  remains  in 
the  confidence  of  Dr.  F.,  and  conveys  every  thing  to 
the  Messrs.  Whartons  in  London,  who  seem  to  be 
acting  on  both  sides.  The  minister  here  has  repeat 
edly  warned  the  commissioners  that  they  had  a  trai 
tor  about  them,  and  at  the  time  that  Folger's  de 
spatches  were  robbed,  a  most  important  memoire 
from  the  commissioners  to  the  courts  of  Versailles  and 
Madrid,  was  conveyed  to  the  English  court  through 
the  hands  of  Governor  Pownall.  Upon  speaking  of 
this  to  Count  Vergennes  as  soon  as  I  was  informed  of 
it  by  Mr.  Hartley,  his  excellency  assured  me  that  no 
one  had  been  trusted  with  it  but  Mr.  Girard,  and 
therefore  the  treachery  could  not  be  from  one  of  their 
people. 

These  are  facts  which  I  think  it  my  duty  to  re 
present  to  congress,  that  they  may  take  such  order 
in  it  as  to  their  wisdom  shall  seem  fit. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  respect  gentle 
men,  your  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  May  9th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — No  declaration  of  war  in  Germany 
or  England.  All  things  are  preparing  for  it ;  Count 
d'Estaing  had  not  passed  Gibraltar  the  27th  of  last 
month,  contrary  winds  having  prevented  his  passing 
the  straits.  About  thirty  sail  of  the  line  are  assem 
bled  at  Spithead,  under  Admiral  Keppel,  but  are  not 
yet  in  a  state  for  action.  They  are  arraying  their  mi 
litia,  and  the  chief  object  of  their  attention  now  seems 
to  be  their  own  defence.  As  far  as  I  can  judge,  the 
king  and  his  ministers  are  not  now  sincere  in  their 
propositions,  (even  such  as  they  are)  of  peace  and  ac 
commodation. 

I  have  not  yet  obtained  any  light  on  Folger's  affair. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  49 

The  enclosed  copy  of  a  letter  from  Count  Vergennes 
will  show  you  the  train  in  which  I  have  put  the  en 
quiry.  But  I  have  reason  to  apprehend  that  persons 
are  concerned  who  will  have  address  enough  to  frus 
trate  it.  The  blank  paper  substituted  for  the  letter 
taken,  should  be  preserved,  and  compared  with  the 
paper  of  all  the  letters  received  by  the  same  vessel ; 
some  discovery  may  be  pointed  out  by  that.  Mr. 
Deane  and  Mr.  Carmichael  should  be  examined  and 
their  accounts  transmitted  here  to  be  compared  with 
those  of  others. 

Spain  and  the  German  powers  are  yet  undecided 
with  regard  to  us.  I  do  not  think  our  enemies  will 
succeed  with  Holland.  We  shall  endeavour  to  estab 
lish  a  fund  for  the  purposes  you  desire. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  respect,  your 
obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

By  the  banker's  accounts  it  appears  that  the  follow 
ing  sums  were  paid  from  Dec.  1776,  to  March  1778, 
to  the  private  disposition  of  the  commissioners.  Dr. 
F.  £65,956  3s.  13d.  S.  Deane,  £113,004  12s.  13d. 
A.  Lee,  £68,846  2s.  16d.  In  my  sum  is  included 
the  additional  expense  of  my  journeys  to  Spain  and 
Germany.  A.  L." 

"  PARIS,  May  20th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — Upon  receiving  your  letters  by  our 
colleague  Mr.  J.  Adams,  I  lost  no  moment  to  press 
for  supplies,  such  as  you  mention  as  most  wanting 
(blankets,  shoes,  and  stockings)  in  my  particular  de 
partment.  In  consequence  I  have  the  pleasure  to  in 
form  you,  that  orders  are  given  and  are  now  execut 
ing  for  furnishing  you  as  before,  which  will  be  done 
from  time  to  time  as  opportunities  offer.  I  will  di 
rect  medicines,  and  such  naval  stores  as  they  can 


50  LIFE   OF 

collect,  to  be  added.  I  shall  send  you  the  accounts 
of  their  being  shipped,  from  time  to  time,  as  they 
are  remitted  to  me,  to  prevent  mistakes  or  imposi 
tions. 

For  want  of  this  accuracy,  the  public  seems  to  me 
a  little  too  much  at  the  mercy  of  Mr.  John  Ross  and 
Mr.  Jonathan  Williams.  The  former  has  had  up 
wards  of  400,000  francs,  and  the  other  more  than  a 
million  of  the  public  money.  They  tell  us  in  gene 
ral,  that  they  have  shipped  goods  on  the  public  ac 
count;  but  the  particulars  the  former  has  refused  to 
give,  and  the  latter  has  hitherto  evaded  it  on  various 
pretences.  By  this  means,  should  the  vessels  arrive 
safe,  they  can  claim  what  proportion  they  please  as 
shipped  on  their  own  account ;  if  they  are  lost,  then 
the  whole  may  be  charged  to  the  public. 

I  have  seen  with  infinite  concern,  the  public  money 
expended  without  economy  and  without  account.  My 
colleagues  excluded  me  from  knowing  or  advising 
about  the  manner  in  which  it  was  expended.  They 
have  encouraged  our  agents  to  treat  me  with  disre 
spect,  so  that  my  interposition  might  be  useless.  A 
thousand  times  have  I  desired  that  the  public  accounts 
might  from  time  to  time  be  made  up,  to  which  I  have 
as  constantly  received  evasive  or  affrontive  answers. 
So  that  now  Mr,  Adams  and  myself  find,  that  after 
the  expenditure  of  more  than  five  millions  of  livres, 
we  are  involved  in  confusion  and  debt,  the  principal 
articles  furnished  being  unpaid  for,  and  demands  made 
to  the  amount  of  many  millions;  that  is,  including  the 
cargoes  of  the  Amphitrite,  Seine,  and  Flammand,  for 
which  a  demand  has  been  made,  and  which  constitute 
the  principal  part  of  the  supplies  which  have  been  fur 
nished.  Having  been  thus  excluded  by  my  colleagues 
from  the  management  of  the  public  business,  I  hope 
I  shall  not  be  deemed  responsible  for  the  conduct  of 
it.  Congress  will  see,  that  in  acting  without  me, 
they  have  pursued  the  letter,  not  the  spirit  of  our 


ARTHUR    LEE. 

commission.  When  the  enclosed  contract  with  Mr. 
Mortieu  is  compared  with  the  contract  I  had  put  it 
in  their  power  to  make,  the  reason  will  appear  why 
they  concealed  it  from  me,  and  acted  without  my  con 
currence.  Mr.  Williams,  at  the  same  time,  had  the 
furnishing  16,000  suits,  which  I  suppose  will  be  upon 
as  advantageous  terms.  Upon  enquiry,  I  find  that 
as  good  uniforms  as  can  be  worn  may  be  contracted 
for  in  France  for  32  francs,  arid  in  Germany  for  37. 
Those  which  were  offered  us  from  thence  were  of 
coarser  cloth. 

With  great  respect,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  MAY  23d,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — In  consequence  of  your  despatches 
by  my  colleague  Mr.  Adams,  I  lost  no  moment  to 
press  the  renewal  of  the  order  for  supplying  you  with 
such  stores  as  you  want,  and  as  that  country  affords 
from  the  court  of  Spain. 

I  have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  you,  that  such 
orders  are  given,  and  I  am  assured  will  be  carried  in 
to  execution  as  speedily  as  possible. 

We  mean  to  apply  for  the  loan  desired,  to  the  money 
ed  men  of  Holland;  and  in  my  particular  department 
I  shall  endeavour  to  take  the  favourable  opportunity  of 
the  arrival  of  the  Flota,  to  urge  the  same  in  Spain. 
War  is  not  begun  in  Germany  or  Great  Britain,  but  it 
seems  to  be  inevitable. 

I  have  sent  orders  to  all  the  ports  in  France  and 
Spain,  to  communicate  the  account  of  the  sailing  of 
a  fleet  of  thirteen  ships  from  England  against  Ame 
rica,  to  all  the  captains  who  sail  for  the  United  States, 
or  the  French  islands.  This  I  conceived  would  be 
the  most  certain  means  of  communicating  the  alarm, 
and  preventing  surprise.  The  ministry  here  are  also 


LIFE    OF 

to  convey  a  letter  from  us  by  every  opportunity,  to 
the  same  purpose. 

With  great  respect,  I  am  gentlemen,  your  obedient 
servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  June  1st,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — The  hurry  in  which  the  last  despatch 
es  went  away,  prevented  me  from  being  so  particular 
about  them  as  I  wished.  Nos.  7,  8,  and  9,  were 
omitted,  being  newspapers,  and  too  voluminous  for 
the  conveyance.  Mr.  Mortieu's  papers  were  sent  to 
show  you  the  demands  that  are  made  upon  us,  and 
the  grounds  of  them.  You  will  see  that  they  are  ac 
counts  which  Mr.  Deane  ought  to  have  settled.  It  is 
this  sort  of  neglect,  and  a  studied  confusion,  that  has 
prevented  Mr.  Adams  and  myself,  after  a  tedious  ex 
amination  of  the  papers  left  with  Dr.  Franklin,  from 
getting  any  satisfaction  as  to  the  expenditure  of  the 
public  money.  All  we  can  find,  is,  that  millions  have 
been  expended,  and  almost  every  thing  remains  to  be 
paid  for.  Bargains  have  been  made  of  the  most  ex 
travagant  kind  with  this  Mr.  Mortieu,  and  others. 
For  example,  the  uniforms  that  are  agreed  for  at  37 
francs,  might  have  been  had  here  for  32  francs  each, 
and  equally  good ;  which  being  5  francs  in  every  suit 
too  much,  comes  to  a  large  sum  upon  thousands. 

Of  the  £100,000  advanced  to  Mr.  Hodge  there 
appears  no  account.  I  have  been  told  that  Conyng- 
ham's  vessel  cost  but  three  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
For  what  purpose  the  overplus  was  given  to  Mr. 
Hodge,  how  the  public  came  to  pay  for  the  refitting, 
and  at  length  the  vessel,  and  her  prize  money  made 
over  to  Messrs.  Ross  and  Hodge,  without  a  farthing 
being  brought  to  public  account,  it  rests  with  Mr. 
Deane  or  Mr.  Hodge  to  explain.  I  have  enclosed 
you  all  the  receipts  found  among  those  papers,  the 


ARTHUR    LEE*  63 

sending  of  which  has  been  neglected.     Of  the  tripli 
cates  and  duplicates  an  original  is  sent  and  copies  of 
those  which  are  single.     You  will  see  that  my  name 
is  not  to  the  contracts.     In  fact,  they  were  concealed 
from  me  with  the  utmost  care,  as  was  every  other 
means  of  my  knowing  how  the  affairs  were  conduct 
ed.     And  as  both  my  colleagues  concurred  in  this 
concealment,  and  in  refusing  my  repeated  requests  to 
make  up  accounts  and   transmit  them  to  congress,  it 
was  not  in  my  power  to  know  with  accuracy,  much  less 
to  prevent  this  system  of  profusion.     I  was  told  that 
Mr.  Williams,  to  whom  I  knew  the  public  money  was 
largely  entrusted,  was  to  furnish  his  accounts  month 
ly,  but  they  were  never  shown  me,  and  it  now  ap 
pears  that  for  the  expenditure  of  a  million  of  livres  he 
has  given  no  account  as  yet,  nor  can  we  learn  how 
far  what  he  has  shipped  is  on  the  public,  how  far  on 
private  account.     We  are  in  the  same  situation  with 
regard  to  Mr.  Ross.     This  indulgence  to  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  and  favouring  Mr.  Chaumont,  a  particular  friend 
of  Dr.  Franklin's  is   the  only  reason  I  can  conceive 
for  the  latter  having  countenanced  and  concurred  in 
all  this  system.    You  will  see  a  specimen  of  the  man 
ner  of  it  in  the  enclosed  copy  of  a  letter  from   Dr. 
Franklin  to  his  nephew,  which  the  latter  sent  me  as 
an  authority  for  his  doing  what  the  commercial  agent 
conceived  to  be  encroaching  on  his  province.    I  have 
done  my  utmost  to  discharge  my  duty  to  the  public, 
in  preventing  the  progress  of  this  disorder  and  dissi 
pation  in  the  conduct  of  its  affairs.     If  it  should  be 
found  that  my  colleagues  have  done  the  same,  I  shall 
most  cordially  forgive  them  the  offence  and  injury  so 
repeatedly  offered  me  in  the  manner  of  it.     I  do  not 
wish  to  accuse  them,  but  excuse  myself;  and  should 
have  felt  as  much  happiness  in  preventing,  as  I  have 
regret  in  complaining  of  this  abuse. 

The  appearance  of  things  between  this  country  and 
Great  Britain,  and  the  emperor  and  the  king  of  Prus- 

VOL.    II.  7 


54  LIFE    OF 

sia,  has  been  so  long  hostile  without  an  open  rupture, 
that  it  is  not  easy  to  say  when  either  war  will  begin. 
The  king  of  Prussia  has  found  it  so  necessary  to  cul 
tivate  the  aid  of  Hanover,  Hesse,  Brunswick,  &c. 
that  he  has  declined  receiving  your  deputy,  or  follow 
ing  the  example  of  France,  as  he  promised.  It  re 
mains  therefore  to  try  the  empress,  who,  independent 
ly  of  the  present  crisis,  was  much  less  inclined  to  our 
cause.  It  seems  to  be  the  settled  system  of  northern 
politics,  that  if  a  war  should  happen,  the  empress  of 
Russia  will  assist  the  king  of  Prussia  as  far  as  the 
Porte  will  permit  her. 

In  this  country  the  appointment  of  Marshal  de 
Broglio,  commander  of  the  army  on  the  sea-coast, 
and  the  Duke  de  Chartres,  son  to  the  Duke  d'Orleans 
and  Prince  of  the  blood,  going  on  board  of  the  fleet 
at  Brest,  announce  designs  of  some  dignity  and  mag 
nitude. 

I  am  of  opinion,  with  our  colleague  Mr.  Adams, 
that  it  would  be  better  for  the  public  that  the  appoint 
ments  of  your  public  ministers  were  fixed,  instead  of 
being  left  at  large,  and  their  expenses  indefinite. 
From  experience  I  find  the  expense  of  living  in  that 
character  cannot  well  be  less  than  £3000  sterling  a 
year,  which  I  believe  too  is  as  little  as  is  allowed  to 
any  public  minister  above  the  rank  of  a  consul.  If 
left  at  liberty  I  conceive  most  persons  will  exceed 
this  sum.  Neither  do  I  perceive  any  adequate  advan 
tage  to  be  expected  from  having  more  than  one  per 
son  at  each  court.  When  things  take  a  more  settled 
form  there  will  be  little  need  of  that  check,  which  is 
the  chief  utility  of  it  at  present. 

The  mixing  powers  too,  and  vesting  them  in  sev 
eral  persons  at  the  same  time,  give  ground  for  dis 
putes,  which  are  disgraceful,  as  well  as  detrimental 
to  the  public.  This  has  been  much  experienced  in 
the  case  of  the  commercial  agents  and  the  agent  of 
the  commissioners,  who  have  been  clashing  and  con- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  55 

testing,  till  the  public  business  was  almost  entirely  at 
a  stand.  For  the  present  however,  we  have  settled 
this  matter  by  directing  all  commercial  business  to  be 
put  into  the  hands  of  those  appointed  by  the  commer 
cial  agent  till  the  pleasure  of  congress  is  known. 

Two  more  ships  have  been  lately  sent  to  the  New 
foundland  station,  and  two  to  the  Mediterranean, 
which,  with  the  thirteen  detached  under  Admiral  By 
ron,  to  reinforce  Lord  Howe,  leave  seventeen  of  the 
line  and  eight  frigates  for  Admiral  Keppel,  and  these 
very  ill  manned.  I  have  exceeding  good  information 
that  their  plan  of  operations  for  America  is  as  follows. 

Gen.  Howe  is  to  evacuate  Philadelphia,  sending 
5000  of  his  troops  and  two  ships  of  war  to  Quebec. 
The  rest  of  the  troops  with  the  fleet  are  to  retire  to 
Halifax,  where  the  latter  being  joined  by  Admiral 
Byron,  will  it  is  presumed  maintain  a  superiority  in 
those  seas  over  the  allied  fleet.  I  wrote  you  before 
that  the  lowest  estimate  given  to  the  English  minis 
try  for  the  defence  of  Canada,  was  8000  men,  and 
that  their  actual  force  there  was  about  4000  ;  the 
5000  added  will  in  their  opinion  be  sufficient,  with 
their  superiority  at  sea,  for  its  protection.  I  cannot 
learn  that  any  but  some  German  recruits  are  to  be 
sent  out  this  year,  and  from  the  present  situation  of 
things  they  are  more  likely  to  recall  a  great  part  of 
their  troops  than  to  reinforce  them. 

Our  friends  in  Spain  have  promised  to  remit  me 
150,000  livres  more,  which  1  shall  continue  to  vest  in 
supplies  that  may  be  useful  to  you. 

I  hope,  in  consequence  of  what  I  formerly  wrote, 
to  have  the  express  orders  of  congress  relative  to  the 
line  they  would  choose  to  fix  between  the  territories 
of  the  United  States  and  those  of  the  crown  of  Spain. 
The  privileges  to  be  enjoyed  by  the  subjects  of  the 
United  States,  settling  for  the  purposes  of  commerce, 
and  the  regulation  of  port  duties,  remain  yet  to  be 


56  LIFE    OF 

settled  in  both  kingdoms.  But  I  foresee,  that  if  they 
are  left  unregulated  they  will  be  the  source  of  con 
tinual  complaints  and  disagreements.  The  Flota  is 
not  yet  in  port,  which  retards  the  operations  in  Eu 
rope.  I  could  have  wished,  that  the  great  object  of 
having  a  superior  naval  force  in  America  had  not  been 
left  to  the  uncertain  issue  on  which  it  was  placed,  by 
other  advice  than  mine.  Had  the  Brest  and  Toulon 
fleets,  which  were  equally  ready,  been  ordered  to 
sail  at  the  same  time,  and  that  wrhich  met  with  favour 
able  winds  to  go  on,  and  the  other  to  return,  one  of 
them  would  probably  have  been  upon  your  coast  be 
fore  this  time;  that  is,  before  the  English  fleet  could 
possibly  have  sailed  to  reinforce  and  save  Lord  Howe. 
And,  as  having  a  superior  force  in  America  was  the 
great  object,  together  with  that  of  taking  the  Howes 
by  surprise,  they  should  have  made  as  sure  of  this 
aim  as  possible.  Had  this  plan  been  executed  with 
address,  the  war  would  have  been  ended. 

Mr.  Penet  has  proposed  to  me,  the  collecting  and 
carrying  over  of  a  number  of  workmen,  to  establish  a 
foundry  of  cannon  and  a  manufactory  of  small  arms. 
It  is  to  be  at  his  expense,  under  the  protection  of  con 
gress.  As  this  seems  to  me  much  more  likely  to  an 
swer  your  purposes  than  our  sending  them,  I  have 
ventured  to  give  him  my  opinion,  that  it  will  be  ac 
ceptable  to  congress.  We  have  found  such  an  univer 
sal  disposition  here  to  deceive  us  in  their  recommend 
ations,  that  it  is  ten  to  one  if  workmen  chosen  by  us 
in  such  circumstances  were  skilful. 

The  disposition  in  Holland  seems  to  be  favourable 
to  us;  but  I  apprehend  it  is  not  warm  enough  to  pro 
duce  any  decided  proof  of  it,  till  they  see  Great  Bri 
tain  more  enfeebled.  Mons.  Dumas  has  published  a 
memoire  I  sent  him  on  the  subject,  which  he  thinks 
will  have  some  effect. 


ARTHUR    LEE. 

With  my  humble  duty  to  congress,  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  CHAILLOT,  June  9th,  1778. 

Intelligence  from  England  sent  to  Count  Vergen- 
nes  and  Count  d'Aranda,  with  my  respects." 

"PARIS,  June  9th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — My  last  of  the  1  st  inst.  informed  you  of 
Admiral  Byron  with  thirteen  sail  being  ordered  against 
you;  of  which  we  sent  notice  by  every  way  most 
likely  to  answer,  to  warn  the  states  of  their  danger. 
We  have  now  certain  advice,  that  this  fleet  having  put 
into  Plymouth  is  there  stopped;  their  remaining  fleet 
being  found  too  weak  to  protect  them  at  home.     I 
enclose  you  an  account  of  their  force,  and  the  dispo 
sal  of  it;  and  nothing  seems  more  certain,  than  that 
the  naval  and  land  force  now  employed  against  you 
will  be  diminished,  not  augmented.     However,  I  have 
now  settled  such  means  of  intelligence,  that  you  will 
be  apprised  if  any  alteration  should  happen.     All  our 
intelligence  announces  the  utmost  confusion  in  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland;  such  as  will  infallibly  find  them 
employment  at  home,  independent  of   France  and 
Spain.     Their  councils  are  so  fluctuating,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  variety  of  their  distress,  that  advices 
of  them  cannot   be    given  with  certainty ;    that  is, 
without  being  frequently  subject  to  appear  premature. 
The  British  ministry  have  agreed  to  an  exchange  of 
prisoners  with  us,  by  which  we  shall  immediately  re 
lease  upwards  of  200. 

War  is  not  commenced  in  Germany,  but  is  talk 
ed  of  as  inevitable.  The  deputy  of  congress  for  Vi 
enna  is  at  his  destination,  to  feel  the  disposition  of 
that  court.  But  I  understand  that  their  attention  is 


58  LIFE    OF 

so  engaged  with  the  approaching  war,  that  other  pro 
positions  proceed  slowly.  As  the  king  of  Prussia  con 
tends  against  the  empress  and  the  house  of  Austria, 
in  maintenance  of  the  treaty  of  Westphalia,  which  is 
the  great  bulwark  of  German  rights,  it  is  therefore 
necessary  that  he  should  league  himself  with  the 
German  princes,  among  whom  the  king  of  Great  Bri 
tain  as  elector  of  Hanover  bears  so  much  sway,  that 
he  could  not  hazard  the  turning  his  influence  against 
him,  by  entering  into  an  alliance  with  us.  To  culti 
vate  and  encourage  the  favourable  disposition  towards 
us  in  Holland,  we  have  sent  them  the  treaty  conclud 
ed  here;  and  we  shall  follow  it  by  proposals  for  a  loan, 
as  soon  as  Dr.  Franklin,  to  whom  the  digesting  the 
plan,  and  having  the  bills  proposed  printed,  is  left,  has 
prepared  the  business  for  execution.  Mr.  Williams 
has  at  length  given  in  his  accounts;  from  which  it 
appears  that  upwards  of  forty  thousand  suits  of  the 
soldiers'  clothes  ordered,  and  twenty  thousand  fusees, 
have  been  sent  from  Nantes  and  Bourdeaux;  and  the 
present  exhausted  state  of  our  finances  will  not  per 
mit  us  to  fulfil  them  farther.  The  ships  of  war  sent 
hither  are  an  enormous  expense  to  us;  hardly  any  of 
them  less  than  100,000  francs;  and  things  have  hither 
to  been  so  managed,  that  their  prizes  produce  us  lit 
tle  or  nothing.  This  seems  to  have  arisen  from  the 
variety  of  agents  employed,  the  confusion  of  their 
provinces,  and  the  loose  manner  in  which  the  public 
accounts  have  been  kept.  To  remedy  this,  we  have 
endeavoured  to  simplify  the  business  of  expenditure, 
by  directing  the  whole  to  be  discharged  by  the  two 
deputy  commercial  agents  appointed  by  my  brother, 
in  the  interval  of  his  negotiating  in  Germany.  By 
this  we  expect  to  avoid  the  infinite  impositions  aris 
ing  from  a  connexion  with  a  multiplicity  of  merchants, 
many  of  whom,  supposing  us  to  know  no  better,  will 
endeavour  to  deceive  us.  They,  as  merchants,  know 


ARTHUR    LEE.  59 

how  to  check  the  others,  and  are  themselves  ultimate 
ly  responsible  to  us. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c.  with  respect  your  obedient 
servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  June  1 5th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — I  find  I  was  mistaken  in  saying  in  my 
last  of  the  9th  that  twenty  thousand  fusees  had  been 
shipped  from  Nantes  and  Bourdeaux.  Upwards  of  ten 
thousand  remain  unshipped  at  Nantes.  Upon  the 
strength  of  the  promised  remittance  from  our  friends 
in  Spain,  and  near  £100,000  remaining  in  my  hands, 
I  have  desired  the  Gardoquis  to  continue  shipping 
blankets,  and  strong  shoes  from  Bilboa,  twenty  thou 
sand  livres  worth  of  drugs  and  salt  to  be  shipped  by 
Mr.  Cathalan,  of  Marseilles,  a  thousand  suits  of  sol 
diers'  clothes,  from  Bourdeaux,  by  Mr.  Bonfield,  and 
six  hundred  fusees  of  the  Prussian  make  from  Berlin, 
that  you  may  judge  on  arming  a  corps  with  them 
whether  they  are  preferable  to  others. 

The  enclosed  will  show  you  the  state  of  things  in 
Germany  with  regard  to  the  war  ;  as  it  is  written  on 
one  side,  the  Austrian  cause  must  not  be  exactly 
measured  by  this  standard. 

My  brother  writes  me  from  Vienna  in  a  late  letter, 
that  Col.  Faucet  is  using  the  utmost  endeavours  to 
raise  German  recruits.  But  from  the  present  state 
of  things  I  do  not  imagine  he  can  succeed ;  and  the 
north,  that  is  Russia  and  Denmark,  are  not  likely  to 
give  our  enemies  any  assistance.  As  far  as  I  can 
judge,  their  efforts  against  us,  except  a  sort  of  pirat 
ical  war,  are  exhausted.  The  same  ministry  con 
tinues.  The  house  of  Bourbon  is  certainly  united 
against  them.  They  have  the  same  imbecility  of 
council.  Their  enemies  increase  in  proportion  to  the 
diminution  of  their  means.  The  decay  of  that  coun- 


60  LIFE    OF 

merce,  the  distress  of  their  people,  the  rapacity  of 
their  public  officers,  and  the  load  of  their  debt  and 
taxes,  promise  soon  to  bring  upon  them  the  most  de 
plorable  distress,  and  prevent  them  from  being  any 
longer  a  formidable  enemy. 

The  Flota  has  not  yet  arrived.  The  enclosed 
copies  of  Capt.  Jones'  letter,  and  one  from  the  major 
ity  of  his  crew,  make  me  apprehend  that  the  Ranger 
will  share  the  fate  of  the  Revenge.  We  have  done 
all  in  our  power  to  bring  him  and  his  affairs  into 
order,  but  hitherto  in  vain. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"June  17th,  1778. 
Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — I  find  among  the  papers  left  by  Mr. 
Deane  the  following  accounts,  a  note  of  which  may 
be  useful. 

Shipped  on  board  the  Mere  Bobie,  June  1st, 
1777,  20  bales  of  woollens.  On  board  the 
Benjamin,  the  10th  October,  220  pieces  sail 
cloth,  first  quality,  (francs)  11,550 

82  pieces  sail  cloth,  second  quality,  4,100 

1  cable,  20  inches,  1  do.  18  do.  1  do.  16  do.      8,845 

I  shipped  on  board  the  Christine,  from  Am 
sterdam  for  Nantes,  26th  January  1778, 
4000  gun  locks,  8,000 

The  little  regularity  with  which  the  business  ap 
pears  to  have  been  done,  makes  me  think  this  mem 
orandum  will  not  be  useless. 

There  are  also  two  accounts  of  sales  of  goods  sent 
to  Nantes,  on  public  account,  by  the  Poison  Volant, 
Capt.  le  Farque.  One  is  anonymous,  and  dated 
April  10th,  1777,  for  peltry,  the  net  proceeds, 
(livres,)  79,530  9.  The  other  for  tobacco,  86  hhds. 
also  anonymous,  net  proceeds,  (livres)  42,577  134. 
As  I  cannot  find  that  these  proceeds  were  paid  on 


ARTHUR   LEE.  61 

the  public  account  to  our  banker,  it  remains  with  Mr. 
Deane  to  explain  what  became  of  them. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  with  great  respect,  &c* 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  July  1st,  1778. 
Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — I  enclose  you  some  extracts,  by  which 
you  will  see  that  war  is  not  yet  declared,  though  on 
all  hands  it  appears  to  be  fast  approaching. 

The  Spanish  flota  is  not  yet  arrived,  nor  their  fleet 
from  South  America.  Since  my  last,  a  French  fri 
gate  of  26  guns  was  attacked  by  one  of  England  of 
28,  off  Brest,  and  after  an  obstinate  engagement,  the 
latter  made  off  and  soon  after  sunk.  This  has  given 
great  spirits  to  the  French  marine  and  nation;  and  is 
more  especially  fortunate,  as  the  English  were  the 
aggressors.  Admiral  Keppel  is  before  Brest,  with  23 
sail  of  the  line,  where  I  believe  he  will  not  remain 
long  unattacked.  Permission  is  given  to  French  sub 
jects  to  fit  out  privateers,  and  orders  are  sent  to  all 
the  ports  to  permit  our  prizes  to  be  sold.  From  Lon 
don  the  ministry  have  offered  us  an  exchange  of  pri 
soners,  which  we  are  taking  the  necessary  measures 
to  embrace. 

By  some  unaccountable  neglect,  the  person  to  whom 
Dr.  Franklin  committed  the  printing  of  the  bills  re 
solved  on  for  the  loan,  has  not  furnished  them;  so  that 
nothing  farther  is  yet  done  in  that  business.  But  I 
hope  you  will  soon  have  news  of  its  farther  pro 
gress,  and  that  some  event  will  happen  to  furnish 
you  with  a  very  favourable  moment  for  its  execution. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

VOL.    II.  8 


62  LIFE    OF 

"PARIS,  July  6th,  1778. 

To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — I  enclose  to  you  the  best  account  I 
have  been  able  to  procure,  of  the  constitution  of  the 
militia  of  Switzerland ;  and  have  the  honour  to  be, 
with  the  greatest  respect,  your  most  obedient  ser 
vant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  JULY  16th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your 
favour  of  the  14th  of  May,  mentioning  the  receipt  of 
mine  of  Oct.  6th,  Nov.  27th,  and  Dec.  8th.     By  Mr. 
Deane  you  should  have  received  mine  of  Feb.  28th, 
with  duplicates  of  many  others.     With  yours  of  the 
14th  was  the  duplicate  of  one  dated  August  8th,  1777, 
the  original  of  which  I  never  received.     There  were 
also  enclosed  two  resolutions  of  congress.  May  27th 
and  9th.     I  shall  attend  most  punctually  to  the  com 
mands  of  congress,  and  what  your  letters  contain. 
Your  letter  of  the  14th  of  May  tells  us,  that  you  have 
enclosed  instructions  and  authorities  for  giving  up  on 
your  part  the  whole  of  the  llth  article,  &c.,  but  no 
such  papers  can  be  found.     Capt.  Nyles,  of  the  Spy, 
from  Portsmouth,  who  brought  the  despatches,  gives 
this  account.     That  the  despatches  No.  A.  from  con 
gress,  were  delivered  to  him.     That  on  his  way  to 
Paris  he  met  with  Dr.  Franklin  at  Versailles,  who 
(in  company  with  a  Mons.  de  Chaumont)  opened  the 
public  despatches,  and  then  they  were  delivered  to  us. 
Dr.  F.  says  he  saw  nothing  of  the  instructions  and 
authorities  mentioned.     It  was  probably  therefore  an 
omission  in  making  up  the  packets,  which  you  will 
learn  by  examining  the  secretary.     So  many  tricks 
have  been  played  with  our  despatches,  and  we  are  sur 
rounded  at  Passy  by  such  sort  of  people,  that  I  won- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  63 

der  more  at  our  getting  any  thing,  than  at  losing 
something. 

I  transmitted  immediately  the  account  of  the  ratifi 
cation  to  Spain,  and  hope  soon  to  have  something  to 
say  from  that  quarter. 

Since  my  despatches  by  Mons.  Girard,  I  wrote 
you  on  April  4th,  14th,  May  9th,  20th,  23d,  June  1st, 
15th,  1 7th,  July  1st  and  6th,  which  I  hope  you  will 
receive. 

I  enclose  you  a  duplicate  of  the  account  of  the 
Swiss  militia,  as  you  desired.  We  are  signing  the 
notes  for  a  loan  in  Holland,  which  will  now  1  hope 
soon  be  tried.  Mons.  Beaumarchais  is  not,  nor  has 
he  been  for  sometime,  in  Paris.  We  do  not  know  of 
any  other  person  who  represents  the  house  of  Horta- 
lez  &  Co. 

In  a  letter  of  June  27th  from  the  port,  where  I 
used  to  ship  blankets,  &c.,  I  have  an  account  of  6000 
blankets,  10,000  pair  strong  shoes,  a  large  parcel  of 
stockings,  with  rigging,  duck,  and  tent  cloth,  which 
will  soon  be  ready  for  shipping.  This  is  gratis  as  for 
merly,  and  whatever  else  has  been  sent  I  have  paid 
for;  so  that  those  merchants  have  no  demand  upon  you, 
nor  are  you  under  any  necessity  of  sending  effects  to  them9 
unless  you  should  think  it  a  proper  market  for  some 
things,  as  it  certainly  is  for  fish. 

As  I  have  refused  to  agree  to  passing  Mr.  Williams' 
accounts,  or  paying  him  the  balance,  which  in  my  opi 
nion  he  demands  unjustly,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  send 
you  my  reasons  for  doing  so. 

I  have  given  my  consent  to  transferring  Capt.  Jones 
to  the  minister  of  war  here  as  he  desired;  though  that 
request  seemed  to  me  to  be  obtained  by  a  conduct  in 
Capt.  Jones,  and  an  intrigue  on  the  part  of  a  Mons. 
Chaumont  and  Mr.  Williams,  which  did  not  deserve 
encouragement,  and  as  an  example,  cannot  but  be  of 
great  detriment  to  the  service.  But  we  had  received 
such  complaints  against  Capt.  Jones  from  all  his  crew; 


64  LIFE  OF 

his  putting  his  lieutenant,  Simpson,  under  arrest,  ap 
parently  without  any  reason,  and  then  contriving  to 
get  him  thrown  into  a  common  jail ;  his  quitting  his 
ship  without  leave,  and  coming  to  Paris  to  intrigue 
about  getting  into  the  French  service,  and  continuing 
here  in  spite  of  our  orders  to  the  contrary,  was  such 
conduct  as  left  no  alternative  in  my  mind,  but  that  of 
suspending  him,  or  getting  rid  of  him  in  the  manner 
he  himself  had  contrived. 

I  proposed  to  my  colleagues  an  application  to  the 
minister  relative  to  the  llth  and  12th  articles  of  the 
commercial  treaty,  agreeably  to  your  letter;  but  Dr. 
Franklin  being  of  opinion  that  this  could  not  be  done 
with  propriety,  as  the  instructions,  &c.  were  not  come, 
it  was  postponed. 

The  French  and  English  fleets  are  both  out  in 
search  of  each  other.  The  imperial  and  Prussian 
armies  are  in  the  field,  the  latter  having  invaded  Bo 
hemia;  so  that  every  moment  is  big  with  the  expecta 
tion  of  some  great  event.  Those  of  this  campaign 
will  not  in  all  probability  be  very  .decisive.  The  win 
ter  will  be  the  great  season  of  negotiation  for  arrang 
ing  all  Europe  on  each  side  ;  and  on  the  success  of 
the  cabinet  the  continuance  of  the  war  will  depend. 

With  great  respect,  your  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  July  20th,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — On  the  17th  we  interchanged  ratifi 
cations  at  Versailles.  The  treaty  of  commerce  pass 
ed  the  great  seal,  because  it  becomes  part  of  the  law 
and  regulations  of  trade,  and  therefore  must  be  pub 
lic.  That  of  alliance,  on  the  contrary,  being  secret, 
has  the  privy  seal  only  annexed. 

At  the  same  time  the  minister,  upon  reading  your 
letter  relative  to  the  llth  and  12th  articles,  agreed 


ARTHUR    LEE.  65 

without  hesitation  to  the  rescinding  of  them  as  soon 
as  the  resolve  of  congress  should  arrive,  and  in  the 
mean  time  directed  the  register  of  the  treaty  to  be 
suspended,  that  they  might  not  appear  upon  record. 
I  may  congratulate  you  on  the  happy  conclusion  of 
this  business. 

Among  the  objections  I  stated  to  the  paying  Mr. 
*****#**JS  demancls  upon  the  public  money,  one  was, 
that  he  had  put  fifty  thousand  livres  of  the  money 
actually  remitted  to  him  to  be  vested  in  supplies,  into 
his  own  pocket.  This  he  says  he  has  re-paid  by  bill 
on  Mr.  Chaumont,  payable  in  four  months,  which  he 
remitted  not  to  the  commissioners,  but  to  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  and  which  neither  was  nor  is  deposited  with  the 
public  banker.  Thus,  in  this  pressing  time,  this  sum 
of  the  public  money  is  given  to  Mr.  ***'*****  for  four 
months;  at  the  end  of  which  time  Mons.  Chaumont 
may  pay  us  by  another  bill  upon  Mr.  ********.  It 
is  this  kind  of  conduct  with  regard  to  the  public 
money  entrusted  to  us,  which  has  given  me  much  un 
easiness;  since  it  is  easy  to  see  what  evils  will  follow, 
if  from  favouritism  or  relationship  such  proceedings 
are  permitted.  Mr.  ********  has  received  upwards 
of  100,000  livres  as  a  balance  due  from  the  public  to 
him,  when  he  appears  to  owe  more  than  that  to  the 
public;  and  this  without  giving  in,  though  desired  to 
do  it,  a  single  voucher  for  any  of  his  accounts.  The 
same  indulgence  was  observed  to  him  before.  The 
public  money  was  put  into  his  hands,  for  which  he 
gave  in  lumping  accounts,  without  a  single  voucher ; 
and  the  whole  was  kept  a  profound  secret  from  me, 
till  the  departure  of  Mr.  Deane  gave  me  access  to 
the  public  papers,  which  had  been  withheld  from  me 
till  then.  In  endeavouring  to  prevent  these  undue 
proceedings,  I  have  discharged  what  I  deemed  my 
duty  to  the  public ;  a  duty  however  which  necessari 
ly  excites  personal  enmities  and  disrespect.  Of  the 
means  that  have  been  used  to  encourage  the  latter, 


66  LIFE    OF 

and  give  this  Mr.  **=******  an  opinion  that  he  might 
act  as  he  pleased,  the  enclosed  letter  No.  1  will  be  a 
proof.  After  that,  the  subsequent  part  of  his  conduct, 
which  has  prevented  the  remaining  goods  to  be  ship 
ped,  is  not  surprising.  So  long  ago  as  the  25th  of 
May  the  commissioners  wrote  to  him  to  deliver  the 
goods  on  hand  to  Mr.  Schweighauser,  to  be  shipped 
for  America.  How  he  complied  with  this,  after  hav 
ing  charged  us  with  the  full  commission  as  if  he  had 
shipped  them  himself,  the  following  extract  of  a  let 
ter  from  Mr.  Schweighauser  will  show.  "I  have  now 
to  inform  you  that  Capt.  Whipple,  at  his  return  to  his 
ship,  having  wrote  to  me  that  he  wanted  the  goods 
you  had  pointed  out  to  be  sent  by  him,  in  order  to  stow 
his  hold  properly,  I  made  yesterday  application  to 
Mr.  Williams's  clerk  for  the  continental  stores  in  his 
possession;  when  he  told  me  he  had  no  objection  to 
deliver  them,  provided  I  would  give  him  an  order 
upon  you,  gentlemen,  for  their  amount." 

The  flota  is  arrived,  and  the  fleet  is  daily  expect 
ed.  When  that  is  safe,  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  Spa 
nish  court  taking  a  decided  part.  But  they  are  se 
cret  and  slow.  Their  ambassador  that  is  gone  lately 
to  London,  will  in  the  mean  time  make  propositions, 
which,  if  accepted,  will  secure  the  great  objects  of 
our  wishes.  The  distresses  of  England  have  almost 
brought  her  to  her  senses  ;  but  perhaps  not  enough  to 
make  her  submit  to  hard  terms  to  avoid  harder.  In 
time  they  must. 

The  king  of  Prussia  with  Prince  Ferdinand  of 
Brunswick  at  the  head  of  one  army,  and  Prince  Hen 
ry  of  Prussia  with  another,  have  gained  such  advanta 
geous  positions  in  Bohemia  over  the  imperial  army, 
that  it  is  imagined  the  latter  cannot  be  extricated,  at 
least  without  very  considerable  loss. 

The  proposition  of  an  augmentation  of  their  army 
in  the  United  provinces,  which  is  the  favourite  meas 
ure  for  the  Stadt-Holder  and  the  English  party,  has 


ARTHUR    LEE. 


67 


been  lately  negatived.     There  is  not  the  least  reason 
to  apprehend   that  Holland  will  take  part  with  our 
enemies  ;  nor  will  they  be  easily  persuaded,  though 
seemingly  well-disposed,  to  join  with  us. 
Respectfully, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S. — I  enclose  a  summary  of  Messrs.  Gardoqui's 
account,  and  that  of  some  fusils,  such  as  the  king 
of  Prussia's  army  use  ;  which  are  sent  for  approba 
tion.  I  should  be  glad  if  mention  were  made  of  the 
quality  and  condition  of  all  the  goods  received,  that 
I  may  judge  whether  the  merchants  employed  here 
acted  properly.  A.  L." 

"July  28th,  1778. 
Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — I  have  taken  the  advantage  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Flota,  to  press  the  loan  of  two  millions, 
and  will  transmit  the  answer  as  soon  as  I  receive  it. 
The  order  for  sending  supplies  is  renewed  upon  the 
old  footing,  and  I  trust  you  will  receive  woollens, 
drugs,  and  some  naval  stores,  through  that  channel. 
We  are  signing  the  notes  for  the  loan  in  Holland, 
which  is  a  work  of  time,  particularly  to  myself,  as  I 
annex  a  secret  mark  to  each  signature,  to  detect  any 
forgeries,  which  will  no  doubt  be  attempted  by  indi 
viduals,  and  perhaps  by  the  government  with  which 
we  are  at  war. 

(I  have  not  signed  the  general  letter,  because  the 
message  was  received,  and  the  answer  made,  while  I 
was  signing  the  notes,  without  sending  for  me,  so 
that  I  cannot  bear  witness  to  a  declaration  which  I 
did  not  hear,  and  which,  had  I  been  present  I  should 
have  desired  in  writing  and  signed,  knowing  from  the 
experience  we  have  had,  that  this  sort  of  conver 
sations  with  under  secretaries  are  not  to  be  relied  on. 
These  and  other  reasons,  which  I  will  not  trou- 


68  LIFE    OF 

ble  you  with,  would  have  made  me  dissent  from  the 
proceedings  on  that  message,  and  have  made  me 
withhold  my  signature  from  the  letter.) 

No  answer  has  been  received  from  the  British  court 
to  the  return  we  sent  of  the  seamen  in  our  possession. 
If  the  intelligence  of  their  resolution  to  offer  a  recog 
nition  of  our  independence  be  true,  it  is  a  proof  of 
their  being  conscious  of  their  incapacity  to  carry  on 
the  W7ar  against  the  United  States  and  France,  allied. 
They  have  been  somewhat  slow  in  finding  this  out, 
and  I  am  persuaded  that  before  another  year  is  at  an 
end  they  will  discover  the  necessity  of  adding  to  this 
offer  the  cession  of  all  their  possessions  on  the  con 
tinent  of  America.  The  war  in  Germany  will  occupy 
all  the  north  of  Europe  ;  Holland  will  remain  neuter ; 
Spain  and  Portugal  will  join  our  alliance  ;  and  if  there 
is  any  certainty  in  human  things  the  result  must  be  a 
carte  blanche  from  our  imperious  and  inhuman  enemy. 
They  have  conducted  themselves  with  such  unexam 
pled  baseness  and  folly,  that  their  situation  will  lose 
the  dignity  that  used  to  accompany  greatness  in  dis 
tress,  and  they  W7ill  fall  dishonoured  and  unlamented. 

The  French  and  English  fleets  are  yet  out,  but 
have  not  engaged  ;  which,  as  they  are  nearly  equal, 
and  every  thing  depends  upon  the  event,  they  will 
probably  avoid,  by  the  former  keeping  out,  and  the 
latter  in,  the  English  channel. 

I  enclose  a  list  of  the  packets  and  letters  sent  by 
Mr.  Simeon  Deane,  a  summary  of  Gardoqui's  ac 
counts,  a  triplicate  of  the  Swiss  militia,  an  account  of 
the  Hawke's  prize,  a  duplicate  of  rny  letter  to  you  of 
the  2()th,  and  the  latest  intelligence  from  Germany. 

You  will  have  the  goodness  to  present  my  duty  to 
congress,  and  believe  me  to  be,  with  the  greatest 
esteem  and  respect  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  69 

"July  29th,  1778. 
Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — I  enclose  you  a  duplicate  of  the  news 
of  an  engagement  between  the  fleets  of  France  and 
England.  The  particulars  received  since  make  the 
loss  on  board  the  French  fleet  very  inconsiderable,  and 
paint  the  behaviour  of  the  English  to  have  been  in 
expert  and  dastardly.  Their  repulse  in  the  first  en 
gagement  will  probably  lead  to  their  defeat  in  the 
next,  for  which  purpose  the  fleet  of  our  allies  will  go 
out  in  a  few  days. 

The  empress  and  emperor  seem  at  length  sensible 
of  the  impropriety  of  their  conduct,  and  in  conse 
quence  a  truce  for  six  weeks  is  agreed  on  to  give 
time  for  negotiation,  and  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood. 
The  quadruplicate  of  the  ratification  reached  us  on 
the  3d  in  safety,  as  all  the  rest  have  done.  The  an 
swer  of  congress  to  the  commissioners  was  immedi 
ately  sent  to  the  minister,  and  will,  I  am  persuaded, 
give  great  satisfaction. 

It  has  been  forgot,  I  believe,  to  mention  both  in  our 
joint  and  particular  letters,  that  we  have  attended  to 
the  plan  proposed  by  the  committee,  of  sending  the 
frigates  to  cruise  in  the  East  Indies,  and  upon  con 
sidering  all  things,  it  seemed  to  us  impracticable  at 
present.  Better  order  must  be  established  in  our 
marine,  and  the  ship's  companies  better  sorted  before 
it  will  be  safe  to  attempt  enterprises  at  such  distance, 
and  which  require  a  certain  extent  of  ideas  in  the 
captain,  and  entire  obedience  in  the  crew. 

The  authority  of  congress  for  omitting  the  llth 
and  12th  articles  of  the  commercial  treaty,  which  was 
omitted  in  the  other  despatches,  came  safe  in  the  last, 
and  will  be  presented  immediately  to  the  minister, 
who  has  already  agreed  to  have  them  expunged. 

I  enclose  you  our  letter  and  Mr.  Hodge's  answer, 
concerning  the  money  expended  at  Dunkirk,  together 

VOL.    II.  9 


70  LIFE    OF 

with  a  particular  account  of  what  he  has  received 
from  the  public  banker. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence.     J.Williams' 
accounts  sent.     Letter  A. 

AUGUST  7th,  1778. 

Gentlemen, — The  enclosed  paper,  Letter  A,  was 
communicated  secretly  by  Dr.  Bankcroft  to  Dr.  Frank 
lin  and  Mr.  Adams,  the  latter  of  whom  delivered  it 
to  me.  Though,  according  to  the  charge  of  it,  I  was 
the  person  immediately  injured  by  the  conduct  of  him 
they  accuse,  yet  it  was  me  particularly  that  they  took 
care  not  to  apprise  of  what  he  was  doing. 

What  I  know  of  the  matter  is  this,  Mr.  Thornton, 
the  object  of  their  accusation,  or  as  I  find  him  called 
in  the  papers  left  by  Mr.  Deane,  Major  Thornton,  was 
chosen  by  my  colleagues  to  carry  our  first  letter  to 
Lord  North,  concerning  the  treatment  of  prisoners  in 
England.  This  was  the  first  knowledge  I  had  of  him. 
Having  observed  that  he  executed  his  commission 
with  activity  and  address,  and  he  being  recommend 
ed  to  me  by  Dr.  Franklin,  I  took  him  as  a  secretary, 
with  the  intention  of  making  use  of  his  acquaint 
ance  in  the  naval  and  military  lines  in  England.  With 
this  view  I  soon  after  sent  him  to  London,  from 
whence  he  transmitted  and  brought  me  useful  intelli 
gence,  which  I  communicated  from  time  to  time  to 
the  ministry.  Being  about  to  send  him  again,  I  un 
derstood  that  Dr.  Bankcroft  had  whispered  about,  that 
he  was  engaged  in  stock-jobbing.  Upon  touching 
this  matter  to  Mr.  Thornton,  he  told  me  that  he  knew 
Dr.  Bankcroft  and  the  Whartons  were  engaged  in 
stock-jobbing,  for  the  latter  had  communicated  to  him 
all  their  transactions  and  mutual  correspondence ;  that 
one  of  them  had  repeatedly  solicited  him,  when  in 
London,  to  become  an  adventurer  with  them,  which 


ARTHUR    LEE.  71 

he  had  constantly  refused;  and  that  upon  his  return 
to  Paris  he  was  pestered  with  letters  requesting  his 
correspondence,  which  he  would  never  answer.     As  a 
proof  of  this,  he  put  into  my  hands  the  letter  marked 
D. ;  this,  with  the  previous  knowledge  I  had  of  his 
accusers  being  themselves  stock-jobbers,  satisfied  me 
that  the  charge  was  malicious.     I  therefore  continued 
him  in  his  employment,  and  despatched  him  to  Lon 
don,  with  directions  to  go  to  Portsmouth  and  Ply 
mouth,  and  collect  the  most  accurate  statement  he 
could,  of  the  force  and  condition  of  the  enemy's  fleet. 
This  he  executed  with  such  secrecy,  that  this  Mr. 
Wharton  wrote  to  him  in  Paris  while  he  was  at  Ply 
mouth,  of  which  letter  Dr.  Pringle  of  South  Caroli 
na  was  the  bearer.     It  was  directed  to  be  delivered 
to  Dr.  Bankcroft,  in  Mr.  Thornton's  absence.     When 
I  understood  this  transaction,  I  apprehended  that  they 
had  seduced  him  into  their  association;  I  therefore 
wrote  him  very  strongly  on  the  subject,  and  desired 
him  to  return  immediately  to  Paris.     His  answer  was, 
that  he  was  then  sick,  but  would  come  as  soon  as 
recovered.     Since  this  I  have  not  heard  of  him,  but 
have  had  information  from  a  very  respectable  merchant 
in  London,  that  Mr.  Wharton  has  communicated  to 
him  doubts  of  Mr.  Thornton's  fidelity  to  me,  assuring 
him  that  he  had  given  me  full  information  of  it,  and 
all  the  particulars  of  his  conduct ;  not  a  word  of  which 
was  true.     It  appears  too  by  his  own  letter  and  Capt. 
Livingston's  testimony,  that  there  is  as  little  truth  in 
his  declaration  of  Mr.  Thornton's  being  a  stranger  to 
him.     Though  he  says  he  lent  him  money  on  my  ac 
count,  yet  he  never  informed  me  of  his  having  done 
so.     I  have  not,  nor  ever  had,  the  least  acquaintance 
with  Mr.  Wharton,  but  have  been  frequently  informed 
of  his  holding  conversations  not  very  friendly  to  me. 
Upon  the  whole,  it  appears  to  me  that  their  plan  was 
to  seduce  my  secretary  to  the  very  infidelity  of  which 
they  accuse  him.     I  cannot  help  thinking  that  state- 


LIFE    OF 

ments,  which  it  is  said  Mr.  Thornton  communicated  to 
Mr.  Wharton,  were  framed  for  the  purpose  of  this  accu 
sation,  from  hints  sent  from  hence;  because  there  is  a 
confusion,  blundering,  and  a  mixture  of  true  and  false 
in  them,  which  might  well  arise  from  intelligence 
picked  up,  and  could  not  have  happened  if  my  secre 
tary  had  taken  copies  of  any  of  my  papers  for  the 
purpose  of  betraying  them.  It  is  certain,  that  the 
persons  who  have  made  this  accusation  were  trusted 
with  our  state  secrets  after  we  were  credibly  inform 
ed  of  their  being  engaged  in  stock-jobbing,  and  at  a 
time  when  that  confidence  was  absolutely  refused  to 
the  other  two  commissioners  of  congress,  Mr.  Izard 
and  Mr.  Wrn.  Lee. 

You  will  see  by  our  banker's  account,  that  about 
the  time  of  this  stock-jobbing  upon  the  most  sacred 

state  secret  that  ever  was  committed  to  us,  Mr. 

remitted  to  Mr. 19,520  livres.     These  are  the 

observations  which  I  think  it  my  duty  to  communi 
cate  to  you,  upon  those  most  unworthy  transactions; 
being  fully  satisfied  that  while  such  men  are  admitted 
into  public  confidence  here,  neither  the  business  of 
the  state,  nor  the  honour  of  individuals,  can  be  secure 
from  their  attempts. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  August  21st,  1778. 

Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Gentlemen, — I  had  the  honour  of  writing  to  you 
on  the  7th  inst.  enclosing  Mr.  Williams's  accounts, 
those  of  Mr.  Hodge,  and  Dr.  Bankcroft's  accusation 
against  my  secretary,  with  some  observations  upon  it 
by  Lieut.  Livingston. 

I  send  you  our  banker's  accounts  from  the  be 
ginning,  with  the  explanation  left  by  Mr.  Deane. 
Nothing  of  moment  has  happened  since  I  wrote  you 
last. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  73 

We  are  pretty  well  informed  that  the  British  cab 
inet  has  resolved  to  acknowledge  your  independency. 
It  does  not  seem  to  me  that  they  can  possibly  avoid 
doing  so  in  a  year's  time,  on  any  conditions  that  may 
be  prescribed  to  them.  Such  certainly  is  their  ex 
hausted  state  in  every  respect,  that  an  attempt  to 
carry  on  a  war  against  the  United  States  and 
France  combined,  and  supported  as  the  latter  are 
sure  of  being,  by  Spain,  is  such  an  act  of  folly  as  can 
not  but  end  speedily  in  their  utter  confusion. 

Be  so  good  as  to  inform  Mr.  Robert  Morris  that  in 
consequence  of  his  letter  to  my  brother  William,  he 
has  written  to  Dr.  Franklin  and  myself,  requesting  us 
to  deliver  to  Mr.  Ross  all  the  papers  among  those  of 
the  late  Mr.  T.  Morris,  which  do  not  concern  the  pub 
lic  agency.  This  shall  be  complied  with  on  my  part, 
whenever  Mr.  Ross  desires  it ;  the  trunk  locked  and 
sealed  having  been  left  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  the 
keys  with  me. 

I  wrote  you  on  the  2ftth  ult.  of  my  having  pressed 
for  the  loan  directed  by  congress.  I  have  received 
an  assurance  through  the  ambassador,  that  an  answer 
will  be  given  to  my  memorial  as  soon  as  possible. 

I  enclose  you  a  memorial  for  the  consideration  of 
congress,  as  we  do  not  think  ourselves  authorized  to 
act  upon  it  without  express  orders.  Could  one  be 
sure  that  justice  would  be  done  to  the  public,  it 
might  be  of  advantage  to  adopt  this  scheme,  for  con 
gress  must  not  trust  to  the  success  of  a  loan,  which, 
for  the  following  reasons,  I  apprehend  will  be  found 
impracticable. 

The  war  in  Germany  going  on,  that  between  us  and 
Great  Britain,  and  the  preparations  for  it  by  France 
and  Spain,  has  raised  and  multiplied  the  demand  for 
money  so  as  to  give  the  holders  of  it  their  choice  and 
their  price.  The  empress  queen  has  engrossed  every 
shilling  in  the  Netherlands.  England  has  drawn 
large  sums  from  the  Hollanders,  who  cannot  easily 


74  LIFE    OF 

quit  their  former  market.  France  is  negotiating  a 
loan  of  one  hundred  million  livres,  which  will  ex 
haust  Geneva  and  Switzerland.  The  money  holders 
regard  the  lending  their  money  at  such  a  distance,  as 
Jacob  did  the  sending  Benjamin  into  Egypt,  and  it  is 
time  only  that  will  make  them  endure  the  thought  of 
such  a  separation. 

These  are  the  difficulties  which  the  circumstance  of 
things  oppose  to  our  scheme  of  a  loan,  and  render  the 
aid  of  some  other  operation  necessary  for  sinking  the 
superabundant  paper. 

The  minister's  answer  relative  to  Mr.  Holker  was, 
that  he  had  no  authority  from  this  court,  but  on  this 
our  joint  letter  I  expect  will  be  more  full.  I  have 
determined  to  write  to  you  once  a  month  or  oftener, 
as  opportunity  offers,  and  as  we  do  not  write  so  fre 
quently  I  am  tempted  to  mention  things  which  should 
properly  come  from  all  the  commissioners,  as  they  re 
late  to  the  joint  commission. 

From  the  necessity  of  the  case  we  have  ventured 
to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  those  who  de 
sire  passports  of  us,  but  I  hope  congress  will  authorize 
their  commissioners  to  do  so  where  it  is  necessary. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LEE. 


APPENDIX    VII. 

Letters  of  Ralph  Izard,  Commissioner  of  the  United  States  to  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany,  to  Arthur  Lee,  and  Letters  of  Edmund  Jennings  and  Mr. 
Brigden,  written  to  him  from  England  during  the  war. 

"  NAPLES,  15th  January  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — The  last  post  which  favoured  me  with 
your  letter  brought  several  newspapers,  containing  in 
teresting  affairs  from  America.  I  have  a  letter  from 
Philadelphia,  assuring  me  that  the  congress  conduct 
ed  themselves  with  great  unanimity  and  good  temper. 
Part  of  their  proceedings  I  have  seen,  and  their  letter 
to  the  people  of  England,  which  I  think  must  make 
a  favourable  impression.  I  hope  the  conduct  of  ad 
ministration  respecting  the  American  agents,  is  taken 
notice  of  in  their  address  to  the  king,  or  in  some  other 
part,  which  I  have  not  yet  seen.  The  papers  men 
tion  nothing  of  Lord  Chatham,  except  that  his  daugh 
ter  is  married  to  Lord  Mahon.  I  hope  you  have 
taken  that  opportunity  of  visiting  the  latter,  and  re 
newing  your  Paris  acquaintance  with  him.  The 
cause  may  receive  some  benefit  by  your  cultivating  a 
connexion  with  him  ;  and  from  what  we  saw  of  him 
I  should  judge  that  he  would  not  wish  to  decline  it. 
Surely  the  applications  which  have  been  made  by  ad 
ministration  to  the  French  and  Dutch,  \vill  not  pre 
vent  their  sending  goods.  If  the  merchants  of  France 
and  Holland  know  their  interest,  which  it  is  general 
ly  thought^  they  do,  they  will  take  care  during  this 
unnatural  contest,  to  put  their  trade  into  such  a  chan 
nel  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  remove  it  even  after 
things  in  other  respects  may  be  set  right.  I  am  very 
sorry  to  find  that  there  were  no  delegates  from 
Georgia.  Ihe  governor,  who  must  have  been  the 
means  of  preventing  their  being  sent,  ought  to  be 


70  LIFE    OF 

taken  proper  notice  of.  I  dedicate  him  to  your  atten 
tion.  He  has  a  most  haughty  and  aspiring  spirit,  and 
I  think  is  in  every  respect  the  worst  governor  that 
ever  was  sent  to  America.  He  is  the  greatest  enemy 
in  the  world  to  America,  except  one.  This  is  the 
more  extraordinary  as  he  went  over  to  that  country 
when  very  young  and  in  very  needy  circumstances  ; 
and  is  now  possessed  of  a  very  considerable  estate, 
entirely  acquired  there.  He  is  endeavouring  to  get 
the  agency  of  the  province  for  his  son,  who  is  one  of 
the  stupidest  young  men  I  ever  was  acquainted  with ; 
and  thence  arises  his  ill  behaviour  to  Dr.  Franklin. 
Our  enemies  have  been  continually  assuring  the  king 
that  as  soon  as  America  found  that  England  was  de 
termined,  she  would  fall  prostrate.  The  fatal  error  is 
discovered  just  before  it  is  irrecoverable.  I  pray  God 
that  advantage  may  be  taken  of  the  discovery,  and 
that  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war  may  be  diverted.  Pray 
give  my  compliments  to  your  brother,  and  thank  him 
for  the  trouble  he  has  taken  about  our  letters ;  beg 
the  favour  of  him  to  send  them  to  me  himself.  He 
sent  one  to  Mr.  Sayre,  which  was  enclosed  to  me  in 
a  letter  of  sixteen  days  later  date  than  the  post  mark 
on  the  American  letter,  which  probably  was  kept 
during  that  time  in  his  desk.  My  compliments  to 
Sayre,  and  give  him  a  hint  of  this.  Tell  him  that  I 
disclaim  all  faith  in  proverbs  if  he  is  not  a  great  wit. 
I  am,  dear  sir,  affectionately,  your  friend  and  hum 
ble  servant, 

RA.  IZARD. 

P.  S. — Pray  remind  'Sayre  of  my  note  of  hand, 
which  Alleyne  has.  As  I  do  not  recollect  the  date 
of  it,  I  should  be  obliged  to  you  if  you  would  learn  of 
Alleyne  when  it  is  due,  and  let  Sayre  know,  that  he 
may  be  provided  for  it  in  time.  I  wrote  above  two 
months  ago  to  Cruger,  and  have  heard  nothing  from 
him ;  perhaps  he  may  have  forgot  to  pay  the  postage. 
If  you  see  him  tell  him  of  it." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  77 

"  PARIS,  28th  Feb.  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  public 
acknowledgment  of  the  commissioners  ought  to  be 
pressed  before  the  departure  of  the  express,  as  I  be 
lieve  the  ministry  were  never  so  well  disposed  to  at 
tend  to  such  a  proposition.  Nothing  that  can  be  sent 
by  the  frigate  will  be  of  so  much  importance  for  con 
gress  to  know,  as  the  answer  and  conduct  of  the  court 
upon  that  question. 

I  am  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

RA.  IZARD." 

"  PARIS,  16th  April  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — The  establishment  of  convoys  for  the 
protection  of  the  merchant  ships  going  to  America, 
and  returning  from  thence,  appears  to  me  an  object  of 
the  greatest  importance.  The  distress  which  is  felt 
in  every  part  of  America,  from  the  scarcity  of  Euro 
pean  goods,  would  be  greatly  alleviated  if  such  a  mea 
sure  were  adopted.  One  or  two  ships  of  the  line  and 
three  frigates  to  attend  the  merchant  vessels  all  the 

C5 

way  to  America,  three  or  four  times  a  year,  would, 
I  believe,  effectually  answer  the  purpose.  You  will 
be  so  good  as  to  consider  of  this  matter,  and  if  it  ap 
pears  to  you  and  the  other  gentlemen  joined  with  you, 
in  the  commission  at  this  court,  of  sufficient  import 
ance  for  an  application  to  be  made  to  the  ministry  on 
the  subject,  I  think  it  would  be  complied  with.  In 
the  mean  time  I  must  request  your  immediate  atten 
tion  to  the  enclosed  letter,  which  I  have  received  from 
Mr.  Blake,  a  gentleman  of  South  Carolina ;  and  beg 
the  favour  of  you  to  communicate  it  this  morning  to 
Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams,  as  the  vessel  on  board 
of  which  he  has  taken  his  passage,  will  be  ready  to 
sail  in  a  few  days.  The  request  seems  to  me  so  rea 
sonable,  that  I  am  persuaded  it  would  be  granted  upon 
an  application  to  Mons.  de  Sartine  ;  especially  as  it  is 

VOL.    II.  10 


78  LIFE    OF 

of  as  much  consequence  to  France  as  to  America,  that 
a  proper  intercourse  should  be  secured  between  the 
two  countries. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  regard  dear 
sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

RA.  IZARD. 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 

"  ST.  AMAND,  26th  July  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — Mrs.  Izard  has  just  informed  me  that 
the  Proces  has  been  decided  against  me.  I  have  just 
time  by  this  post  to  request  the  favour  of  you  to  go 
immediately  to  Versailles,  and  speak  to  Count  Mau- 
repas  on  the  subject.  This  unjust  decision  surprises 
me  the  more,  as  Count  Maurepas  seemed  perfectly 
convinced  of  the  propriety  of  restoring  my  things  to 
me.  You  will  be  so  good  as  to  let  him  know  that  I 
am  ill  at  this  place,  which  is  the  reason  of  my  not  ap 
plying  to  him  myself. 

I  am  dear  sir,  your  friend,  R.  I. 

The  Gazette  of  the  10th,  which  I  have  seen  in  the 
Courier  de  PEurope,  makes  me  very  uneasy.  Pre- 
vost's  progress  is  most  unaccountable  to  me." 

"  ST.  AMAND,  Aug.  8,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  favoured  with  your  two  letters  of 
1st  and  4th  inst.  The  account  you  give  of  the  pro 
ceedings  respecting  Mr.  Ford  is  very  alarming.  His 
character  has  always  appeared  to  me  the  very  reverse 
of  what  his  enemies  have  drawn  it.  His  conduct  in 
America  has  I  hope  been  consistent  with  his  profes 
sions  here  ;  if  so,  this  attack  may  prove  advantageous 
not  only  to  himself,  but  to  his  country.  If  he  can  re 
fute  the  charges  that  have  been  brought  against  him, 
the  object  of  his  accusers  will  plainly  appear.  It 
will  give  me  infinite  pleasure,  if  the  news  of  Pre- 
vost's  defeat  should  be  confirmed.  Should  it  prove 


ARTHUR    LEE.  79 

true,  there  must  have  been  some  mistake  in  the  date. 
It  could  not  have  happened  on  the  14th  of  May,  or  the 
persons  who  were  at  Savannah  must  have  known  of  it 
on  the  21st  of  the  same  month,  and  on  the  2d  and  5th 
of  June.  If  the  date  of  the  action  has  been  mistak 
en,  all  may  yet  be  well.  I  am  sure  that  part  of  the 
gazette  account  which  mentions  the  inhabitants  of 
Charles  Town  offering  to  capitulate  on  condition  of 
their  being  allowed  to  remain  neuter,  is  false  ;  other 
parts  may  likewise  be  so  too.  You  will  be  so  good 
as  to  give  me  the  earliest  notice  of  every  thing  inte 
resting  which  arrives  from  that  quarter.  The  report 
of  the  committee  of  15th  of  April,  is  most  shocking. 
We  are  yet  to  learn,  whether  it  has  been  agreed  to. 
The  fact  is,  those  members  who  are  friends  to  their 
country,  should  enter  a  solemn  protest  against  it, with 
their  reasons,  and  send  them  to  the  legislatures  of 
every  state.  I  was  surprised  on  Monday  last,  to  see 
your  brother  here.  He  told  me  you  had  informed  him 
of  my  being  here,  and  as  he  was  in  this  part  of  the 
world  looking  out  for  a  proper  place  to  leave  his  fami 
ly  when  he  went  to  America,  he  came  a  little  out  of 
his  way  to  see  me.  He  did  not  stay  with  me  above 
two  or  three  hours.  My  breast,  which  was  very  trou 
blesome  to  me  a  few  days  ago,  is  now  much  better; 
should  it  grow  worse  again,  I  shall  follow  your  ad 
vice. 

I  am  dear  sir,  with  great  regard,  your  friend,  &c. 

RA.  IZARD." 

"ST.  AMAND,  Sept.  1st,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — If  it  be  true,  that  the  combined  fleet  were 
in  chase  of  Hardy  on  the  23d,  some  decisive  stroke  has 
probably  been  struck  before  this  time.  The  capture  of 
the  eleven  ships  you  speak  of,  would  I  think  certainly 
give  us  peace  in  the  winter.  This  I  most  fervently  wish 
for  on  every  account;  but  particularly  so,  on  account 


80  LIFE  or 

of  the  situation  of  our  affairs  on  both  sides  of  the  At 
lantic.      The  Braxtonian's  news,  which  Mr.  Pringle 
sent  you,  may  possibly  be  true.     The  letters  with 
which  Capt.  Green  was  charged,  might  have  given  us 
an  account  of  those  proceedings ;  you  cannot  forget 
what  Bordfield  wrote  you  that  Green  said  about  Pas- 
sy.     The  Courier  de  PEurope,  about  two  or  three 
weeks  ago,  gave  an  account  of  the  capture  of  a  .ves 
sel  of  10  guns,  called  the  Count  d'Estaing,  by  an 
English  privateer,  bringing  despatches  from  the  con 
gress  to  their  commissioners  in  Europe.     If  the  com 
missioners  who  were  charged  with  the  examination 
of  Mr.  *****'s  affairs,  attempted  to  transmit  two  co 
pies  of  his  acquittal  before  your  despatches  and  your 
brother's  were  received,  it  was  as  much  as  their  mo 
desty  ought  to  have  allowed  them  to  do.     I  am  now 
obliged  to  depend  entirely  upon  the  Courier  de  PEu- 
rope  for  English  news.     My  correspondent  in  Lon 
don  was  desired  to  address  my  papers  to  me  directly 
at  this  place.     They  came  once  in  that  manner,  and 
I  received  them  of  the  JOth  August  before  they  could 
have  got  to  Paris.     I  have  received  none  since;  and 
whether  I  am  obliged  to  the  rulers  of  France  or  Eng 
land  for  being  deprived  of  so  considerable  a  gratifica 
tion,  I  know  not.     You  seem  desirous  of  knowing 
whether  either  of  the  three  gentlemen  you  mention 
hired  post  horses   at  V.,  and  for  what  place,  on  4th 
August.     As  you  wish  me  to  enquire,  I  will  do  it;  but 
think  it  is  a  matter  that  had  better  if  possible  be  dropt 
entirely.     I  am  glad  to  hear,  that  Bonfield  has  been 
able  to  forward  the  Commodore's  business.     The  war 
however  I  expect  will  be  over  before  the  frigates  are 
launched.      I  thank  you  for  your  enquiries  about  my 
health.     My  wife  has  informed  you  that  the  reme 
dies  of  this  place  have  been  of  service  to  me.     We 
have  had  four  or  five  hot  days  lately,  which  have  done 
more  good  to  the  invalids  here,  than  three  times  the 
number  at  any  other  time  this  year.     It  is  not  in  my 


ARTHUR    LEE.  81 

power  to  say  when  I  shall  return;  but  I  am  heartily 
desirous  of  getting  rid  of  the  unpleasant  discipline 
of  this  place,  and  to  be  with  my  family  and  friends 
again. 

I  am,  with  great  regard  dear  sir,  yours  sincerely, 

RA.  IZARD." 

"ST.  AMAND,  Sept.  12th,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  seen  the  Gazette  de  France,  with 
the  account  of  M.  d'Estaing's  proceedings.     The  af 
fair  between  him  and  Byron  seems  like  that  of  27th 
July  1778,  to  have  been  a  drawn  battle,  and  both  parties 
will  claim  the  victory.    The  taking  of  Grenada  will  be  a 
severer  stroke  upon  the  Scotch  than  any  they  have  sus 
tained  during  the  war.     They  are  proprietors  of  the 
greatest  part  of  the  island.     Do  not  write  any  more  to 
me  here  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  as  I  expect  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  you  in  Paris  during  the  course  of 
this  week;  give  my  compliments  to  your  next  door 
neighbour,  and  let  him  know  this.     Be  so  good  as  to 
send  your  servant  as  soon  as  this  gets  to  your  hands, 
to  the  Rue  de'  la  Jussienna  au  Bureau  des  Gazettes 
etrangeres,  and  order  the  man  not  to  send  my  Courier 
de  1'Europe  here  any  longer,  but  to  the  Hotel  de  Tou 
louse  as  heretofore.     Adieu, 
Yours  affectionately, 

RA.  IZARD." 

"  AMSTERDAM,  23d  Dec.  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — I  lament  exceedingly  the  unlucky  busi 
ness  which  M.  d'Estaing  has  been  engaged  in  at  Sa 
vannah,  and  fear  that  the  English  may  take  advan 
tage  of  it,  and  reinforce  Gen.  Prevost  so  strongly  that 
he  may  be  again  troublesome  to  the  southward.  If 
the  enemy  can  establish  themselves  in  a  strong  post 
or  two,  either  in  Georgia  or  Carolina,  they  will  be 
able  to  carry  on  the  war  in  the  West  Indies  to  great 


82  LIFE    OF 

advantage.  If  the  French  do  not  immediately  send  a 
strong  naval  force  across  the  Atlantic  they  will,  I  fear, 
lose  some  of  their  islands.  I  thank  you  for  the  mo 
ney  you  lent  me ;  and  as  I  have  obtained  a  credit 
here,  which  enables  me  to  repay  you,  I  desire  that 
you  will  draw  for  the  amount  of  what  I  owe  you  on 
Messrs.  Nicholas  and  Jacob  Van  Staphorst,  merchants 
in  this  city,  at  thirty  days  sight,  and  deliver  my  note 
of  hand  to  my  wife.  She  writes  me  that  you  intend 
going  to  America  as  soon  as  you  receive  your  recall 
officially,  which  I  think  you  are  much  in  the  right  of. 
You  will  probably  be  on  the  continent  before  me,  as 
my  passage  to  St.  Eustatia  is  longer  than  yours, 
and  it  is  likely  I  may  meet  with  some  delay  at  that 
island.  You  will,  I  hope,  write  to  me  as  soon  as  you 
arrive,  and  direct  to  me  in  Charles  Town,  where  I 
shall  probably  be  in  April.  As  soon  after  that  as  I 
can  with  convenience,  I  intend  setting  out  for  Phila 
delphia,  to  visit  some  friends  in  that  city,  and  hope  to 
have  the  pleasure  of  meeting  you  there. 

I  am  with  great  regard  dear  sir,  your  friend,  &c. 

RA.  IZARD." 

"  AMSTERDAM,  3d  January  1780. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  24th 
and  26th  Dec.,  in  the  latter  of  which  is  the  resolution 
respecting  you,  which  I  think  is  expressed  in  a  very 
unfair  and  ungentlemanlike  manner.  The  last  part  of 
the  sentence  ought  to  have  stood  first,  and  I  wonder 
that  your  friends,  who  delivered  your  letter  of  resigna 
tion  did  not  insist  upon  the  resolution  being  in  that 
form.  I  have  sent  it  to  the  paper  you  desire ;  but 
from  the  former  conduct  of  the  editor  I  do  not  think 
it  will  be  printed.  You  had  better  send  it  to  Digges, 
and  to  the  Courier  de  PEurope,  if  you  are  desirous  of 
having  it  appear,  which  I  think  is  of  very  little  im 
portance.  I  am  glad  to  hear  of  Mr.  Adams's  arrival, 
and  hope  soon  to  know  the  place  of  his  mission  ;  I 


ARTHUR    LEE.  83 

can  hardly  think  your  information  respecting  it  is  well 
founded.  The  conduct  of  congress  gives  me  no  rea 
son  to  expect  that  reformation  is  so  near  at  hand. 
You  will,  I  suppose,  think  of  returning  here  as  soon 
as  possible.  If  the  Confederacy  arrives  safe  it  will 
be  a  good  opportunity  for  you ;  surely  Dr.  Franklin's 
unwarrantable  conduct  respecting  the  alliance  will 
have  made  congress  put  it  out  of  his  power  to  ap 
propriate  the  Confederacy  also  to  the  private  use  of 
his  friends.  Jones  sailed  about  a  week  ago  with  a 
fair  wind,  and  I  hope  has  safely  arrived  at  Brest  before 
this.  The  Serapis  and  Countess  of  Scarborough  sail 
ed  three  or  four  days  ago.  The  wind  has  not  been  so 
favourable  to  them  ;  they  will  be  fortunate  if  they  can 
get  again  into  the  Texel,  without  meeting  with  the  en 
emy.  I  am  much  surprised  at  what  you  write  me  about 
Beaumarchais's  pamphlet,  and  I  should  be  very  glad 
to  see  it ;  perhaps  it  may  be  found  among  the  book 
sellers  of  this  place. 

It  appears  very  extraordinary  that  I  have  received 
no  letters  by  Mr.  Adams.     If  he  had    had  any  for 
me,  he  would  I  am    sure    have    sent    them    at   the 
same  time  with  your  letter  from  the  committee.     I 
am  inclined  to  think  that  his  commission  is  for  Hol 
land  ;  it  is  I  think  probable  that  he  has  brought  pow 
ers  to  treat  in  conjunction  with  France.     If  so,  I  pray 
to  God   that  his  negotiation   may   prove  successful. 
M.  d'Estaing's  unfortunate  affair  must  have  done  us 
infinite  injury.     By  alarming   Clinton,  he   has  made 
him  .add  the  strength  of  Rhode  Island  to  that  of  New- 
York  ;  and   being   now  much  stronger  than  is  neces 
sary  for  the  defence  of  that  post,  it  is  probable  he  will 
send  considerable  reinforcements  to  Gen.  Provost.     If 
Charles  Town  should  be  taken,  the  enemy  will  be  able 
to  make  it  impregnable,  and  will  carry  on  the   war 
against  the  French  Islands  in  the  West  Indies  to  very 
great  advantage.     The  French  ministry  should  en 
deavour  to  prevent  that  by   sending  immediately  a 


84  LIFE    OF 

fleet  to  Carolina,  which  can  lie  very  well  in  Port 
Royal  harbour.  Commodore  Gillou  and  Capt.  Joynes 
are  here,  and  would  both  go  willingly  as  volunteers 
on  board  of  such  a  fleet.  I  am  dear  sir,  affectionate 
ly  yours. 

RA.  IZARD." 

LETTERS  OF  EDWARD  BRIDGEN. 

My  dear  sir, — I  cannot  omit  by  this  conveyance  to 
relate  a  circumstance  to  you  as  a  caution. 

A  friend  of  yours  (whom  to  my  knowledge  I  never 
saw)  while  I  was  at  Bath,  in  April,  called  and  en 
quired  for  me ;  the  servant  told  him  where  I  was  gone. 
He  left  a  card  with  his  name.  Mr.  J.  T*******  No. 
6,  Broad-street,  Carnaby  market.  Underneath,  with 
a  pencil,  for  an  intimate  friend  of  Mr.  B.,  at  Paris. 
At  my  return  it  was  delivered  me,  but  not  knowing 
the  gentleman  I  declined  visiting  him,  especially  as  I 
had  heard  some  things  suspicious  of  him. 

I  have  lately  learnt  that  he  went  to  a  Mr.  Wa — n 
in  Craven-street,  and  asked  the  loan  of  £50,  as  his 
friend,  Mr.  B.  was  at  Bath;  the  gentleman  spared 
him  £20.  I  hear  he  has  been  out  of  town  ever  since. 
I  imagine  he  has  been  the  bearer  of  some  of  your  let 
ters  to  me,  by  which  means  he  knew  my  address.  I 
hear  a  new  ambassador  from  Spain  is  coming  here. 
It  is  a  mystery  to  me  ;  can  you  unravel  it?  I  wish  I 
could  get  a  likeness  of  Washington,  either  on  paper  or 
metal.  If  you  can  procure  me  one,  or  of  the  Pater  Pa 
trice  pray  do.  I  have  a  medal  of  the  latter,  but  not  a 
likeness.  My  friend  at  Versailles  will  forward  it  if 
you  have  not  an  opportunity.  Adieu,  my  dear  sir. 

Yours  faithfully, 

EDWARD  BRIDGEN." 

1777. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  85 

" LISLE,  4th  July  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  often  troubled  you  with  pamph 
lets,  under  the  signature  E.  B.  of  London,  address 
ed  as  this  packet  is,  which  I  hope  you  have  received, 
or  if  not  yourself  Dr.  Franklin  or  Mr.  Deane.  I  send 
you  two  more.  Part  of  the  observations  are  very 
striking  and  the  style  singular,  but  much  good  matter. 
I  sent  from  Antwerp  a  sermon  by  the  Archbishop  of 
York,  as  a  common  performance  of  a  son,  or  rather  a 
father  of  the  church,  which,  or  any  other  pamphlets 
which  I  have  sent,  may  be  useful  to  our  friends  of 
the  other  side  the  water.  I  could  not  possibly  make 
Paris  in  my  tour,  or  I  would  certainly  have  paid  my 
respects  to  my  friends,  to  whom  I  send  my  best 
wishes,  and  for  their  success  in  the  great  causes  of 
virtue  and  liberty.  I  am  setting  out  for  England  to 
morrow. 

Believe  me  to  be  my  dear  sir,  your  affectionate 
friend, 

EDWARD  BRIDGEN." 

"  LONDON,  5th  Aug.  1777. 

Many  thanks  my  dear  sir,  for  your  last  short  note ; 
all  your  letters  were  immediately  forwarded,  but  in 
future  be  so  good  .when  you  have  a  packet  to  send, 
to  address  them  to  my  friend  Genet,  then  he  franks 
to  Calais,  otherwise  the  post-master  there  always 
charges  Mr.  Gamier  with  the  postage ;  however,  sin 
gle  letters,  which  require  despatch,  be  pleased  to  con 
tinue  sending  to  Cafifriri  as  usual  ;  tell  your  brother  I 
took  care  of  his  letter. 

As  to  news,  we  have  none  certain  ;  there  is  a 

that  Lord  Chatham  is  to  come  in,  and  the 

present  managers  to  continue,  and  he  is  to  enforce 
the  obedience  of  the  colonies.  Poor  old  man  !  I  am 
most  sincerely  grieved  to  think  the  destruction  of 
mankind  is  to  be  continued.  Poor  old  England ! 

VOL.  n.  1 1 


80  LIFE    OF 

Poor  Lord  Shelburne  !  he  yesterday  received  an  ex 
press  from  Dr.  Priestley  of  the  death  of  his  youngest 
and  favourite  son,  a  most  promising  youth,  of  fourteen 
years,  after  only  two  hours  illness.  I  feel  for  a  father 
almost  distracted,  and  I  feel  for  the  public  weal, 
whose  loss  will  be  great  at  this  critical  moment,  by 
his  absence. 

SAIT  CHARLES'S  MARTYRDON,  78. 

This  accompanies  a  noble  packet  of  Debalco  from 
our  friend  J ." 

"  LONDON,  August  29th,  1777. 

Absence  from  London,  in  Suffolk,  is  the  reason  of 
my  not  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  favour 
earlier  ;  it  was  conveyed  to  me  in  the  country,  after 
its  arrival  on  the  14th  here. — I  sent  and  ordered  the 
paper  to  be  regularly  taken  in  ;  three  of  them  were 
sent  last  Tuesday,  by  the  post,  to  Versailles,  and  I  hope 
you  have  received  them  safe.  This  goes  by  the  same 
conveyance.  When  I  write  to  you  it  goes  by  the 
ambassador's  courier,  which  will  also  be  attended 
with  the  Monday  and  Wednesday's  packet,  but  as  it 
is  published  however,  not  delivered  until  late,  I  shall 
for  the  future  put  you  to  the  charge  of  postage  on  a 
Friday,  to  save  my  servant  the  trouble  of  going  to 
Whitehall  in  an  evening.  This  I'^send  long  before 
the  packet  is  published,  so  that  you  will  by  this  plan 
have  the  Tuesday's  paper  by  the  post  earlier  than  the 
two  preceding  ones.  If  you  do  not  approve  of  this 
mode  tell  me  freely,  and  your  future  direction  shall 
be  followed. 

The  letters  you  enclosed  were  delivered  as  all  oth 
ers  you  shall  entrust  to  my  care,  but  you  may  seal  your 
letters  to  me,  if  you  please  ;  and  pray  my  dear  sir,  send 
me  some  good  news,  at  least  a  true  state  of  things, 
for  that  we  do  not  get  here. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  87 

The  A r  yesterday  told  me  he  thought  there 

must  have  been  treachery  in  the  deserting  Ticonde- 
roga.  I  had  much  rather  it  was  owing  to  that  than 
cowardice,  and  I  have  no  doubt  but  by  Christmas 
Washington  will  balance  the  account  with  Howe,  but 
pray  do  not  omit  sending  me  the  best  information  you 
are  able.  It  is  necessary  I  think  to  keep  up  the 
Am r's  spirits,  and  he  does  me  the  honour  to  con 
verse  very  freely  on  the  subject ;  he  is  very  clever, 
and  has  great  credit  at  home.  The  Swedish  minister, 
Baron  Walken,  I  frequently  meet  at  Whitehall.  He 
is  a  spy  for  our  government  here,  as  well  as  for  his 
own  master  ;  he  is  a  shrewd  fellow. 

The  pamphlets  I  sent  you  are  at  your  service,  but 
that  of  the  good  Dr.  Price  was  a  present  from  himself 
to  you. 

Mrs.  B.  is  pure  gold  without  one  grain  of  alloy  ; 
she  desires  her  best  respects,  and  joins  me  in  regards 
to  the  venerable  doctor,  who  I  am  glad  to  hear  is  so 
well.  God  preserve  him  and  you.  If  the  old  man  is 
returned  tell  him  I  am  much  his,  and  that  Mrs.  Lee 
was  well  this  morning,  from  whom  1  have  sent  a  large 
packet  of  papers  by  this  conveyance. 

Now  my  dear  sir,  in  great  haste,  I  bid  you  adieu. 

E.  B. 

Dr.  Price  is  at  Norwich  or  in  its  neighbourhood  still. 

I  know  not,  my  dear  sir,  whether  I  may  yet  ad 
dress  you  as  your  excellency ;  therefore  I  beg  your 
permission  to  use  a  word  of  more  import,  viz.  my 
friend.  As  such  give  me  leave  to  introduce  to  your 
acquaintance  Monsieur  Gamier,  the  secretary  to  the 
French  embassy  at  this  court.  A  gentleman,  who 
from  a  long  and  great  intimacy,  I  can  say  is  a  man  of 
the  strictest  honour. 

He  wishes  to  be  known  to  you  and  the  other  dele 
gates.  I  have  taken  the  same  liberty  with  his  excel 
lency  (for  I  suppose  he  must  now  assume  that  title) 


88  LIFE    OF 

Mr.  Franklin,  but  as   I  have  not  the  honour  to  be 
known  to  Mr.  Deane,  I  cannot  take  that  liberty. 

Every  civility  and  attention  you  pay  Mr.  Gamier  I 
shall  esteem  as  done  to  myself.  He  can  give  you  a 
full  account  of  my  Patty,  who  says  every  thing  that 
is  respectful. 

Till  now  I  never  wished  the  age  of  man  lengthen 
ed  ;  but  the  extension  of  the  life  of  your  Pater  Patriae 
seems  necessary,  I  was  going  to  say,  should  be  equal 
to  that  of  Nestor.  He  does  not  know  how  much  I 
revere  him,  nor  can  you  guess  how  much  I  am  yours. 

Pray  where  are  your  brother  and  Mr.  Sayre  now? 

EDWARD  BRIDGEN." 

"March  18th,  1778. 

You  will  find  my  dear  sir,  by  the  attendant  news 
paper,  that  I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  llth, 
as  well  as  the  former  one. 

Notwithstanding  what  you  said  in  your  two  former 
letters,  directing  me  not  to  send  any  more  newspapers, 
I  thought  things  were  not  in   such   a   situation  but 
through  the  hands  of  my  friend  at  Versailles  you  would 
get  them,  until  the  other  day  I  had  a  letter  from  him, 
desiring  me  to  send  no  more,  unless  it  was  paragraphs, 
&c.;  that  cannot  be  done  by  debates,  so  now  obey 
your  orders  under  the  cover  to  Mr.  Gerard  ;  but  I  fear 
this  will  be  the  last,  as  the  ambassador  is  going,  and 
Mr.  Gamier  conveys  this  to  the  other  side,  by  whom 
I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  write  to  you  and  your  Pa 
ter  Patriae  as  my  intimate  friends,  who  can  answer  all 
questions  about  me  and  mine.     I  expect  we  shall  be 
weak  enough  to  declare  war  against  France ;  there 
fore  be  pleased,  until  the  ambassador  or  Mr.  Gamier 
returns  to  this  country,  if  you  don't  write  in  the  blind 
style,  for  the  present  to  address  your  letters  to  me  un 
der  A.  Monsieur,  J\lons.  J.  B.  Hermans  au  Bureau  de 
la  Paste  a  drivers^  addressed  to  Bridgen  &  Waller  a 
Londres,  with  a  small  B  under  the  seal.     Now  my 


ARTHUR    LEE.  89 

dear  friend,  may  I  beg  the  favour  of  you  to  cut  my 
name  off  the  letter  I  send  you  by  Mr.  Gamier,  also 
to  beg  the  same  favour  of  the  good  Dr.,  or  else  to 
commit  them  both  to  the  flames?  this  favour  I  ask,  as 
we  are  all  mortal.  Adieu, 
Ever  yours, 

EDWARD  BRIDGEN." 

«  April  29th,  1778. 

Though  I  have  nothing  to  inform  you  worthy  no 
tice,  yet  J  would  not  let  the  ambassador's  servants  go, 
without  a  line  to  you,  my  dear  sir.  You  said  in  one 
of  your  last  letters,  that  you  returned  Dr.  Price  your 
thanks  for  the  books  he  was  so  good  to  send  you.  I 
do  not  think  they  are  due  to  him  on  that  score,  for 
they  were  intended  for  the  Pater  Patrice,  and  you  will 
excuse  me  if  I  only  call  you  the  Amiens  Patrice;  so 
be  so  good  to  send  them  to  that  worthy.  The  cover 
was  marked  Dr.  F. 

The  commissioners  sailed  the  21st;  and  they  say 
Gov.  Johnstone  carries  with  him  a  suspension  of  the 
Canada  act,  by  what  authority  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know. 
Government  or  its  rumourers  assert  that  the  main-stay 
of  the  mainmast  of  the  Trident  was  near  cut  through, 
and  the  captain  found  it  out  time  enough  to  repair  it 
before  she  sailed.  I  suppose  it  was  done  by  the  ghost 
of  John  the  painter.  1  send  for  you  Mr.  Israel  Mau- 
duit's  immaculate  performance,  and  Mr.  Cartwright's 
letter  to  Lord  Abingdon,  both  of  which  perhaps  you 
have  seen;  if  not,  they  will  amuse  you,  and  therefore 
I  beg  your  acceptance  of  them. 

I  have  not  been  so  happy  as  to  receive  a  line  from 
you  since  Mr.  Gamier  went  away ;  pray  have  you  seen 
that  gentleman? 

No  news  here,  but  bankruptcies  in  plenty. 

The  king  returned  yesterday  morning  at  2  o'clock, 
from  his  tour  to  Chatham,  where  the  shipwrights  in 


90  LIFE    OP 

full  chorus  sang, '  God  save  great  George  our  King?  &c. 
Now  my  dear  sir,  would  you  imagine  this  was  a  proper 
article  to  be  inserted  in  the  London  Gazette,  to  be 
sent  to  all  the  courts  in  Europe  ?  but  last  night  it  actu 
ally  appeared  in  that  immaculate  paper. 

The  present  toast  among  the  friends  of  liberty 
here  is,  Permanency  to  all  independent  states. 

Do  write  as  soon  as  you  can,  and  give  me  some 
hints. 

Yours  most  truly, 

EDWARD  BRIDGEN. 

N.  B.  Mauduit's  pamphlet  not  to  be  forgot" 

LETTERS    OF    EDMUND    JENNINGS. 

"  September  27th,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  friend  received  a  letter  from  you 
some  time  ago,  wherein  an  offer  was  made  to  him  of 
a  most  flattering  nature  ;  his  answer  showing  his  dis 
position  on  the  subject,  has  it  is  supposed  been  re 
ceived.  For  my  part,  I  have  not  received  a  line  from 
any  of  my  acquaintance  from  your  side  of  the  water 
for  a  great  while,  although  I  have  been  promised 
many. 

By  G.  G.,  whom  I  did  not  see,  I  hear  that  there 
is  great  misunderstandings;  I  had  heard  of  them  be 
fore.  Let  me  entreat  you  to  do  every  thing  in  your 
power  to  restore  the  ancient  necessary  harmony. 
Your  trade  will  suffer  without  a  mutual  confidence  ; 
your  disposition  and  capacity  to  promote  the  general 
interest  I  can  answer  for.  Talk  freely  to  G.  G.  You 
will  find  him;  manly,  and  a  hearty  well  wisher.  Do 
for  God's  sake  return  to  one  another.  Your  general 
interests  certainly  require  it.  I  am  miserable  on  the 
subject ;  let  me  hear  a  pleasing  account  of  your  affairs. 
You  shall  hear  from  me  by  another  opportunity,  and 
soon.  Did  you  receive  some  pamphlets  some  time 


ARTHUR   LEE.  91 

ago?  Parliament  meets  the  middle  of  November. 
It  is  supposed  that  some  news  has  arrived  within  a 
day  or  two ;  the  courtiers  are  depressed,  and  stocks 
are  heavy.  We  expect  to  hear  the  rebels  are  totally 
ruined. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  most  sincerely, 

GEORGE  HARRISON. 

Pray  deliver  the  enclosed." 

"  Dear  Sir, — You  were  written  to  about  a  week  ago, 

and  a  copy  enclosed  of  a  letter  to  C ;  forgive  my 

earnestness  on  this  subject,  and  if  possible  forget  what 
is  past.  As  it  is  dangerous  to  meddle  with  politics,  I 
send  you  the  London  Gazette ;  it  contains  the  autho 
rised  lies  of  the  day,  and  something  more. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  most  faithfully, 

JOHN  BOURGENVILLE." 

"  Dear  Sir, — There  has  nothing  material  happened 
since  you  were  last  addressed.  We  are  making  every 
preparation  in  our  power  for  self-defence,  for  the  mis 
eries  which  have  been  brought  on  others  seem  to  be 
falling  on  ourselves.  The  minister  is  gone  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Thames,  to  see  the  ship  Victory,  for  he 
has  had  nothing  to  please  him  of  late,  but  the  name 
of  it.  I  do  not  know  whether  you  have  a  collection 
of  treaties,  published  by  Aimer  ;  if  you  have  not,  the 
bearer  hereof  will  present  them  to  you.  If  you  think 
they  may  be  of  use  to  any  of  your  friends,  I  will  send 
other  sets  over.  Pray  let  me  know  the  best  method 
of  conveying  a  box  of  books  on  your  side.  There  will 
be  much  scribbling  among  the  commissioners  to  con 
vince  the  Americans  that  it  will  be  their  interest  and 
honour  to  become  dependent  again  on  the  most  cor 
rupt  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  although 
they  themselves  cannot,  and  the  neighbouring  nations 
will  not  support  their  rights  so  well  as  the  immacu- 


92  LIFE  OF 

late  ,  Gov.  Johnson  has  taken  with  him  as 

secretary  the  famous  Ferguson,  to  carry  on  their  lit 
erary  war,  when  the  other  has  proved  unsuccessful ; 
but  if  these  doughty  pen  champions  do  succeed,  they 
must  succeed  against  Common  Sense. 

Your  friend  does  not,  I  believe,  quite  understand 
your  direction,  '  (when  necessary)  by  the  way  of  Os- 
tend.3 

Dear  sir  I  am  yours, 

DONALD  MCGREGOR. 

April  26th,  1778. 

The  bearer  is  desirous  of  being  under  your  protec 
tion." 

"  Dear  Sir, — Many  letters  have  been  written  to 
you  about  an  unhappy  misunderstanding,  but  as  it  is 
feared  that  the  subject  is  disagreeable,  no  more  shall 
be  said  of  it.  It  is  however  desired  to  be  known 
whether  you  received  in  a  letter  to  you  a  copy  of  one 
to  the  other  party,  the  original,  it  is  found,  did  not 
come  to  hand.  There  have  been  sent  you,  by  a  pri 
vate  hand,  various  news-papers,  which  will  inform 
you  of  the  public  transactions,  which  T  think  are  of 
that  nature  as  to  give  you  a  more  perfect  contempt 

and  abhorrence  of .     You  will   see  that  there 

is  not  a  single  one  here  to  be  depended  on  ;  the  ven 
eration  I  once  had  for  the  great  man  who  once  pre 
served  this  people  from  shame  and  ruin  is  much  alter 
ed.  He  seems  to  have  altered  the  great  principles 
which  demanded  our  praise  and  admiration.  He  has 
my  gratitude  however  for  what  he  has  done  ;  my  fu 
ture  confidence  is  gone.  He  joins  in  the  cry  of  su 
premacy,  and  has  given  the  public  papers  a  great  ad 
vantage  over  him  and  justice.  His  idea  of  supremacy 
is  indeed  so  qualified,  that  it  extends  to  little  but  to 
trade,  but  as  the  right  of  supremacy  according  to  the 
present  sophisticated  policy  goes  to  every  thing,  he 


ARTHUR    LEE.  93 

that  allows  it  in  one  thing  allows  it  in  all,  and  being  so 
allowed,  what  signifies  his  proposed  amendment  of  the 
address  of  estMishing  fundamental  laws  for  the  secu 
rity  and  content  of  the  Americans.  In  this  case  there 
can  be  no  fundamental  laws ;  fundamental  laws  can 
not  exist  but  in  agreements  between  people  of  ac 
knowledged  independency  of  each  other.  As  to  the 
irrevocable  laws,  which  is  likewise  proposed  to  give 
satisfaction,  the  absurdity  of  the  idea  is  too  great  for 
delusion,  but  is  sufficient  to  mark  an  approaching  do 
tage  in  him  who  has  suggested  it.  Trust  not  any  one 
here  ;  they  are  all  playing,  you  well  know,  their  own 
game  ;  this  idea  of  supremacy  is  thrown  out  merely 
to  get  themselves  in  place  ;  a  greater  offence  to 
honour  and  injury  to  virtue  cannot  be  done  than  by 
these  means,  and  yet  it  is  pretended  that  this  is  the 
only  way  to  serve  both.  The  possession  of  the  reins 
of  government  will  give  them,  it  is  said,  power  and 
opportunity  to  trim  the  unsound  and  foundered  beasts 
as  may  be  thought  proper ;  but  in  truth  nothing  more 
is  meant  than  to  turn  them  to  their  private  purposes. 
The  language  of  a  certain  discourse,  which  has  been 
sent  you,  has  every  ingredient  of  pride  and  meanness, 
of  insolence  and  deception  ;  and  will  be  followed  by 
actions  partaking  of  all  the  qualities  of  them.  A 
great  increase  of  forces  will  be  made,  and  yet,  at  the 
same  time,  I  am  sure  terms  will  be  offered  in  an  un 
derhanded  manner,  and  something  will  be  done  open 
ly  ;  but  nothing  will  be  done  in  a  manly  way,  and 
therefore  nothing  can  be  trusted  to.  It  is  not  improba 
ble  that  the  great  men  alluded  to  above  may  be  taken 
into  place  for  two  purposes  ;  to  bully  the  French  and 
dupe  the  Americans  ;  the  scheme  is  however  too  flim 
sy  and  too  late  for  the  end.  Your  friend  is  talked  of, 
with  a  view  to  co-operate  with  him,  and  therefore  be 
cautious.  We  have  no  news  here  but  what  comes 
from  Boston  papers,  which  have  passed  through  the 
place  of  your  residence,  and  therefore  not  unknown 

VOL.    II.  12 


94  LIFE    OF 

to  you  ;  a  ship  arrived  yesterday  from  Quebec,  but  as 
nothing  has  transpired,  it  is  probable  that  there  is  not 
any  that  is  called  good  news.  We  are  still  callous  as 
ever,  and  justify  the  most  atrocious  actions  by  the 
word  parliament,  and  the  goodness  of  God  and  nature. 
Haldimand  is  sent  to  the  Swiss  Cantons  to  hire  troops ; 
ten  ships  of  the  line  sailed  ten  days  ago  to  the  coast  of 
France  ;  we  shall,  I  think  hear  of  their  actions  soon. 
They  may  be  important  and  decisive.  The  ship  sup 
posed  to  have  arrived  from  Quebec  came  from  Augus 
tine  ;  communicate  this  to  Mr.  Waters. 
I  am  yours  most  faithfully, 

JOHN  TOWNSEND." 

"Dec.  5th,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — The  last  mail  gave  you  an  account 
of  Gen.  Howe's  brilliant  successes,  which  one  would 
have  thought  must  have  animated  every  subject  truly 
loyal,  but  there  was  something  about  them,  on  their 
very  face,  that  cast  a  damp  on  every  one  ;  but,  be 
sides  this,  the  most  woful  news  imaginable  was  shown 
to  us  in  the  secret,  sufficient  to  make  us  tremble,  not 
for  the  public  but  ourselves.  In  short,  Burgoyne  is 
defeated,  and  his  whole  corps  made  prisoners.  Some 
say  to  be  sent  in  general  to  England  on  their  parole 
not  to  bear  arms  against  America  during  the  war  ; 
others  that  this  only  extends  to  officers,  and  that 
the  men  are  to  be  prisoners  of  war  in  confinement  ; 
£70,000  is  taken  and  all  their  stores.  The  principal 
action  was  on  the  7th  of  October,  and  the  capitula 
tion  on  the  16th  ;  it  was  reported  that  Frazer  and 
Arnold  fell  in  a  preceding  engagement ;  Frazer  is 
killed,  but  it  is  not  sure  that  Arnold  is.  The  news 
comes  from  Carlton,  who  had  it  from  deserters  and 
Indians.  There  are  letters  from  Howe's  army  and 
Gen.  Keene  10  the  same  import. 

In  an  attack  on  one  of  the  forts  on  the ,  the 

Hessians  lost  6  or  700  men,  of  which  the  Gazette 


ARTHUR    LEE.  95 

gives  no  account ;  300  more  Hessians  are  said  to  be 
lost  in  the  blowing  up  of  the  Augusta  64  ship,  set  on 
fire  by  the  rafts.  Mud  Island  fort  was  not  taken  when 
Howe  sent  his  despatches.  Washington  has  returned 
to  German  Town,  and  Howe  is  fortifying  himself  as 
much  as  possible  in  Philadelphia.  Washington  gave 
him  a  feu  de  joie,  on  the  news  of  Burgoyne^s  defeat ;  it 
is  said  too  that  Gen.  Vaughan  with  a  party  of  2000 
men  going  up  the  North  river  are  taken  prisoners. 

What  dreadful  news !  I  know  how  it  will  affect 
you.  I  beg  you  will  take  care  that  enemies  of  gov 
ernment  do  not  make  it  worse  than  it  is  ;  you  cannot 
be  too  watchful  of  the  rebels.  It  is  well  known 
how  busy  they  are ;  news  of  this  sort  coming  at  this 
time  where  you  are,  may  have  the  greatest  conse 
quence.  There  were  about  forty  rebels  confined  at 
Portsmouth,  who  attempted  to  make  their  escape ; 
four  of  them  have  been  shot  dead,  and  nineteen  have 
escaped.  We  are  likely  to  be  warmly  pushed  in  par 
liament  ;  all  the  parties  of  the  ministry  are  united  on 

this  miscarriage have   attacked  us  warmly. 

Our  friend  Lord  G.  G.  in  particular,  seems  to  be  aim 
ed  at  most  violently,  but  you  know  his  friendship ;  it 
has  been  tried  in  a  signal  manner.  You  were  written 
to  by  the  last  mail,  and  a  number  of  news-papers  sent 
by  a  private  hand  ;  let  me  know  whether  you  have 
received  them,  and  several  letters  which  have  been 
lately  written.  I  will  trouble  you  no  more  about  an 
unhappy  misunderstanding.  If  I  should  have  to  write 
to  your friend.  Should  he  not  hear  from  mere- 
member  me  to  him  and  his  best  friend. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  most  faithfully, 

J.  TOWNSEND." 

"  Dec.  2, 1777. 

Dear  Sir, — Gen.  Howe's  Aid  de  Camp  arrived 
yesterday  with  accounts  from  the  army  and  navy, 
since  going  up  the  Chesapeak,  to  the  21st  of  Oc- 


96  LIFE    OF 

tober.  The  Gazette  containing  the  account  is  of 
three  sheets,  stuffed  as  usual  with  various  circum 
stances  of  this  and  that,  of  no  importance,  but  which 
amuses  us  the  friends  of  government  greatly.  I 
would  have  sent  you  one,  but  1  am  told  they  will  not 
come  out  for  the  public  until  12  o'clock  ;  the  affair 
of  the  1 1th  you  have  seen  a  better  account  of  in  the 
Boston  paper;  the  action  itself  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  very  favourable  to  us  of  government,  but  there 
is  great  parade  of  difficulty  and  courage  in  every  part 
of  it.  Wilmington  was  afterwards  taken  possession 
of,  being  abandoned  ;  on  the  25th  or  26th,  Philadel 
phia  was  occupied  by  Cornwallis,  and  on  the  4th  of 
Oct.  Washington  attacked  Howe  and  made  an  impres 
sion  at  first,  but  at  length  retreated,  and  is  now  about 
twenty  miles  from  Howe,  in  the  road  to  Lancaster. 
Gen.  Vaughan  landed  at  Elizabethtown,  another 
place  in  Jersey,  and  seized  a  quantity  of  cattle  in 
September.  Gen.  Dunop,  and  a  corps  of  Hessian 
Chasseurs  are  taken  prisoners  ;  the  general  is  wound 
ed.  Clinton  and  Wallace  went  up  the  North  river 
to  make  a  diversion  in  favour  of  Burgoyne  ;  have 
broke  the  Boom,  taken  Fort  Montgomery  and  Clinton 
and  burnt  Esopus.  Admiral  Howe's  fleet  have  left 
the  Chesapeak  and  gone  to  the  Delaware,  where 
they  have  destroyed  some  of  the  forts  which  guarded 
the  chevaux  defrize,  and  opened  a  passage  at  a  place 
or  two.  I  do  not  recollect  whether  this  business  is 
effectual.  The  Augusta,  of  62  guns,  and  the  Merlin 
sloop  are  lost ;  two  continental  frigates  were  taken 
there.  There  is  a  detail  of  English  officers  and  men 
killed  and  wounded,  but  it  was  impossible  to  get  at  the 
numbers  in  the  hurry  I  was  in  whilst  reading.  There 
is  no  account  of  the  numbers  of  the  Americans  lost  in 
the  whole  ;  perhaps  neither  could  be  well  depended  on. 
Gen  Agnes,  Col.  Mungo  Campbell,  and  Major  Sill 
are  killed  on  the  king's  side ;  Gen.  Smallwood  on  the 
side  of  the  rebels.  Howe  desires  to  have  5000  regi- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  97 

mentals  to  be  sent  for  the  Americans,  but  there  is 
no  account  of  men  coming  in.  It  was  said  in  Lord 
G.  G.'s  office  that  Baltimore  was  burnt,  but  no  men 
tion  is  made  of  it  in  the  Gazette,  nor  one  word  of 
Burgoyne.  I  know  not  how  this  affair  will  affect  you, 
but  our  friends  about  St.  James'  are  much  down  at  the 
mouth.  The  stocks  rose  yesterday  morning,  but  fell 
again.  I  beg  to  know  whether  you  have  received  a 
letter  lately  ;  many  have  been  sent  not  acknowledg 
ed.  Remember  me  to  your  particular  friend  and  his 
dear  relation. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  most  faithfully, 

JOHN  TOWNSEND. 

P.  S.  Gen.  Howe  has  lost  an  extraordinary  number 
of  officers,  which  shows  perhaps,  the  men  were  not 
very  forward.  There  is  something  in  this  business 
very  unfavourable  to  us  here,  which  time  must  dis 


cover." 


"  October  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  obliging  letter,  expressing  your  es 
teem  for  and  good  opinion  of  me,  has  been  duly  ac 
knowledged.  Your  kind  offer  of  putting  me  in  a  pro 
per  way  of  being  serviceable  to  the  general  interests, 
was  accepted,  with  that  sense  of  friendship  in  which 
it  was  made.  I  have  heard  of  several  appointments 
since,  all  of  which  will,  I  hope,  conduce  to  the  promo 
tion  of  the  common  cause.  It  is  a  noble  one,  and 
worthy  of  the  utmost  exertions. 

You  will  I  trust  forgive  the  liberty  I  took  in  ear 
nestly  recommending  to  your  esteem  my  friend  Mr. 
Carmichael.  I  do  so  again  with  more  warmth,  since 
I  have  heard  of  some  misunderstanding  between  you. 
I  know  you  both,  and  am  confident  that  both  wish 
equally  well  to  their  country.  You  were  old  collegi 
ans  together.  I  was  the  means  of  the  renewal  of 
your  former  intimacy,  and  the  services  of  both  are 
necessary  for  the  common  good.  Do  my  dear  sir, 


98  LIFE    OF 

take  him  cordially  by  the  hand;  keep  him  in  Europe 
if  you  can,  and  I  am  sure  you  will  have  a  friendship 
for  him. 

We  are  waiting  in  expectation  of  news  from  Ame 
rica  ;  we  are  sure  here  it  must  be  good,  and  therefore 
are  not  contented  with  the  old  adage  of,  no  news  be 
ing  good  news ;  we  are  here  at  war  not  only  with 
America,  but  even  with  philosophy.  The  great  mind 
ed  personage  at  the  head  of  the  pack  has  found  out  a 
plot,  and  having  always  foreseen  the  independency  of 
the  colonies,  now  sees  the  deep  laid  schemes  of  Dr. 
Franklin  to  bring  down  on  him  and  his  family  the  light 
nings  of  Heaven,  as  he  will  certainly  do  the  thunders  of 
Europe.  There  is  something  in  this  procedure  that 
shows  the  qualities  of  the  heart  more  than  any  thing 
else.  It  is  an  event  that  will  mark  the  character  of 
the  times  to  future  generations. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  most  faithfully, 

JOHN  HARRIS. 

P.  S.  I  must  beg  the  favour  of  you  to  deliver  the 
enclosed  with  care." 

"  Dec.  22d,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  friend  is  much  obliged  to  you  for 
the  note  given  him  of  the  late  important  transaction. 
It  had  been  heard  of  before,  but  the  confirmation  re 
newed  the  general  transport;  for  all  here  were  trans 
ported  one  way  or  other.  We  shall  carry  on  the  war 
as  vigorously  as  ever,  for  we  talk  as  high.  However, 
terms  of  an  apparently  amicable  nature  are  to  be  offer 
ed,  whilst  the  country  is  to  be  more  inflamed  if  possible 
than  ever.  No  one  here  except  those  in  the  secret  of 
affairs,  know  what  they  are,  and  probably  will  not ; 
but  you  at  a  distance  will  I  think  have  them  commu 
nicated  to  you,  for  it  is  thought  your  sense  of  them 
must  be  taken,  before  they  are  proposed  to  the  sense 
of  the  nation  in  parliament  assembled.  The  loyal 


ARTHUR   LEE.  99 

town  of  Manchester  having  offered  to  raise  a  regi 
ment  in  our  support,  the  rebellious  village  of  London 
intend  to  follow  the  example  so  nobly  set.  The 
militia  is  to  be  embodied  in  part  for  garrison  duty. 
We  are  greatly  embarrassed,  but  still  depend  on  a 
great  chapter  in  the  book  of  ministers,  the  chapter  of 
accidents.  Give  me  leave  to  recommend  Mr.  Ste- 
phenson  to  your  notice ;  his  conduct  at  Bristol  has 
made  him  obnoxious  to  the  worst  men  there,  who 
have  injured  him.  I  have  recommended  him  to  your 
brotheHfor  his  mercantile  knowledge,  which  he  will 
apply  for  the  public  service  either  here  or  abroad. 
May  God  bless  us. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  most  faithfully, 

C.  TOWN  SEND. 

P.  S.  A  subscription  is  to  be  opened  here  for  the 
relief  of  the  rebels  in  prison  ;  it  will  be  countenanced 
by  respectable  people.  We  have  heard  of  an  appli 
cation  to  the  minister  on  their  behalf  by . 

Wilkes  intends  to  move  the  declaration  of  American 
independency." 

«  Sept.  1st,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favour  of  the  20th  of  July  was 
received  with  the  greatest  pleasure  last  week.  I  had 
heard  of  you  frequently  before  hearing  from  you, 
and  to  be  favoured  in  such  a  manner,  affords  a  double 
satisfaction.  I  am  rejoiced  to  find  that  your  affairs 
are  in  such  a  prosperous  way.  Your  antagonists  are 
tired  of  their  law-suit;  the  expense  is  great,  and  the 
uncertainty  of  being  put  to  it,  has  made  the  whole 
family  uneasy;  it  will  learn  them  I  hope  the  virtue  of 
contentment  with  a  little ;  they  are  however  very  up 
pish,  as  is  their  nature,  on  their  gaining  their  late  in 
terlocutory,  and  are  in  great  expectation  of  the  ensu 
ing  term.  I  think  they  are  inclined  to  a  compromise. 
Can  it  be  brought  about?  I  mentioned  to  your  friend 
your  opinion  of  him.  He  thanks  you  for  it,  and  is  rea- 


100  LIFE    OF 

dy  to  do  any  service  to  his  family  that  is  in  his  power. 
He  has  lately  been  to  settle  some  affairs  near  Ports 
mouth,  but  could  not  do  so  much  as  he  could  wish ; 
there  are  about  120,  they  complain  of  great  hardships, 
and  are  full  of  resentment.  You  will  I  hope  soon 
hear  of  some  of  them. 

The  gentleman  who  will  deliver  you  this  will  in 
form  you  of  some  particulars  relative  to  himself  and 
twenty  others  of  his  friends,  worthy  of  attention. 

We  talk  here  of  more  bloody  work  this  summer ; 
Lord  Howe  has  declared  he  will  bleed  the  ret&ls.  He 
wrote  some  time  ago,  that  he  should  go  up  the  Ches- 
apeak.  It  is  now  said  he  was  seen  off  Block  Island. 
Perhaps  he  has  divided  his  force  for  different  pur 
poses.  Our  amiable  monarch  is  the  happiest  man 
alive.  He  triumphs  in  Burgoyne's  success  at  Ticori- 
deroga.  However,  so  many  were  not  killed  as  were 
expected. 

The  distress  in  the  city  increases  visibly  every  day, 
the  want  of  money  is  evident  to  all,  every  body  sees 
public  and  private  ruin  staring  them  in  the  face.  No 
thing  can  comfort  us  but  the  destruction  of  the  Ame 
ricans. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours, 

ROBERT  WILLIAMS." 

"  Dear  Sir, — Your  letters  to  Mr.  George  Harrison 
are  received.  He  thanks  you  for  them,  and  will  an 
swer  them  by  the  first  opportunity. 

Give  me  leave  to  thank  you  in  the  warmest  man 
ner  for  the  confidence  you  repose  in  me,  in  entering 
so  fully  into  the  present  misunderstanding,*  which  has 
given  me  much  uneasiness.  It  has  troubled  me  so 
much  and  still  continues  to  do  so,  that  I  cannot  help 
repeating  my  most  earnest  exhortations  that  it  may  be 
fully  and  cordially  adjusted  to  your  mutual  satisfac- 

*  This  relates  to  the  misunderstanding  between  Dr,  Franklin  and  Mr.  Lee. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  101 

tion,  interest,  and  honour.  The  knowledge  that  I 
have  of  both  convinces  me  that  if  this  unhappy  affair 
was  once  forgotten  between  you,  the  abilities  and  dis 
position  of  both  are  such  as  to  be  of  the  greatest  ad 
vantage  to  the  general  cause,  and  to  your  mutual  in 
terests.  Let  me  beg  you  to  try  to  obliterate  all  past 
transactions.  I  will  assure  you  that  you  will  find  Mr. 
C.  inclined  to  receive  or  make  advances  to  reconcile 
ment.  He  writes  me  that  when  he  desired  an  expla 
nation,  it  was  an  advance  to  reunion.  His  present 
disposition  may  be  judged  of  by  the  following  extract 
from  his  last  letter.  4 1  am  under  great  obligations 
to  you  for  the  interest  you  take  in  all  that  concerns 
me,  and  you  may  depend  upon  it  there  is  nothing  con 
sistent  with  my  honour  that  I  will  not  do  to  comply 
with  your  request.'  Point  out  a  method  of  the  re 
storation  of  harmony  and  blame  me  if  I  do  not  be 
the  first  to  advance  towards  it.  Can  any  thing,  my 
friend,  show  a  more  friendly  disposition ;  let  me  en 
treat  you  to  close  with  it,  and  give  and  receive  from 
each  other  those  instances  of  firm  union  and  cordiality 
that  strengthens  business  and  increases  the  pleasures 
of  life. 

Yours  faithfully  and  sincerely, 

G.  HARRISON. 

This  post  conveys  a  letter  to  this  purport. 

Your  favour  of  the  4th  instant  is  received,  which 
afforded  a  mixture  of  pain  and  pleasure,  but  the  plea 
sure  was  predominant,  as  I  find  a  disposition  in  one 
of  the  parties  to  reconcilement,  which  I  think  is  a 
presage  to  me  that  the  other  will  soon  have  the  same. 
I  am  sure  he  will  if  I  have  any  influence  with  him. 
I  shall  write  particularly  to  him  on  that  subject  by 
this  post.  If  I  was  with  you  I  would  labour  hard  to 
bring  you  together,  that  you,  who  are  both  so  well 
qualified  to  act  in  the  present  great  business,  might 

VOL.    II.  13 


102  LIFE    OF 

heartily  and  cordially  connect  yourselves  fast  to  each 
other.  I  think  you  might  easily  support  and  assist 
each  other  better  than  any  two  that  I  know.  At  this 
distance  1  cannot,  1  arn  afraid,  break  the  ice,  and  that 
alone  is,  I  hope,  wanted  between  you.  I  wish  one  of 
you  would  in  a  manly  way  attempt  it.  I  think  I  see 
in  you  a  concern  that  matters  have  gone  so  far ;  ac 
knowledge  that  concern  in  that  open  manner,  to  which 
your  heart  is  naturally  inclined,  and  I  trust  it  will 
have  the  desired  effect.  I  thank  you  heartily  for  your 
confidence  in  me ;  I  have  reason  to  thank  the  other 
party  for  showing  an  equal  degree  of  trust.  I  am 
honoured  by  both,  and  would  willingly  secure  the 
honour  of  both,  and  I  think  the  honour  of  both  may 
be  secured,  and  I  am  sure  this  mutual  happiness  may 
by  a  cordial  reconcilement.  I  will  trust  to  your  pre 
sent  disposition,  and  rest  in  the  certainty  of  hearing 
soon  that  all  differences  are  amicably  adjusted  and 
forgotten." 

"  My  Dear  Nephew, — As  you  will  soon  set  up  in 
business  for  yourself,  it  is  necessary  I  should  give  you 
one  piece  of  advice.  Be  careful  of  trusting  to  any  one 
too  much ;  there  was  ever  much  deceit  in  the  world,  but 
deceit  was  never  so  abundant  as  at  the  present  time. 
There  are  secrets  in  all  trades,  which  must  be  kept 
ever  from  your  foreman  and  people  about  you,  partic 
ularly  those  which  may  be  entrusted  to  you  by  any 
of  your  correspondents,  whose  names  ought  not  to  be 
ever  mentioned  by  you,  as  it  may  give  occasion  to  the 
inquisitive  to  be  very  troublesome.  There  is  I  am 
told  great  probability  of  obtaining  for  you  a  valuable 
correspondent  in  Holland,  who  will  give  you  the 
earliest  account  of  the  publications  there,  should  he 
choose  to  enter  into  particulars  with  you.  Examine 
your  patrimony,  and  let  me  know  whether  you  can 
advance  in  the  course  of  the  year  1000  or  £1200; 
his  knowledge,  extensive  acquaintance  and  adroitness 


ARTHUR    LEE.  103 

are  such  as  may  make  that  sum  turn  to  good  account. 
Let  your  friend  Townsend  hear  from  you  on  this  sub 
ject  as  soon  as  possible.     Let  your  friend  MacGre- 
gor  know  your  form  and  mode  of  drawing  your  bills, 
and  the  new  method  of  keeping  your  shop  books,  that 
he  may  pay  attention  to  them.     When  you  enter  into 
business  let  nothing  take  you  from  it.    Expect  not  to 
grow  rich  all  at  once.    That  wish  may  lead  you  from 
your  true  interest  and  honour.    There  are  many  now 
who  are  suspected   to   have  left  their  honest  callings 
and  plunged  into  all  the  mysteries  and  ingenuity  of 
stock-jobbing.      This  unhappy  American   affair    has 
made  more  stock-jobbers  than  patriots  or  good  trades 
men.    What  have  we  to  do  with  the  Toulon  squadron  ; 
yet  some  here  who  pretend  to  have  received  advices 
from  the  other  side  of  the  water,  insist  that  the  Tou 
lon  squadron  has  not  passed  the  gut  of  Gibraltar,  and 
are  making  their  speculations  in  the  alleys  according 
ly  ;  the  chief  person  who  it  is   said  propagates  this 
story  is  one  Wai  pole.    Be  it  so;  why  should  tradesmen 
be  taking  advantage   of  such  events.     I  would  not 
trust  such  tradesmen ;    should   this    be  a  trick  of  the 
rebels,  for  I  am  told  the  report  comes  from  their  quar 
ter,  the  design  is  obviously  to  check  the  vigorous  ex 
ertion  of  our  force,  and  this  must  affect  the  character 
of  a  friend  of  his  country.     A  great  Virginia  house  of 
the  name  of  Moll — n  is  said  to  have  stopped  last  Sat 
urday  ;  it  is  supposed  that  instead  of  carrying  on  his 
mercantile  business,  he  had  commenced  politician,  and 
ruined  thereby  the  fairest  prospects.     This  ought  to 
be  a  warning  to  all  such. 

You  will  be  glad  nevertheless  to  hear  the  common 
reports  of  the  day.  This  may  be  done  innocently, 
provided  they  do  not  engross  our  thoughts.  Burg — 
is  here,  and  is  to  have  a  board  of  enquiry  into  his  con 
duct.  He  was  at  the  house  yesterday,  but  no  notice 
taken  of  him.  We  have  taken  after  a  smart  en 
gagement,  a  French  ship  or  two  on  our  coasts.  This 


104 


LIFE   OF 


it  is  supposed  will  bring  on  an  immediate  war.  The 
rebel  Jones  alarmed  our  friends  about  Whitehaven  ; 
the  action  was  spirited,  for  it  was  well  planned ;  in 
the  execution  however  it  failed  of  all  its  objects;  as 
we  find  from  a  copy  of  the  instructions  which  were 
given  by  B.  Franklin;  \ve  have  had  them  here  about 
a  fortnight,  they  are  much  admired  for  their  judgment. 
It  is  probable  we  shall  get  more  of  the  rebel  perform 
ances,  as  it  is  certain  we  get  at  their  secrets  daily. 
The  quarter  that  brought  this  information  can  get  us 
every  thing  we  want.  It  is  said  that  we  have  sunk 
the  Alfred  and  beat  off  the  Raleigh  in  an  engagement 
off  the  West  Indies  ;  there  are  reports  too  of  other 
rebel  privateers  being  taken  and  sunk,  but  they  are 

not  much  credited.     I  have  seen  your  friend  T n. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  affectionately, 

DONALD  MAC  DONALD. 

P.  S.  In  your  last  you  omitted  signing  your  name, 
and  did  not  tell  me  who  I  was  to  deliver  the  letter  to, 
which  was  entrusted  to  my  care ;  take  care  of  such." 

"  May  12th,  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — Lord  Chatham  died  yesterday  morning 
at  8  o'clock.  Col.  B.  moved  the  commons  that  he 
should  be  buried  at  the  public  expense.  Rigby  object 
ed,  and  thought  that  a  monument  erected  to  his  hoaour 
would  be  better.  Dunning  was  of  opinion  that  both 
ought  to  be  done,  and  moved  an  amendment  accord 
ingly,  which  was  unanimously  agreed  to.  Mr.  Pult- 
ney  moved,  that  the  houses  should  be  directed  to  at 
tend  the  funeral,  but  withdrew  his  motion  on  the  sug 
gestion  it  would  be  better  that  every  thing  should  ap 
pear  voluntary. 

I  have  reason  to  think  your  friend  Townsend  has 
not  been  inattentive  to  a  certain  matter  suggested  to 
him.  He  has  had  it  long  in  his  thoughts,  but  the  diffi 
culty  of  breaking  such  affairs  is  great ;  it  has  howev- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  105 

er  been  broke  to  one  in  the  line  you  wish.  But  he  is 
such  a  knave,  that  Townsend  says  he  cannot  trust 
him,  until  he  gets  out  of  his  power.  There  is  an 
other  person  in  a  branch  of  business  of  great  import 
ance,  who  may  be  sounded,  if  he  will  be  concerned  ; 
I  know  no  one  that  can  serve  the  partnership  better. 
Let  Townsend  in  the  meanwhile  be  instructed  in  the 
mode  you  refer  to  of  carrying  on  this  transaction,  and 
drawing  the  bills  in  such  a  manner,  as  not  to  be  coun 
terfeited  or  discovered. 

It  is  difficult  to  discover  the  names  of  those  who 
have  been  concerned  in  the  policies  and  insurances, 
because  nobody  appears  in  them  but  the  Brothers. 
You  have  your  suspicions  I  believe  as  I  have  mine, 
that  many  have  been  dabbling  there,  in  a  most  unwor 
thy  and  shameful  manner;  real  good  traders  are  al 
ways  above  such  transactions  that  may  bring  a  man's 
integrity  in  question. 

The  Rider  and  his  companion  are  returned  ;  I  fan 
cy  much  out  of  humour.  I  have  not  seen  the  princi 
pal,  but  if  I  may  judge  from  the  language  of  the  fore 
man,  their  self-importance  is  much  lowered.  How 
ever  short  sighted  in  the  nature  of  trade,  they  seem 
to  insinuate  that  those  with  whom  they  have  had 
transactions  are  more  so,  and  that  they  can  do  their 
business  better  than  they  themselves  can  do;  and  yet 
I  am  told  the  principal  intends  speaking  to  the  fore 
man  of  the  rival  house  to  admit  of  an  independent 
trade,  and  as  the  only  means  of  carrying  any  trade 
on,  or  even  supporting  life. 

The  king  is  just  returned  from  Portsmouth,  well 
pleased  with  his  expedition ;  the  nation  however  in 
general  is  much  dissatisfied.  The  squadron  that  ought 
to  be  pursuing  the  Toulon  ships  are  still  in  harbour, 
with  the  wind  W.  and  S.W. 

We  report  here,  that  the  Canada  expedition  is  laid 
aside;  that  Howe  is  returned  to  Staten  Island;  and 
that  Gen.  Clinton's  wound  having  broke  out  afresh, 


106 


LIFE  OF 


he  is  in  so  bad  a  way  as  to  make  Howe's  staying  ne 
cessary.  The  Ranger  privateer  has  alarmed  our  coasts 
in  Scotland,  and  near  Whitehaven;  and  another  ves 
sel  having  landed  on  the  Isle  of  Anglesea  makes  us 
think,  if  we  do  not  kill  them  they  will  kill  us. 

As  we  find  it  necessary  to  use  Ireland  in  a  very  dif 
ferent  manner  than  formerly,  three  or  four  bills  have 
been  brought  in  to  give  it  some  relief;  but  the  true 
born  Englishman  and  downright  Scotchman  oppose 
the  measure  strenuously ;  all  mankind  being  born,  as 
they  think,  for  their  use  and  emolument.  It  is  said, 
only  one  of  the  bills  will  pass,  relative  to  the  West 
India  islands;  in  consequence  both  people  will  be  dis 
satisfied,  the  one  that  any  thing  has  been  done,  and 
the  other  that  more  has  not  been  done. 

I  am  dear  sir,  your  faithful  humble  servant, 

MALCOLM  DERIMPLE. 

If  you  can  employ  £.0000  for  me  in  the  American 
trade,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  you." 

"Dear  Sir, — I  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  you  my 
nephew,  who  proposes  to  make  the  best  of  his  way 
to  visit  his  native  land;  for  that  purpose  inform  him 
whether  he  is  likely  to  have  soon  any  good  opportuni 
ty.  He  will  not  stay  above  a  day  or  two  at  Paris, 
but  go  directly  to  Nantes,  and  wait  thereabouts  until 
his  embarkation.  The  gentleman  who  accompanies 
him  is  an  inhabitant  of  Nantes,  who  has  been  here 
some  time  to  learn  the  language.  He  is  ambitious  of 
being  known  to  you. 

I  have  reason  to  think  your  particular  friend  pro 
poses  to  see  you  in  the  course  of  next  month;  how 
ever,  if  he  can  be  of  more  service  here,  inform  him. 

We  are  under  the  greatest  anxiety  about  the  event 
of  the  meeting  of  the  two  fleets.  By  last  accounts 
they  were  in  sight.  The  French  being  to  the  wind 
ward,  and  therefore  having  the  choice  of  battle.  Our 
stocks  rose  on  the  certainty  of  conquest. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  107 

I  have  seen  a  letter  from  commissioner  Eden,  which, 
though  written  in  the  familiar  style  and  character, 
showed  evident  marks  of  political  despondency.  He 
is  in  rapture  with  the  little  of  the  country  which  he 
has  seen,  which  he  thinks  is  too  noble  a  one  to  be  lost, 
either  by  mischance  or  misconduct. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  most  sincerely, 

JOHN  PRINGLE." 

"  BRUSSELS,  Feb.  22d,1780. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Immediately  on  the  receipt  of 
yours  I  wrote  to  my  intelligent  correspondent.  He 
answered  me  yesterday,  that  the  expedition  from  Ire 
land  is  supposed  to  be  for  the  West  Indies,  but  that 
Washington's  ships  are  not  yet  ready.  He  tells  me 
too,  that  Russia  is  to  be  bribed  by  a  great  part  of  the 
money  gained  from  the  East  India  company,  to  enter 
into  a  treaty  defensive  and  offensive;  that  advances 
are  made  therein,  and  that  indeed  it  is  nearly  conclud 
ed;  but  that  she  will  first  endeavour  to  bring  about  a 
peace.  You  perhaps  know  more  of  these  matters  than 
I  do. 

As  you  have  not  given  me  Mr.  Adams's  address,  I 
trouble  you  to  present  him  the  enclosed.  Give  me 
timely  notice  of  your  departure.  I  received  yester 
day  a  court  calendar  from  our  good  friend  for  you.  I 
will  send  it  by  the  first  opportunity.  How  do  you  find 
things? 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  most  sincerely, 

DONALD  MAC  DONALD." 

"  October  3d,  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  your  two  favours  by  the 
posts  of  yesterday  and  to-day.  I  have  forwarded  the 
latter  to  our  friend.  In  asking  whether  I  think  the 
pamphlet  will  or  can  do  any  good,  you  put  a  very  se 
rious  and  nice  question.  I  am  not  so  desperate  of  our 
present  calamitous  situation  as  to  conceive,  that  it  is 


108  LIFE    OF 

impossible  for  the  efforts  of  honest,  sensible,  and  well 
intentioned  men,  (and  such  I  trust  we  still  have  among 
us)  to  do  good.     But  I  am  persuaded  that  nothing  of 
this  kind   can  have  any  effect,  unless  not  only   the 
whole  system  of  acting  in  the  country,  but  the  whole 
tenor  of  our  feelings  as  men  and  citizens,  be  thorough 
ly  and  fundamentally  changed.     The  pamphlet  goes 
a  great  way  towards   stating  the   necessity  of  this 
change,  and  points  out  with  great  force  and  good  sense 
the  only  line  to  be  pursued,  viz: — an  immediate,  open, 
unconditional   acknowledgment   of  the  independence  of 
America.     Whether  the  commissioners  at  Paris  have 
authority  to  agree  in  the  first  instance  with  Great  Bri 
tain  on  the  terms  mentioned,  and  to  guaranty  the  im 
portant  articles  which  are  proposed  to  be  insisted,  &c., 
is  much  to  be  doubted.     I  think  they  have  not,  and 
that  there  are  some  of  them  to  which   America  will 
never  subscribe;  she  will  never  give  up  to  Great  Bri 
tain  the  exclusive  commerce  to  the  eastward  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,   or   to  the  westward  of  Cape 
Horn,  much  less  will  she  cut  off  herself  by  express 
treaty  from  any  share  in  the  Newfoundland  fishery, 
W7hich  lying  as  it  were  at  her  own  door,  she  will  con 
sider  as  designed  for  her  by  nature.     The  most  that 
Great  Britain  can  expect  on  the  former  article,  is  a 
tacit  acquiescence  on  the  part  of  America;   and  as  to 
the  latter,  she  is  more  likely  to  demand  a  formal  re 
nunciation  of  the  fisheries  from  Great  Britain,  than 
make  it  herself  to  Great  Britain.     As  to  the  African 
trade,  it  has  been  checked  by  many  of  the   colonies 
voluntarily,  long  before  the    commencement  of   the 
present  disputes;  and  the  course  of  agriculture  in  ma 
ny  of  them  where  negroes  were  heretofore  most  in 
request,  joined  to  the  temper  of  the  people  in  gene 
ral,  has  decided  against  the  encouragement  of  that 
branch  of  commerce.     The  light  in  which  the  West 
India  trade  will  be  considered  by  the  Americans,  can 
not  be  more  strongly  painted  than  in  the  pamphlet. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  109 

However  on  the  whole,  whether  the  powers  of  the 
commissioners  are  equal  to  the  momentous  points  sug 
gested  in  the  pamphlet  or  not,  or  whether  the  points 
themselves  are  admissible  on  the  part  of  America  or 
not,  this  happy  consequence  must  flow  from  the  tri 
al  proposed  to  be  made  by  the  acknowledgment  of 
American  independence,  that  the  claims  of  Great 
Britain  thus  ceasing,  the  apprehensions  of  America 
from  that  quarter  must  likewise  be  at  an  end.  A 
treaty  may  be  opened,  whether  here  or  in  America  it 
matters  not,  by  equal  parties ;  and  equality  with  par* 
ties  is  essential  to  every  treaty  that  professes  to  have 
permanency  and  the  good  of  both  parties  for  its  object. 
I  hope  however,  notwithstanding  these  trivial  objec 
tions,  I  have  said  enough  to  show  that  I  highly  ap 
prove  of  the  main  drift  of  the  pamphlet,  and  that  I 
shall  be  anxious  to  see  it  published,  with  many  thanks 
for  the  kind  communication. 

W.  B." 

"  Whether  thy  days  be  many  or  few  may  they  be 
happy  and  successful.  This  is  the  wish  of  thy  sin 
cere  friend  instead  of  what  the  world  call  the  compli 
ments  of  the  season.  Thou  knowest  I  am  a  plain 
man,  and  I  would  fain  be  an  honest  one  ;  but  dangers 
are  sown  so  thick  around  me,  that  it  will  indeed  be  a 
great  blessing  if  I  escape. 

I  refer  thee  to  the  news-papers  for  the  particular 
trial  of  honest  Keppel.  I  think  thy  friend  Hood  has 
kept  bad  company  ;  since  thou  left  us  his  character  is 
a  little  tarnished,  and  1  will  not  answer  for  that 


man's. 


Next  month  we  expect  news  from  the  West  Indies. 
If  thou  hearest  any  that  is  good  for  this  country  I  pray 
thee  to  favour  us  with  it. 

Our  Martha  salutes  thee  kindly,  with,  my  dear 
friend,  thine  affectionately, 

G.    JOHNSTONE." 
VOL.  II.  14 


110  LIFE    OF 


APPENDIX    VIII. 

Letters  of  Arthur  Lee  to  bis  American  Correspondents,  written  daring  his  resi 
dence  in  France. 

«  Dec.  25th,  1776. 
To  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Esq. 

IT  was  with  infinite  pleasure  I  received  my  dear 
brother's  letter  by  the  hands  of  Dr.  Franklin,  whom 
I  joined  at  this  place  on  the  22d  Dec.  the  day  after 
his  arrival.  We  have  had  an  audience,  been  received, 
and  presented  our  propositions.  As  yet  we  have  re 
ceived  no  answer,  nor  can  we  divine  what  it  will  be. 
They  are  very  timid  and  secret,  but  we  have  hopes. 
In  the  mean  time  we  are  endeavouring  to  procure 
artillery,  arms,  ammunition,  and  clothing  to  fit  you 
for  another  campaign,  which,  if  it  be  as  undecisive  as 
this,  will  nearly  exhaust  the  enemy's  strength.  Two 
things,  however,  I  would  wish  to  impress  upon  your 
minds  ;  to  look  forward  and  prepare  for  the  worst 
event,  and  to  search  for  every  resource  within  your 
selves,  so  as  to  have  as  little  external  dependence  as 
possible.  The  events  of  the  year  1777  are  of  such 
infinite  importance,  that  no  industry  and  no  expense 
can  be  too  great  to  turn  them  to  our  advantage.  If 
they  are  decidedly  in  our  favour,  our  liberties  and  pro 
perties  will  be  assured  forever. 

I  have  sent  for  your  sons  hither.  I  mean  to  keep 
Ludwell  with  me,  and  if  his  genius  suits  to  train  him 
to  arms,  chiefly  in  the  engineering  line.  Tom  I  will 
send  to  you  with  our  despatches,  when  they  are  of 
importance.  He  is  now  of  an  age  to  be  useful  to  you 
in  Virginia,  from  whence  your  absence  must  great 
ly  damage  your  affairs. 

Yours  affectionately, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    L£E.  Ill 

"  PARIS,  Sept.  9th,  1777, 

Samuel  Adams,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir, — It  is  three  months  since  we  received  a 
line  from  congress  or  from  any  of  our  friends.  You 
will  hear  but  too  soon  and  too  much  of  the  violent 
things  done  in  this  country  against  us  and  in  favour 
of  our  enemies.  This  is  owing  to  the  privateering 
schemes  carried  on  at  Dunkirk,  without  the  advice  of 
Dr.  Franklin  or  myself,  and  contrary  to  repeated  re 
quests  of  this  court.  We  are  labouring  to  pacify  and 
restore  things  to  their  former  state  of  confidence  and 
amity. 

My  absence  in  Spain  and  Germany  upon  public 
business  has  prevented  me  from  getting  such  an  in 
sight  into  the  cabinet  here,  as  to  judge  with  certainty 
what  line  they  are  determined  to  pursue.  We  have 
undoubtedly  enemies  there,  and  the  late  ill  conduct 
at  Dunkirk  has  given  them  great  advantage.  Still 
however  they  are  arming,  and  it  is  so  much  their  in 
terest  to  be  allied  with  us,  that  the  sacrifices  they 
have  lately  made  to  England,  and  to  which  they  have 
been  in  a  great  measure  compelled  by  our  arming  ves 
sels  in  their  ports  to  cruise  upon  the  English  in  vio 
lation  of  their  treaties,  may  be  imputed  to  necessity 
not  to  inclination. 

I  am  dear  sir,  yours  very  truly, 

ARTHUR  LEE," 

«  PARIS,  Oct.  4th,  1777. 

Samuel  Adams,  Esq.,  Member  of  Congress. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favour  of  the  4th  of  July  was  like 
all  those  I  have  been  used  to  receive  from  you,  ex 
ceedingly  comforting  to  me.  It  is  with  great  plea 
sure  I  find  that  what  the  appearance  of  things  in 
January  last  made  me  apprehend,  has  not  happened. 
Our  present  situation,  (notwithstanding  I  think  both 
Howe  and  Burgoyne  will  be  successful  for  some  time 


112  LIFE  OF 

after  their  attacks  commence)  seems  to  me  more  fa 
vourable  than  ever;    and  without  some  signal  mis 
fortune  befalling  our  friends,  from  the  honest  endea 
vours  of  our  amicable  friends  the  Quakers,  the  inde 
pendence  of  America  will  soon  have  its  foundation 
established  on  a  rock.    It  will  be  more  to  our  honour 
that  this  be  done  by  our  own  efforts  without  allies, 
which  in  my  judgment  we  shall  not  procure  till  we 
have  less  occasion  for  them  ;  and  perhaps  the  liber 
ties  established  through  labour  and  endurance  will  be 
more  prized  and  more  durable  than  if  acquired  by  for 
eign  interposition.     Certain  however  it  is,  that  the 
appearances  here  are   so  equivocal   that  no  one  can 
tell  how  long  that  peace,  on  the  continuance  of  which 
our  enemies  build  all  their  hopes,  will  last.     Let  us 
however  suppose,  what  is  most  probable,  that  the  po 
litics  of  Europe  will  continue  to  wear  that  dubious 
aspect,  which    promises   peace  to-day  and  menaces 
war  to-morrow,  and  then  survey  the  present  situation 
of  this  contest.     The  difficulties  our  enemies  are  under 
in  forming  a  probable  plan  for  the  supplies  of  the  en 
suing  year,  both  in  men  and  money,  are  to  all  human 
appearance  insuperable.    There  is  not,  therefore,  any 
reason  to  apprehend  that  their  armies  will  ever  again 
be  so  numerous  or  so  well  appointed  as  those  which 
now  assail  us.     Should  their  success  be  neither  de 
cisive  nor  signal,  their  future  efforts  can  only  be  those 
of  disappointed  vengeance,  in  acts  of  injury  and  irri 
tation,  such  as  marked  their  parting  steps  in  the  un 
happy  Jerseys.     By  these  means  they  will  endeavour 
to  harass  us  into  an  accommodation,  and   extricate 
themselves  as  well  as  they  can  out  of  the  jnauvaise 
position  into  which  their  folly  and  injustice  have  com 
mitted  them. 

The  measures  of  this  court  which  look  like  war,  are 
a  treaty  lately  made  with  the  Swiss  Cantons,  by  which 
they  are  to  be  supplied  with  6,000  more  Swiss  troops 
if  wanted,  and  the  sending  8,000  men  with  12,000 


ARTHUR    LEE.  113 

artillery  to  their  West  India  islands.     Every  power 
in  Europe  has  also  forbade  their  sailors  entering  into 
any  foreign  service  whatever,  so  much  do  they  expect 
a  general  war.     Great  part  of  (he  English  commerce 
is  already  carried  on  in  French  and  Dutch  bottoms, 
which  circumstance   alone  will  prevent  them    from 
continuing   the  war,  because  it   is  a  mortal  blow  to 
their  marine.     From  these  circumstances  we  may  con 
clude  that  the  present  effort  is  the  last  that  can  carry 
with  it  any  hope  of  conquest,  and  that  the  war  can 
hardly  continue  in  any  shape  two  years  longer.    There 
are  of  our  countrymen  who  think  a  longer  continu 
ance  would  be  of  service  in  rousing  us  to  exertion  and 
discovering  resources  which  in  peace  would  never  be 
opened.     But  for  my  part  I  think  the  spirit  of  adven 
ture  and  energy,  which  characterizes  our  countrymen, 
wants  no  such  stimulus,  and  therefore  we  should  be 
happy  in  finishing  a  war  with  honour,  which  inevita 
bly  brings  with  it  a  variety  of  evils,  among  which  a 
standing  army  is  not  least  to  be  apprehended. 

I  have  within  this  year  been  at  the  several  courts 
of  Spain,  Vienna,  and  Berlin,  and  I  find  this  of  France 
is  the  great  wheel  that  moves  them  all.  Here  there 
fore  the  most  activity  is  requisite ;  and  if  it  should  ev 
er  be  a  question  in  congress  about  my  destination,  I 
shall  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  remembering,  that  I 
should  prefer  being  at  the  court  of  France. 

Upon  the  whole  then  my  dear  friend,  I  trust  we 
may  congratulate  ourselves  upon  the  liberties  of  our 
country  having  triumphed  over  the  greatest  malice  of 
our  enemies;  whom  perhaps,  we  ought  to  thank  for 
having  taught  us  to  know  ourselves,  and  to  assume 
that  rank  among  the  independent  nations  of  the  earth, 
to  which  we  are  entitled. 

I  remember  Mr.  Marchant  with  great  respect,  and 
am  happy  to  hear  his  abilities  are  called  forth  in 
to  the  most  conspicuous  service  of  his  country.  Be 
so  good  as  to  present  to  him  my  best  regards.  It 


LIFE    OF 

gives  me  the  greatest  pleasure  to  find  an  old  acquaint 
ance  maintaining  in  this  day  of  trial,  the  virtuous 
principles  he  professed  on  the  first  agitation  of  this 
question. 

In  hopes  that  you  will  omit  no  opportunity  of  let 
ting  me  hear  from  you,  and  with  the  warmest  wishes 
for  your  prosperity  and  happiness,  I  am  my  dear  friend, 
most  sincerely  yours, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S.  I  have  written  you  several  letters  since  that 
you  mention  as  having  received." 

"  PARIS,  Oct.  4th,  1777. 

R.  H.  Lee,  Member  of  Congress  for  Virginia. 

Dear  Brother, — Your  letter  of  the  31st  of  May, 
which  I  received  since  that  of  the  29th  of  July  by 
Mr.  King,  gives  me  much  pain.  I  have  within  this 
twelvemonth  tried  the  three  monarchs'  courts,  where 
we  have  the  most  interest  to  effect  what  your  letter 
wishes,  without  succeeding.  What  grieves  me  is,  that 
you  should  think  it  so  essential  to  our  security.  Most 
certain  it  is,  that  we  should  form  such  a  connexion  at 
this  time  upon  very  unequal  terms;  and  therefore 
(if  its  being  postponed  does  not  hazard  the  great  stake 
till  we  are  apparently  less  in  need  of  it)  we  should 
form  it  upon  ground  better  weighed,  and  more  advan 
tageous.  Were  it  not  for  what  you  say,  I  should  think 
an  open  declaration  much  less  necessary  for  our  secu 
rity  now,  than  at  the  beginning.  Most  assuredly  our 
invaders  are  in  every  respect  much  weaker,  and  we 
are  apparently  much  stronger.  Yet  while  I  make  this 
a  virtue  of  necessity,  and  comfort  myself  with  think 
ing,  that  what  we  so  ardently  desire  and  yet  cannot 
obtain,  may  not  be  absolutely  necessary,  I  do  most 
cordially  wish  the  war  were  at  an  end.  I  consider  it 
a  state  of  danger,  dissipation,  and  corruption  of  man 
ners.  As  yet  I  believe  the  citizen  is  not  quite  lost  in 


ARTHUR    LEE.  H 

the  soldier;  but  this  will  happen  if  the  war  continue. 
Next  to  entire  slavery,  a  standing  army  is  the  greatest 
evil  that  can  exist  in  a  young  state;  and  the  continu 
ance  of  a  civil  war,  with  its  probable  events,  may 
kindle  the  fatal  ambition  of  some  Cromwell,  that 
would  otherwise  have  slept  guiltless  of  his  country's 
ruin. 

The  commission  for  Spain  was  I  presume  sent  me 
in  a  supposition  that  I  was  at  that  court;  for  of  five 
letters  which  I  wrote  between  the  ikh  of  March  and 
9th  of  April,  detailing  my  proceedings  there,  and  the 
necessity  of  my  return,  not  one  appears  to  have  been 
received.     That  service  I  undertook,  because  Dr.  F. 
would  not  go  through  such  bad  roads  in  so  rigorous  a 
season,  and  Mr.  D.  excused  himself  by  a  proposition 
of  going  to  Holland,  which  he  never  performed.     It 
is  of  all  places  the  most  disagreeable  to  my  disposi 
tion;  and  so  very  inferior  in  point  of  political  import 
ance,  that  I  should  certainly  be  of  much  less  utility 
there  than  here.     There  too  I  should  be  at  a  great  dis 
tance  from   our  brother,  from  intelligence  with  you, 
and  from  all  political  conversation;  for  a  degree  of  in 
dolence  reigns  there,  that  is  almost  inconceivable.     My 
idea  therefore  of  adapting  characters   and  places  is 
this: — Dr.  F.  to  Vienna,  as  the  first,  most  respecta 
ble,  and  quiet;  Mr.  Deane  to  Holland;  and  the  Al 
derman   to  Berlin,   as   the   commercial   department ; 
Mr.  Izard  where  he  is;  Mr.  Jenings  at  Madrid,  his 
reserve  and  circumspection  being  excellently  adapted 
to  that  court.     I  mean  Edmund  Jenings,  whom  you 
know,  whose  real  abilities  to  serve  may  be  relied  on. 
France  remains  the  centre  of  political  activity,  and 
here  therefore  I  should  choose  to  be  employed.     All 
these  arrangements  might  be   made,  reserving  to  the 
three  now  here  their  powers,  till  the  opportunity  offer 
ed  for  their  going  to  their  different  destinations;  that 
such  an  occasion  might  not  be  lost,  by  being  obliged 
to  send  over  for  appointments. 


116  LIFE    OF 

This  court  has  lately  concluded  a  treaty  with  the 
Swiss  Cantons,  by  which  they  are  to  furnish  6000 
more  Swiss  troops  to  France,  should  there  be  a  war  ; 
and  8,000  French  troops,  with  1,200  artillery  men, 
are  upon  the  eve  of  their  departure  for  their  West  In 
dia  islands.  All  the  powers  of  Europe  have  forbade 
their  seamen  entering  into  foreign  service.  These 
movements  look  like  an  expectation  of  a  general  war. 

When  we  first  obtained  2,000,000  of  livres  from 
our  friends  here,  it  was  determined  we  should  appro 
priate  them  to  the  payment  of  your  bills  drawn  upon 
us  in  support  of  your  funds,  should  it  be  neces 
sary.  And  of  this  appropriation  we  informed  the 
committee.  But  I  find  that  during  my  absence  in 
Germany,  Mr.  —  has  involved  us  in  engage 
ments  far  beyond  the  whole  of  this  fund ;  so  that 
should  you  have  drawn  upon  us  we  shall  be  oblig 
ed  to  apply  to  the  same  friends  to  enable  us  to  an 
swer  your  draughts.  In  truth  it  is  not  fit  that  in  our 
situation  we  should  meddle  with  merchandize,  which 
at  such  a  court  as  this  degrades  the  character  of  de 
puties  from  a  great  and  rising  people.  Were  the 
commercial  agent  such  a  man  as  he  ought  to  be,  this 
business  would  properly  fall  within  his  department. 
The  last  despatches  to  us,  of  the  JOth  or  12th  of  Au 
gust,  were  thrown  overboard,  as  were  ours  to  you  on 
the  capture  of  the  Lexington  soon  after  she  sailed, 
and  after  an  engagement  of  five  hours,  in  which  she 
suffered  extremely.  VJ3e  so  good  as  to  remember  me 
to  Loudon,  and  warn  him  against  recommendations 
of  a  Mr.  Carmichael,  through  Mr.  Lloyd,  as  I  have 
found  him  to  be  very  unworthy  his  or  your  patronage_-J 
We  have  received  late  and  most  positive  assurances 
from  our  friends  in  France  and  Spain,  that  what  we 
have  hitherto  received  is  given  without  expectation  of  any 
return.  I  thank  you  for  the  Crisis,  which  is  well 
written.  ) 

I  enclose  you  a  copy  of  a  late  measure  of  the  court 


ARTHUR    LEE.  117 

here,  which  with  others  seems  unfavourable  to  us. 
The  reasons  they  give  for  them  are  the  proceedings 
with  respect  to  the  arming  Conyngham  in  their  ports, 
and  sending  him  to  cruise  directly  in  the  channel,  con 
trary  to  their  treaty,  and  to  their  repeated  requests 
and  our  promises.  That  fact  is  so,  and  it  was  done 

by  Mr.  without  consulting  or  informing  us. 

He  has  therefore  thought  it  necessary  to  write  an 
apology  for  it  to  Mr.  Morris,  which  I  understand  is  to 
be  shown  about  privately,  and  he  seems  desirous  of 
persuading  us  and  others  to  be  in  ill  humour  with  the 
court  for  taking  violent  measures,  to  which  they  have 
been  compelled  by  his  unwarrantable  conduct.  All  I 
can  say  is  that  it  will  be  doing  them  great  injustice 
to  form  an  opinion  of  their  disposition  from  steps 
which  they  assure  us  were  taken  from  necessity,  and 
to  which  we  are  conscious  those  proceedings  forced 
them.  The  paper  I  enclose  you  was  made  public  by 
authority,  in  all  the  commercial  cities  of  France.  But 
you  see  it  acknowledges  us  as  a  nation,  arid  openly 
avows  the  protection  and  reception  of  our  commerce, 
which  Great  Britain  claims  as  her  own,  and  which 
Lord  Howe,  in  his  letter  to  Dr.  Franklin,  alleges  to 
be  the  reason  of  carrying  on  war  against  us.  As  to 
292  a  xxxviii,  they  continue  to  be  3456  xxii  as  usual. 
Discretion  only  is  required  in  managing  the  business, 
so  as  not  to  subject  them  too  much  to  the  complaints 
of  the  1456  xxii.  The  promises  of  good  will  and  as 
sistance  as  heretofore  are  as  strong  as  ever.  Upon 
the  whole  we  have  reason  to  expect  much,  though  not 
all  that  is  neither  336  a  xxxiv.  nor  4166  xix. 

Added  Nov.  25th,  1777. 

I  sent  you  a  book  by  Capt.  Wickes,  by  which  we 
may  communicate  our  thoughts  without  danger  from 
mischievous  curiosity.  Lest  that  should  miscarry  you 
have  another  by  this  opportunity.  Three  of  the  five 

VOL.    II.  15 


118  LIFE    OF 

commissioners  who  are  here,  are  of  opinion  that  it  is 
of  the  last  importance  to  the  public  credit  and  wel 
fare,  that  the  commercial  agency  should  be  taken  out 
of  the  hands  and  the  channel  they  are  in  at  present. 
We  think  this  would  be  happily  effected  by  the  ap 
pointment  of  Mr.  John  Lloyd,  of  South  Carolina,  now 
resident  at  Nantes,  of  whose  ability  and  integrity  we 
have  a  high  opinion.  Mr.  Izard  will  write. 
Yours  affectionately, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  Oct.  7th,  1777. 

F.  L.  Lee,  Member  of  Congress  for  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia. 

Dear  Loudon, — Copies  of  your  letters  to  Mr.  Lloyd, 
of  Maryland,  have  reached  this  place  to  others,  but 
none  from  you  to  the  alderman  or  to  me.  This  is  a 
little  unkind,  especially  as  we  have  written  frequently 
to  you.  By  those  letters  you  seem  to  be  in  good 
spirits,  which  rejoices  me.  For  I  see  nothing  but  the 
want  of  them,  and  of  funds,  which  can  materially  in 
jure  the  great  cause.  The  regulation  and  credit  of 
your  paper  seems  to  me  to  require  most  of  your  at 
tention,  since  your  funds  lean  upon  it,  and  if  they  fail 
the  injury  may  be  irreparable.  In  truth,  till  the  pub 
lic  is  assured  you  have  specie  in  your  treasury  your 
paper  will  never  have  due  credit.  But  if  the  money 
holders  were  once  satisfied  you  had  there  one  million 
of  hard  dollars,  they  would  not  hesitate  to  lend  twenty 
upon  it.  This  is  precisely  the  case  with  the  bank  of 
England,  whose  paper  certainly  exceeds  twenty  times 
its  specie  ;  and  it  is  with  this  paper  principally  that 
the  war  is  supported  against  us.  But  the  question 
is,  where  are  we  to  get  these  hard  dollars  ?  Send  ef 
fects  to  the  islands,  collect  the  dollars,  and  despatch 
your  swiftest  sailing  frigate  to  bring  them  safe. 
Surely  this  is  not  impracticable.  And  most  certain 
ly,  without  some  plan  wisely  laid  and  vigorously  ex- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  119 

ecuted,  you  will  be  in  great  danger  of  finding  your  mea 
sures  for  the  public  defence  and  security  impeded,  if  not 
obstructed  entirely.  It  seems  to  me  that  we  may  rely 
upon  the  continuance  of  countenance  and  support  from 
certain  powers  in  Europe,  but  that  there  will  be  a 
war  soon  is  not  I  confess  my  opinion.  Things  how 
ever  are  in  so  critical  a  situation  that  it  is  with  great 
diffidence  I  give  my  opinion  upon  the  subject.  The 
circumstances  of  our  enemies  are  so  embarrassed,  and 
their  resources  so  exhausted,  that  without  aids  from 
Russia,  Denmark,  and  Sweden,  of  which  there  is  at 
present  no  likelihood,  they  cannot  support  another 
campaign.  I  have  mentioned  to  you  a  cabal  formed 

here  under  the  auspices  of  Mr. which  has  given 

me  much  disquiet,  and  that  he  has  been  very  busy  to 
defame  me  in  my  absence.  I  sent  you  a  copy  of 
a  news-paper  production  of  this  cast.  Among  other 
things  they  have  circulated  a  report  both  here  and  in 
England,  which  will  probably  reach  America,  of  dis 
sensions  subsisting  among  the  commissioners.  I  have 
taken  great  care  to  prevent  any  such  from  arising,  and 
none  certainly  have  yet  existed,  notwithstanding  all 
their  diligence  in  provoking  them.  Among  these, 
gentlemen,  I  could  wish  to  guard  you  particularly 
against  Mr.  Carmichael,  of  whose  art  and  enmity  I 
have  had  sufficient  proofs  to  make  me  distrust  him  for 
the  future. 

I  am,  &c.,  affectionately, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  Nov.—,  1777. 

Samuel  Adams,  Esq.,  with  a  copy  of  my  last. 

Dear  Sir, — Nothing  material  since  the  above.  The 
two  last  despatches  for  us  were  thrown  into  the  sea, 
so  that  we  are  left  in  the  most  anxious  uncertainty 
concerning  your  situation.  Our  enemies  are  either  in 
the  same  state,  or  their  news  is  not  such  as  they  wish 
to  be  known ;  since  they  suffer  not  only  their  own  peo- 


120  LIFE    OF 

pie  but  all  Europe,  to  insult  them  with  enquiries,  what 
is  become  of  Howe  and  Burgoyne,  without  conde 
scending  to  answer  a  word.  At  present  therefore, 
both  their  performances  in  this,  and  their  preparations 
for  the  next  campaign,  if  they  have  any,  are  a  pro 
found  secret.  Yet  the  meeting  of  parliament,  which 
is  to  be  the  20th,  approaches  fast,  when  something 
must  be  said  on  these  momentous  points.  I  men 
tioned  in  a  former  letter,  that  your  state  was  indebt 
ed  to  me  for  moneys  advanced  during  the  time  the 
agency  devolved  upon  me,  especially  to  the  captain 
who  was  sent  express  after  the  affair  of  Lexington  ; 
and  that  I  should  prefer  being  paid  by  such  a  grant 
of  land  in  your  state,  as  would  give  me  the  means  and 
right  of  citizenship  among  a  people  whom  I  have  had 
so  much  reason  to  respect,  through  the  whole  of  this 
illustrious  business.  It  would  be  a  great  satisfaction 
to  know,  that  when  my  poor  endeavours  were  no  long 
er  necessary  to  the  public  service  abroad,  I  might 
return  as  a  fellow-citizen  among  those  with  whom  I 
have  so  long  been  united  in  the  common  cause.  Would 
to  God  we  could  number  Warren  among  them,  and 
that  it  had  been  permitted  him  to  see  the  beauties  of 
that  fabric,  which  he  laboured  with  so  much  zeal  and 
ability  to  rear.  "His  saltern  accumulem^  donis,  et  fun- 
gar  inani  muncre." 

The  actual  state  of  Europe,  amid  events  of  such 
magnitude  and  a  situation  so  critical,  is  tranquil  to  a 
degree  that  is  inexplicable.  Whether  it  be  a  stillness 
before  the  storm,  or  a  settled  tranquillity,  is  hard  to 
determine.  I  am  inclined  to  think  it  the  latter.  For 
in  truth  it  seems,  that  America  is  an  object  too  vast 
for  their  embrace.  That  balance  of  power,  which 
has  so  long  been  the  hobby-horse  of  Europe,  and  in 
which  the  power  of  Great  Britain,  founded  upon  Ame 
rica  had  so  great  a  weight,  must  be  changed,  and  a 
new  scale  adopted.  This  makes  all  the  cabinets  so 
averse  to  enter  into  a  consideration  that  must  send 


ARTHUR    LEE.  121 

them  again  to  school,  and  derange  all  the  beautiful 
balances  they  have  formed.  Add  to  this,  that  the 
two  old  and  potent  princes  of  the  north  have  resolved 
upon  having  peace  in  their  day;  contenting  themselves 
with  ministering  such  assistance  to  Russia,  as  will 
give  them  a  claim  to  share  in  the  partition  of  the 
Turkish  dominions,  as  they  have  in  those  of  Poland. 

An  officer  of  the  English  guards,  who  is  return 
ed  from  America,  declares  that  the  Highlanders  are 
all  sworn  under  their  colours  never  to  give  quarter 
to  an  American;  and  that  he  has  seen  them  hang  up 
a  great  many  prisoners  in  their  belts.  I  know  the  of 
ficer;  he  is  a  man  of  veracity  and  a  tory  by  birth,  so 
that  he  is  not  likely  to  forge  or  exaggerate  facts 
against  his  friends.  Surely  an  enquiry  ought  to  be 
made  into  this,  and  a  most  exemplary  punishment 
inflicted  on  those  detestable  people,  if  it  be  true. 

Sincerely  your  friend, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  Nov.  5th,  1777. 

To  the  Hon'ble  John  Page,  of  Rosehill,  Member  of 
the  Council  of  State  for  the  State  of  Virginia. 

Dear  Sir, — The  arrival  of  Mr.  King  here  gave  me 
an  opportunity  of  enquiring  after  your  health,  and 
great  pleasure  in  hearing  of  your  welfare. 

The  object  of  Mr.  King's  mission  is  of  much  more 
difficult  accomplishment  than  you  imagined;  both  from 
the  situation  of  things,  and  from  its  not  being  custom 
ary,  nor  indeed  generally  speaking,  in  the  power  *of 
French  merchants  to  make  such  large  advances.  A 
very  small  capital  indeed  serves  to  set  them  up;  and 
their  object  in  trade  is  more  a  temporary  and  exorbi 
tant  profit,  than  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  in 
terest  and  commerce  upon  moderate  profits,  with  in 
dustry  and  fair  dealing. 

Through  all  Europe  our  cause  is  rising,  and  that  of 


122  LIFE    OF 

our  enemies  sinking  in  proportion.  But  yet  the  po 
sition  seems  not  so  decided,  as  to  make  individuals, 
especially  such  as  I  have  described,  hazard  much  of 
their  money,  as  the  powers  of  Europe  are  at  war. 

It  seems  probable  that  this  business  will  end  by 
stationing  cruisers  upon  our  coast  to  distress  our  com 
merce.  In  such  a  situation  Virginia  I  am  afraid  will 
suffer  much,  unless  her  marine  were  augmented,  and 
some  coasters  built,  to  sail  swiftly,  carry  heavy  metal, 
and  draw  little  water.  The  natural  advantages  of 
our  immediate  country  for  commerce,  are  such  as 
must,  if  properly  improved,  furnish  the  means  of 
maintaining  a  very  respectable  marine.  To  this 
chiefly,  she  must  owe  her  future  prosperity  and 
grandeur. 

I  shall  always  be  happy  to  hear  of  your  welfare, 
and  that  of  Mrs.  Page  and  your  family.  Be  so  good 
as  to  remember  me  with  respect  to  Mr.  Nicholas,  Mr. 
T.  Nelson,  and  Mr.  Jefferson. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  regard, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  Nov.  6th,  1777. 

To  his  Excellency  Patrick  Henry,  Chief  Magistrate 
of  the  State  of  Virginia. 

Sir, — It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to  hear  of  your 
health  from  Mr.  King.  The  great  need  our  immedi 
ate  country  is  in  of  essential  supplies,  gave  me  great 
uneasiness;  and  the  more  so,  as  I  could  find  no  one 
here  disposed  to  make  the  advance  required.  Mr. 
King  exerted  himself  with  great  assiduity  to  the  same 
end,  and  seems  by  his  attention  to  business,  entirely 
worthy  of  the  confidence  you  reposed  in  him.  I  hope 
he  will  be  able  to  effect  something  at  Nantes;  where 
so  much  profit  is  made  by  our  commerce,  that  it  would 
be  very  ungrateful  not  to  assist  us,  upon  such  sure  and 
reasonable  terms. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  123 

The  supplies  I  sent  early  in  the  spring  from  Spain, 
were  at  first  ordered  to  Virginia ;  but  upon  receiving 
advice  from  the  committee  of  congress  that  the  east 
ern  ports  were  the  safest,  I  was  obliged  to  counter 
mand  those  orders ;   in  consequence  of  which   they 
were  sent  to  New-England,  to  which  all  our  remit 
tances  have  been  directed.     If  our  state  should  want 
a  loan  of  money,  I  think  Spain  is  the  most  likely  to 
supply  it ;  and  as  I  am  commissioned  to  that  court  by 
congress,  whatever  commands  you  may  have  for  me 
on  that  or  any  other  subject,  I  shall  obey  with  plea 
sure.     But  being  at  the  same  time  continued  in  the 
commission  here,  it  is  not  probable  I  shall  quit  Paris 
for  some  months.     Business  however  can  be  negotiat 
ed  here  as  well  as  at  Madrid,  though  with  somewhat 
more  expense  of  time.     Our  enemies  are  much  ex 
hausted  and  embarrassed  by  the  war,  insomuch  that 
as  yet  they  seem  to  have  formed  no  plan,  nor  are  they 
making  any  efforts  to  provide  for  the  support  of  an 
other  campaign.     Germany  will  afford  them  but  fee 
ble  assistance;  and  I  was  assured,  when  I  was  lately 
at  the  northern  courts,  that  there  was  no  probability 
of  their  being  assisted  from  Russia.     But  as  the  ha 
tred  and  vengeance  which  now  govern  the  conduct  of 
this  war  will  animate  the  contrivers  of  it  to  very  despe 
rate  efforts,  it  will  be  wise  to  prepare  for  the  worst, 
and  not  measure  our  exertions  entirely  by  the  appa 
rent  inability  of  the  enemy.     It  is  probable  that  their 
last  efforts  will   be,  to   intercept   our   commerce   by 
blocking  up  our  ports  and  rivers.     This,  with  the  lia- 
bleness  of  our  country  to  be  so  distressed,  suggests 
the  necessity  of  attending  to  and    encouraging  our 
marine.     A  few  vessels  built  expressly  for  cruisers,  of 
such  a  mould  as  to  draw  as  little  water  as  possible,  of 
such  a  length  as  to  sail   the   swiftest,  and  carrying 
though   few  guns  yet   those  of   the  heaviest   metal, 
would  save  our  coasts  from  such  insults.     Their  su 
perior  weight  of  metal  would  subdue  vessels  of  less 


124  LIFE    OF 

force,  and  they  would  harass  and  outsail  those  of 
greater  force.  We  lately  built  one  on  this  plan  in 
Holland,  but  the  impossibility  of  manning  her  obliged 
us  to  sell  her.  Our  cause  gains  ground  daily  in  the 
opinion  of  Europe,  but  it  is  yet  uncertain  when  any 
of  its  powers  will  declare  openly  in  our  favour. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  with  great  respect, 
your  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  Nov.  25,  1777. 
S.  Adams,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir, — Public  affairs  wear  every  day  a  more 
unfavourable  aspect  for  our  enemies.  The  discomfit 
ure  of  Burgoyne  is  an  irreparable  blow.  France  and 
Spain  are  arming  seriously  and  formidably.  Holland 
has  ordered  a  strong  convoy  for  their  West  India  trade. 
I  am  well  informed  that  the  number  of  troops  they 
can  draw  from  Germany  will  be  very  small,  and  from 
Russia  none.  The  raising  their  supplies  will  be  diffi 
cult,  perhaps  impracticable,  for  certainly  the  public  is 
not  contented  nor  confident.  The  king's  speech  is 
impertinent  and  insignificant.  He  is  assuredly  destin 
ed  to  destruction. 

Let  me  whisper  to  you  that  I  have  reason  to  sus 
pect  there  is  jobbing  both  with  you  and  with  us.  The 
public  concerns  and  the  public  money  are  perhaps  sa 
crificed  to  private  purposes.  Congress  should  inter 
fere.  Let  them  appoint  a  commercial  agent,  distinct 
from  the  former  and  his  connexions;  let  them  order 
an  account  with  vouchers  how  the  money  received 
here  for  the  public  has  been  expended,  and  signify 
their  pleasure  that  the  commissioners  do  not  concern 
themselves  with  trade  directly  or  indirectly,  and  they 
will  soon  find  their  affairs  resume  respectability  and 
credit,  which  have  been  for  some  time  lost  here.  Mr. 
J.  Lloyd,  of  South  Carolina,  now  residing  at  Nantes, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  125 

seems  to  me  a  proper  person  for  commercial  agent, 
and  I  think  his  appointment  will  most  essentially 
serve  the  public.  Be  so  good  as  to  consult  with  Mr. 
Laurens  and  my  brothers  upon  this  subject,  which  I 
assure  you  is  of  the  last  importance  to  the  public. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  January  5th,  1778. 
Samuel  Adams,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir, — No  material  change  has  taken  place 
since  my  last  letters,  which  should  be  delivered  to  you 
by  Capt.  Nicholson,  and  Mr.  Deane,  jr.  Every  thing 
seems  disposed  towards  the  great  event  we  wish,  the 
acknowledgment  of  our  independency.  I  am  not 
fond  of  prophesying,  but  I  think  it  will  not  be  long  be 
fore  something  signal  will  happen. 

I  have  before  mentioned  to  you  a  Mr.  Carmichael. 
Every  day  gives  me  fresh  reason  for  suspecting  him. 
The  gentleman  who  bears  this  will  give  you  an  ac 
count  of  him;  and  the  enclosed  account  will  show 
you  in  what  manner  the  public  money  has  been  put 

into  his  pocket  by  Mr. ,  under  the  pretence  of 

errands,  in  which  the  only  object  was,  to  tell  ignorant 

people  that  he  and  Mr. were  the  only  persons 

possessed  of  public  trust  and  power.  It  is  impossible 
to  describe  to  you  to  what  a  degree  this  kind  of  in 
trigue  has  disgraced,  confounded  and  injured  our  af 
fairs  here.  The  observation  of  this  at  head  quarters, 
has  encouraged  and  produced  through  the  whole  a 
spirit  of  neglect,  abuse,  plunder,  and  intrigue,  in  the 
public  business,  which  it  has  been  impossible  for  me 
to  prevent  or  correct.  After  three  months'  solicitation 
to  have  an  account  of  the  expenditure  of  the  public 
money,  the  enclosed,  such  as  you  see,  is  the  only  one 
I  can  procure.  Thousands  I  am  sure  have  been  mis 
applied  in  such  manner  as  this,  and  in  still  worse  chan- 

VOL.  ii.  16 


126  LIFE  OF 

nels.  Perhaps  you  may  think  this  is  not  the  time  for 
severe  enquiry;  and  I  believe  that  confidence  makes 
these  people  do  many  things  upon  which  they  would 
not  otherwise  venture.  What  I  wish  at  least  is,  that 
it  may  be  remembered,  I  have  done  my  endeavour  to 
prevent  what  I  am  sure  will  hereafter  be  the  subject 
of  enquiry  and  reprehension. 

The  enemy  make  a  great  parade  of  what  they  will 
attempt  next  campaign.  In  the  mean  time  it  is  cer 
tain  they  are  under  great  apprehensions  for  Quebec, 
for  the  defence  of  which  they  think  8000  men  ne 
cessary. 

Adieu.     Affectionately, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"JANUARY  5th,  1778. 

To  R.  H.  Lee. 

My  Dear  Brother, — Though  nothing  is  yet  con 
cluded,  yet  every  thing  seems  hastening  to  the  decla 
ration  we  wish.  Portugal  we  are  given  to  understand 
is  amicably  disposed.  I  am  in  doubt  whether  a  trea 
ty  of  commerce  (and  perhaps  this  court  will  go  no  far 
ther  at  present)  concluded  with  us  will  induce  Great 
Britain  to  declare  war;  though  every  thing  may  be 
expected  from  their  folly,  and  from  that  infatuation 
which  commences  in  deceiving  others,  and  ends  in  de 
ceiving  themselves.  They  talk  much  of  mighty  pre 
parations,  which  they  will  soon  persuade  themselves 
are  real,  and  which  consist  in  regiments  to  be  raised 
in  the  trading  and  manufacturing  towns.  Gen.  Halde- 
mand  has  assured  the  British  ministry,  that  8000  men 
are  necessary  for  the  defence  of  Canada  should  it  be 
attacked,  of  which  they  are  much  afraid.  Let  me  re 
commend  Mr.  Stephenson  as  highly  worthy  of  your 
protection.  He  will  give  you  a  particular  account  of 
things  here.  If  in  the  arrangement  of  things  I  could 
be  continued  here,  and  Mr.  D.  removed  to  some  oth- 


ARTHUR   LEE.  127 

er  place,  it  would  be  pleasing  to  me,  and  disconcert 
effectually  their  wicked  measures. 
Adieu.     Your  affectionate  brother, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  Jan.  9th,  1778. 

R.  H.  Lee. 

Dear  Brother, — I  hoped  by  this  time  to  have  in 
formed  you  that  something  decisive  was  concluded. 
We  remain  however  in  the  same  state  of  incertitude. 
There  is  nothing  so  necessary  in  politics  and  negoti 
ation  as  patience.  The  recent  death  of  the  Elector 
of  Bavaria,  to  whom  the  Palatine  is  heir,  threatens 
to  involve  this  kingdom  in  a  German  war.  The  rea 
son  is  this.  The  Elector  Palatine  is  heir  to  Bavaria, 
and  the  Duke  de  deux  ponts  to  both.  The  latter  is 
the  strict  ally  of  France,  who  is  also  the  guaranty  of 
the  treaty  of  Westphalia ;  and  should  she  obtain  him 
these  successions,  he  would  form  a  third  power,  and 
give  them  the  decision  in  the  German  scale.  But  the 
emperor  chooses  to  have  Bavaria,  and  the  king  of  Prus 
sia  the  Palatinate,  which  will  bring  these  two  great 
powers  to  the  frontiers  of  France.  In  this  situation 
of  things  it  is  feared  that  France  will  be  engaged  in 
a  land  war,  which  will  make  a  diversion  in  favour  of 
our  enemies. 

Things  are  going  on  worse  and  worse  every  day 
among  ourselves,  and  my  situation  is  more  painful.  I 
see  in  every  department,  neglect,  dissipation  and  pri 
vate  schemes.  Being  in  trust  here  I  am  responsible  for 
what  I  cannot  prevent,  and  these  very  men  will  proba 
bly  be  the  instruments  of  having  me  one  day  called 
to  an  account  for  their  misdeeds.  There  is  but  one 
way  of  redressing  this  and  remedying  the  public  evil; 
that  is  the  plan  I  before  sent  you,  of  appointing  the 
Dr.  honoris  causa,  to  Vienna,  Mr.  Deane  to  Holland, 
Mr.  Jennings  to  Madrid,  and  leaving  me  here.  In  that 


128  LIFE    OF 

case  I  should  have  it  in  my  power  to  call  those  to  an 
account,  through  whose  hands  I  know  the  public  mo 
ney  has  passed,  and  which  will  either  never  be  ac 
counted  for  or  misaccounted  for,  by  connivance  be 
tween  those  who  are  to  share  in  the  public  plunder. 
If  this  scheme  can  be  executed  it  will  disconcert  all 
the  plans  at  one  stroke,  without  an  appearance  of  in 
tention,  and  save  both  the  public  and  me.  But  should 
this  be  impracticable,  let  me  know  whether  it  is  not 
proper  that  I  should  write  to  the  committee  that  in 
my  judgment  the  public  business  is  turned  here  to 
private  emolument,  that  my  advice  and  endeavours 
have  not  the  least  influence,  and  therefore  I  desire 
not  to  be  deemed  responsible  for  what  I  have  not  the 
power  in  directing  or  preventing.  In  this  or  any 
other  better  manner,  I  wish  to  be  quit  of  a  business, 
in  which  those  who  are  abusing  me  are  employing 
the  public  money  to  make  friends  for  themselves  and 
enemies  for  me.  You  may  easily  conceive  who  will 
succeed  in  such  a  contest. 
Adieu. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  May  27th,  1778. 

Hon.  John  Page,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  with  very  great  pleasure 
your  most  obliging  letter  by  Mons.  Le  Maire,  of  the 
12th  of  March.  It  was  the  more  pleasing  to  me  as 
it  proved  that  the  wish  of  renewing  our  former  ac 
quaintance  was  mutual.  Some  of  the  several  letters 
I  have  written  to  you  will  I  trust  get  safe  so  as  to 
satisfy  you  that  my  sentiments  of  your  zeal  and  ex 
ertion  for  the  public  welfare  are  not  inferior  to  those 
with  which  you  have  honoured  me. 

The  declaration  of  our  independency  by  the  court  of 
France,  awakened  that  of  England  to  her  danger  and 
her  weakness.  Irritated  therefore  as  she  was,  she  did 
not  dare  to  declare  war.  But  she  is  exerting  every 


ARTHUR    LEE.  129 

nerve  to  put  herself  in  a  posture  of  defence.  At  pre 
sent  the  stroke  stands  suspended,  though  their  ambas 
sadors  respectively  retiring,  the  seizure  of  all  their 
ships  and  seamen  belonging  to  each  other,  which  hap 
pened  to  be  in  their  ports,  and  each  sending  a  fleet  to 
your  coast,  are  proofs  that  actual  hostilities  are  in 
evitable.  When  they  commence,  America  will  hold 
the  balance,  and  make  which  scale  she  pleases  pre 
ponderate.  France  therefore  showed  her  superior 
wisdom  in  seizing  the  moment  of  Burgoyne's  defeat 
to  secure  our  assistance  by  a  treaty.  While  Eng 
land  was  deliberating  she  lost  the  only  opportunity 
she  could  have  of  retrieving  the  consequences  of  her 
former  folly  and  injustice.  But  this  seems  to  be  the 
fated  period  of  her  decline,  and  her  glorious  sun  is 
set. 

You  will  judge  from  my  last  letter  that  I  should 
enter  warmly  into  the  purpose  of  Mons.  Le  Maire's 
mission,  which  is  calculated  to  put  our  country  into 
that  respectable  state  of  preparation  in  which  I  so 
ardently  wish  to  see  it.  My  brother  being  absent  on 
his  negotiations  in  Germany,  I  have  endeavoured  to 
carry  the  business  as  far  as  it  can  be  done  here,  into 
execution.  If  I  can  borrow  from  the  Farmers  Gen 
eral  a  million  of  livres  as  I  am  endeavouring  to  do,  on 
the  terms  Governor  Henry  mentions,  we  shall  be  en 
abled  to  purchase  the  things,  where  we  can  have  them 
best  and  cheapest.  If  I  cannot  effect  this  loan,  an 
agreement  must  be  made  with  some  capital  merchant 
for  him  to  furnish  the  whole,  and  receive  his  payment 
in  tobacco  in  the  country,  at  the  current  price.  In  the 
mean  time  I  have  judged  proper  to  send  Mons.  Le 
Maire  to  Strasbourg,  on  the  confines  of  Germany, 
where  and  at  Solingen,  which  is  near,  many  of  the 
articles  are  to  be  had,  far  the  best  and  cheapest. 
Perhaps  too  we  may  send  them  directly  from  thence 
by  the  way  of  Holland.  There  too  he  will  be  nearer 
to  take  the  directions  of  my  brother. 


130  LIFE    OF 

Be  so  good  as  to  inform  his  excellency  Gov.  Henry 
of  what  I  have  done.  The  great  seal  I  have  also  en 
quired  about.  But  they  asked  here  from  100  to  150 
louis  d'ors  for  making  it  in  steel.  I  have  written  to  Lon 
don  to  know  what  would  be  the  price,  as  this  seems 
exorbitant.  As  soon  as  I  am  satisfied  it  is  not  so,  I  shall 
put  it  in  hand.  The  paper  Mr.  Webb  desired  is  or 
dered,  and  I  enclose  a  specimen  for  him.  I  am  sorry 
however  to  see  that  there  are  no  naval  stores  ordered, 
which  I  conceive  must  be  very  necessary.  Should  I 
therefore  succeed  in  the  loan,  and  should  there  beany 
surplus,  I  will  vest  it  in  them,  and  ship  them  with  the 
rest. 

I  must  beg  the  favour  of  you  to  express  my  high 
sense  of  the  honour  your  society  has  done  me,  and  of 
assuring  them  that  my  poor  endeavours  shall  not  be 
wanting  to  promote  the  laudable  purpose  of  its  insti 
tution.* 

I  shall  be  extremely  happy  in  receiving  the  extracts 
you  mention,  and  when  you  publish  any  thing,  if  you 
will  be  so  obliging  as  to  send  me  some  copies,  1  will 
present  them  to  the  different  societies  in  Europe, 
which  will  produce  a  reciprocal  communication  of 
discoveries,  and  more  effectually  answer  the  purpose, 
and  extend  the  reputation  of  the  society. 

Since  I  last  wrote  to  you,  I  have  discovered  that  a 
company,  which  has  at  its  head,  and  which  obtained 
some  time  since  from  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  an 
immense  grant  on  the  Ohio,  within  the  dominion  of 
Virginia,  are  intriguing  to  interest  members  of  con 
gress  in  it  so  as  to  get  a  confirmation  of  their  grant 
by  congress,  which  would  be  invading  the  right  of  our 
state.  The  grant  was  called  Vandalia.  Many  Eng 
lishmen  are  members  of  the  company,  and  the  Ame 
ricans  are  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Joseph  Wharton,  in 
London,  and  a  Dr.  Bankcroft.  These  are  the  persons 

*  A  Society  to  Promote  Useful  Knowledge,  of  which  Mr.  Lee  had  been 
elected  a  member. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  131 

by  whose  intrigues  it  is  expected  the  business  may 
be  effected.  You  are  acquainted  with  Mr.  Lewis,  of 
Gloucester.  Be  so  good  as  to  inform  him  that  I  have 
enquired  about  his  brother's  unhappy  fate  at  St. 
Omar.  The  magistrates  assured  me  that  it  was  not 
through  any  apparent  distress  in  his  circumstances, 
and  that  his  remains  were  treated  with  all  possible 
decency.  It  may  be  some  consolation  to  that  most 
respectable  family  to  be  assured  of  this,  as  there  have 
been  reports  to  the  contrary. 

Since  I  began  my  letter  I  have  received  the  en 
closed  answer  to  my  proposition  for  borrowing  money 
of  the  Farmers  General,  for  the  purchase  of  the 
stores,  by  which  you  will  see  the  little  success  of  it. 
I  shall  however  leave  no  endeavours  unexerted  to  ef 
fect  the  sending  of  the  supplies  in  the  speediest  man 
ner,  and  of  the  best  kind. 

It  is  supposed  that  orders  are  sent  to  the  Howes 
to  retire  to  Halifax,  from  whence  they  are  to  infest 
your  coast  and  annoy  your  trade,  so  as  to  compel  you 
to  seek  peace  upon  their  terms.  I  cannot  judge  of 
the  practicability  of  fortifying  Cape  Henry  so  as  to 
prevent  the  entrance  of  large  ships.  But  surely,  if  it 
be  practicable,  no  expense  should  be  spared,  it  would 
so  effectually  protect  our  commerce  and  our  country. 

I  beg  you  will  make  my  respects  to  the  Governor, 
to  Mr.  Nicholas,  Mr.  Jefferson,  Mr.  Wythe,  and  other 
gentlemen  who  may  do  me  the  honour  of  remember 
ing  me. 

With  the  greatest  esteem  I  have  the  honour  to 
be  dear  sir,  your  sincere  friend  and  most  obedient 
servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  Jan.  24th,  1778. 

R.  H.  Lee. 

My  Dear  Brother, — Our  ultimate  object  here  is  in 
great  forwardness,  and  I  hope  we  shall  soon  give  you 


132  LIFE    OF 

an  account  of  its  conclusion.  A  war  seems  every  day 
more  certain,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  this  country 
is  exceedingly  well  prepared  for  it.  The  affair  of 
Bavaria  is  amicably  settled,  so  that  no  disturbance 
will  arise  from  it.  Capt.  Conyngham  in  the  Re 
venge,  who  made  so  much  disturbance  at  Dunkirk,  is 
involving  us  with  the  Spanish  court,  by  having  cap 
tured  a  French  ship  carrying  English  goods  to  Spain. 
That  king,  who  is  subject  to  great  intemperance  of 
passion,  is  enraged  at  such  disrespect  shown  to  the 
commerce  of  his  subjects,  and  whether  he  is  right  in 
his  resentment  or  not,  it  is  likely  to  do  us  very  ma 
terial  injury,  especially  in  the  supplies  he  promised 
us. 

Adieu.     Affectionately, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  Feb.  9th,  1778. 

F.  L.  Lee,  Member  of  Congress. 

Dear  Loudon, — I  congratulate  you  with  all  my 
heart  on  the  treaties,  which  congress  will  receive  by 
the  frigate  that  brings  this.  According  to  the  present 
appearance  of  things,  the  event  which  is  to  bring  the 
second  treaty  into  operation,  will  take  place  before 
this  reaches  you.  By  the  lists  I  have,  the  united 
fleets  of  France  and  Spain  will  amount  in  less  than 
two  months  to  100  sail  of  the  line.  While  the  an 
cient  rivals  of  England  are  thus  strengthening  and 
connecting  themselves,  the  people  who  direct  that 
government  are  devising  ways  and  means  to  deceive 
the  public  and  pick  the  pocket  of  the  subject,  and 
the  opposition  are  agitating  the  very  important  ques 
tion,  whether  you  can  be  prevailed  upon  to  resign 
your  independency  to  any  ministers  but  themselves. 
You  may  guess  which  of  the  two  nations  is  best  con 
ducted  and  most  likely  to  prosper. 

You  will  see  by  the  enclosed  letter  that  the  com 
missioners  did  not  agree  about  the  12th  article  of  the 


ARTHUR   LEE.  133 

commercial  treaty.  Mr.  Girard,  in  a  private  conversa 
tion  with  me  arid  afterwards  in  our  public  conference 
declared  that  the  court  was  by  no  means  desirous  of 
having  the  llth  and  12th  articles  in  the  treaty,  and 
would  upon  representation  from  congress  that  they 
were  not  agreeable,  very  readily  agree  to  make  them 
void.  There  will,  therefore,  be  no  difficulty  in  the 
negotiation  to  render  them  both  of  no  effect,  should 
congress  think  that  the  llth  article  is  purchased 
too  high  by  the  12th.  I  proposed  before  we  as 
sented  to  it  to  consult  the  two  other  commissioners, 
Mr.  Izard  and  our  brother  upon  them  ;  but  my  col 
leagues  would  not  consent. 

Adieu.  ARTHUR  LEE." 


"  Feb.  15th,  1778. 

R.  H.  Lee,  Member  of  Congress. 

Dear  Brother,— The  enclosed  letter  will  show  you 
that  the  commissioners  did  not  agree  about  the  12th 
article.  I  proposed  to  call  in  the  other  commission 
ers  of  congress,  that  their  opinions  might  assist  us. 
But  my  colleagues  would  not  agree  to  it.  Mr.  Girard 
had  informed  rne,  and  repeated  at  our  general  confe 
rence,  that  the  king  had  agreed  to  the  llth  and  12th 
articles  contrary  to  his  principles,  upon  a  supposition 
that  such  was  the  wish  of  congress,  and  that  there 
fore  upon  a  representation  from  congress  he  had  no 
doubt  they  would  be  readily  given  up.  This  how 
ever  will  require  another  treaty  to  cancel  those  arti 
cles,  after  they  are  ratified  in  common  with  the  rest. 
I  send  you  the  copies  of  letters  relative  to  some  de 
spatches  of  mine,  which  Messrs.  Deane  and  Carmi- 
chael  have  detained  from  me  and  from  the  public,  I 
am  satisfied  with  a  bad  view.  You  will  however  see 
by  Mr.  Lloyd's  letter,  that  there  appears  to  be  a  quar 
rel  between  these  two  men,  which  if  not  feigned,  as 
I  am  apt  to  suspect,  may  serve  to  detect  the  mal- 

VOL.  II.  17 


134  LIFE    OF 

practices  of  which  the  first  is  suspected.  My  ab 
sence,  and  the  care  with  which  things  have  been 
concealed  from  me,  have  disqualified  me  to  judge  of 
the  truth  of  the  suspicions,  which  are  general,  of  Mr. 

• having  had  douceurs  from  the  public  contrac- 

ters  and  others,  in  order  to  conciliate  his  patronage ; 
and  that  he  is  in  a  sort  of  partnership  with  Holker, 
Sabatier,  Montheiu  and  others,  in  which  the  public 
money  and  influence  are  made  subservient  to  private 
profit.  I  shall  hope  to  get  at  the  accounts  by  degrees, 
which  will  show  what  foundation  there  is  for  this  sus 
picion.  In  the  mean  time  I  am  told  that  a  Mr.  L' 

of  Charleston,  S.  C.  and  a  Capt.  John  Welch,  who 
sails  from  Cadiz,  in  the  polacre  called  the  Union, 
can  throw  some  light  upon  the  subject.  The  disputes 

Mr.  -      has  industriously  contrived  with  me  will 

render  my  being  his  accuser  apparently  an  act  of  pri 
vate  enmity,  not  of  public  justice.  And  probably  this 
was  his  object  in  quarrelling  with  me,  being  under 
great  apprehensions  from  me,  as  well  from  my  char 
acter  as  from  the  opportunities  my  situation  would 
give  me  of  doing  it  with  effect.  Dr.  F.  has  al 
ways  countenanced  his  proceedings,  I  believe  entire 
ly  from  a  consideration  of  the  business  and  advan 
tages  which  he  artfully  throws  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 

.     In  this  situation  it  is  not  in  my  power  to 

prevent  every  thing  from  being  conducted  according 
to  the  views  and  pleasure  of  Mr.  .  When 
ever  he  is  removed  from  the  command  of  money  the 
truth  will  come  out  fast  enough,  and  the  persons  who, 
under  his  auspices,  have  been  defrauding  the  public 
may  be  brought  to  account.  Upon  the  whole  these 
are  dangerous  men,  and  capable  of  any  wickedness 
to  avenge  themselves  on  those  who  are  suspected  of 
counteracting  their  purposes.  They  are  therefore  to 
be  acted  against  with  great  circumspection,  and  the 
proof  for  their  detection  and  punishment  secured  be 
fore  any  open  attempt  is  made.  The  calling  for  an 


ARTHUR    LEE.  135 

account  of  the  money  we  have  expended,  the  taking 
of  the  expenditure  out  of  our  hands  for  the  future,  or 
the  removal  of  him  who  has  misapplied  it,  would  lead 
to  discoveries  and  proofs  before  time  has  enabled  him 
to  prevent  them.  I  cannot  help  thinking  there  is 

some  league  between and  Beaumarchais  in 

his  demand  on  congress.     War  seems  every  day  more 
inevitable.     France  and  Spain  are  well  prepared  for 
it.     But  the  latter  is  compelled  to  temporize  till  their 
millions  now  on  the  way  from  South  America,  are     ) 
arrived. 

Tom  is  still  with  Mr.  Schweighauser,  and  appears 
to  be  improving.  Ludwell  has  left  his  school,  lives 
with  me,  and  I  shall  soon  make  him  begin  reading  the 
law.  I  wish  you  could  send  us  the  laws  of  Virginia, 
as  those  should  be  the  object  of  his  particular  studies 
after  he  has  got  the  general  principles  of  jurispru 
dence. 

Yours  affectionately, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"Feb.  17th,  1778. 
S.  Adams,  Esq.,  Member  of  Congress. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Let  me  embrace  you  my  dear  friend, 
on  the  accomplishment  of  the  end  of  all  our  labours,  by 
the  treaties  which  will  accompany  this,  in  which  the  lib 
erty,  sovereignty,  and  independence  of  the  United  States 
are  secured.  I  thought  it  absolutely  necessary  that  we 
should  urge  the  insertion  of  sovereignty,  that  there 
might  not  hereafter  be  any  question  on  that  head,  as 
there  long  was  in  the  case  of  the  United  Provinces 
and  the  Swiss  Cantons.  You  may  be  assured,  that 
war  is  resolved  on  here;  and  from  the  situation  of 
things,  it  cannot  be  long  avoided. 

In  England  the  opposition  against  the  American 
war  grows  stronger  every  day.  The  minority  for  re 
calling  the  troops  the  other  day  was  166.  But  the 
best  of  kings  and  the  wisest  ministers  are  determined 


136  LIFE    OF 

to  push  things  to  every  extremity  rather  than  recede. 
By  most  certain  accounts  I  know  that  their  prepara 
tions  have  more  of  ostentation  than  reality  in  them, 
and  that  they  cannot  possibly  muster  such  a  force  for 
the  ensuing  campaign,  as  they  had  for  the  last.  It  is 
most  certain,  that  the  power  of  Great  Britain  is  pass 
ed  away,  and  that  she  has  lost  her  pre-eminence  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  The  ministry  and  the  op 
position  are  however  agitating  a  very  important  ques 
tion,  which  is,  into  which  of  their  hands  you  would 
resign  your  independency?  The  minority  contend 
you  will  never  do  it,  until  they  are  brought  into 
place;  and  the  ministry  are  of  opinion  that  you  will 
do  it  as  readily  to  them  as  to  their  opponents ;  in 
which  I  conceive  they  are  not  very  far  from  the 
truth. 

You  will  see  by  the  enclosed  that  there  was  much 
difference  of  opinion  between  my  colleagues  and  me, 
upon  the  12th  article  of  the  commercial  treaty.     This 
court  proposed  that  no  duty  should  be  laid  on  tobacco 
exported  to  the  dominions  of  his  most  Christian  ma 
jesty;  which  Dr.  F.  changed  to  all   the  produce   of 
America  exported  to  the  islands  furnishing  molasses. 
As  they  were  strong  in  favour  of  this  article,  I  yield 
ed  up  my  opinion  to  theirs,  at  the  conference  in  which 
they  refused  to  take  the  opinions  of  the  other  com 
missioners  of  congress,  Messrs.  Izard  and  Lee,  as  I 
proposed.     Upon  stating  the  12th  article  to  them  af 
terwards,  I  found  their  opinions  as  strong  against  it, 
which  made  me  apprehensive  it  would  produce  some 
difference  of  opinion  in  congress.     This,  joined  with 
the  other  reasons  I   have  stated,  determined  me  to 
propose  the  saving  clause;  instead  of  which  my  col 
leagues  preferred  the  total  rejection  of  the  two  arti 
cles;  to  which  the  French  ministry  would  not  con 
sent,  as  the  treaty  they  alleged  having  already  receiv- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  137 

ed  the  king's  approbation,  they  could  not  propose  to 
him  the  alteration. 
Yours,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

«  PARIS,  Feb.  28th,  1778. 
To  Samuel  Adams,  Esq. 

Dear  Friend, — I  enclose  you  Dr.  Price's  essays, 
which  he  wishes  to  have  reprinted  in  America. 

Lord  North's  speech  will  show  you  how  much  they 
are  reduced,  and  the  bills  brought  in,  his  insolence, 
folly,  and  infatuation.  That  of  the  public,  is  not 
less;  for  they  really  regard  this  compound  of  impu 
dence  and  absurdity,  as  something  calculated  to  re 
lieve  their  distresses,  and  prevent  the  evils  they  appre 
hend. 

The  king  of  Prussia  threatens  to  excite  a  war  in 
Germany;  which,  if  he  does,  will  not  I  think  make 
any  material  diversion  in  favour  of  our  enemies.  I 
believe  the  principal  object  of  his  court  at  present  is 
to  secure  Holland,  which  it  seems  probable  he  will 
effect.  When  that  is  done,  a  single  year  in  conjunc 
tion  with  the  house  of  Bourbon,  must  enable  us  to 
drive  the  enemy  entirely  out  of  America.  Looking 
forward  to  the  future  peace  of  America,  it  appears  to 
me  a  necessary  piece  of  policy  to  confederate  Cana 
da,  that  it  may  be  a  check  upon  New-England,  which 
may  otherwise  combine  in  time  to  subjugate  the  rest 
of  America.  There  is  some  such  language  held  al 
ready  by  some  of  that  country.  It  was  with  this 
view  that  I  substituted  in  the  5th  article  of  the  defen 
sive  treaty,  confederated  with,  instead  of  subject  to, 
and  the  reduction  of  the  English  poivcr,  for  the  conquest, 
fcc.  Because  if  Canada  be  annexed  as  a  conquest,  it 
will  add  strength  to  New-England ;  if  as  a  confede 
rated  state,  it  will  always  be  a  check. 

If  Mr.  Lloyd  is  appointed  agent.  Dr.  F.  sent  to 


138  LIFE   OF 

Vienna,  Mr.  D.  to  Holland,  and  I  am  left  here,  we 
shall  act  in  concert ;  and  not  only  have  a  full  enquiry 
made  into  the  expenditure  of  the  public  money,  but 
establish  that  order,  decency,  and  regularity,  which 
are  lately  banished  from  the  public  business  at  pre 
sent,  so  as  to  involve  us  in  continual  confusion  and 
expense. 

If  congress  condescends  to  treat  with  the  English 
commissioners  without  a  full  acknowledgment  of  the 
sovereignty  and  independence  of  the  United  States, 
I  shall  be  infinitely  disappointed. 

Yours,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  March  1st,  1778. 
To  Samuel  Adams,  Esq. 

Dear  Friend, — I  was  in  hopes  to-day's  post  would 
have  brought  us  news  from  England,  and  the  acts  for 
negotiating  with  you.  If  we  may  judge  of  them  from 
the  bills,  they  will  be  an  everlasting  proof  of  the  fee 
bleness  and  folly  of  our  enemies.  I  trust  their  com 
missioners  will  return  as  they  came,  unless  they  have 
the  power,  and  do  acknowledge  clearly  and  fully  the 
sovereignty  and  independence  of  America  as  an  indis 
pensable  preliminary. 

You  will  see  by  the  enclosed  that  I  wished  to  take 
the  advantage  of  the  first  impression  made  by  the 
miscarriage  of  our  despatches,  to  press  for  our  being 
openly  acknowledged  here.  I  thought  we  should  suc 
ceed,  because  in  conversation  a  few  days  before  with 
Mr.  Girard,  I  found  this  court  was  under  strong  im 
pressions  that  you  would  decide  in  favour  of  England ; 
and  they  know  that  in  a  war  between  the  two  na 
tions,  America  must  decide  the  victory.  I  do  believe 
therefore,  that  if  we  had  pressed  it  as  of  weight  in 
this  decision,  we  should  have  obtained  it.  I  wish  it 
were  done,  because  1  am  sure  the  other  powers  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  139 

Europe  wait  only  for  the  example  of  France  to  admit 
us  to  those  commercial  rights  which  an  acknowledg 
ment  would  secure. 

Mr.  Girard  assured  me,  the  English  gave  out  that 
they  had  sent  half  a  million  of  guineas  to  soften  ob 
durate  hearts  in  America.  This  too  gave  them  some 
apprehension,  for  they  know  the  force  of  guineas  in 
Europe. 

Be  so  good  as  to  remember  me  to  Mr.  Mar- 
chant. 

Yours,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"PARIS,  March  19th,  1778. 

The  Hon'ble  Henry  Laurens,  President  of  Congress, 
at  Congress. 

Dear  Sir, — I  congratulate  our  country  on  your  fill 
ing  so  distinguished  and  important  an  office  in  her  ser 
vice.  Her  prosperity  will  always  depend  upon  the 
wisdom  of  her  choice. 

Before  this'  can  reach  you,  the  treaties  concluded 
here  must  have  arrived.  I  am  sensible  they  would 
admit  of  very  useful  additions.  But  we  were  bound 
by  the  plan  given  us  for  the  one,  and  by  the  critical 
situation  of  affairs  admitting  of  no  delay,  in  the  oth 
er.  These  things  beiner  considered,  I  hope  what  de 
fects  are  found  will  bu  excused. 

It  is  altogether  uncertain  when  it  will  be  conveni 
ent  for  Spain  to  accede  to  the  alliance;  and  I  am  ap 
prehensive  that  the  war  which  is  likely  to  break  out 
in  Germany  will  prevent  the  king  of  Prussia  from  de 
claring  so  soon  and  so  decidedly  as  he  promised.  The 
court  of  Spain  will  I  apprehend,  make  some  difficul 
ties  about  settling  the  dividing  line  between  their  pos 
sessions  and  those  of  the  United  States.  They  wish 
to  have  the  cession  of  Pensacola.  I  have  written  for 
and  hope  to  have  the  instructions  of  congress  on  this 


140  LIFE    OF 

head.  If  any  thing  should  strike  you  on  this  sub 
ject,  the  communication  of  it  will  infinitely  oblige  me. 
The  high  opinion  I  have  of  your  abilities  and  zeal  for 
the  public  good,  will  always  render  your  advice  a  fa 
vour  to  me;  and  the  acquaintance  I  have  had  the  ho 
nour  of  having  with  you,  makes  me  hope  I  may  ask 
it  without  offence.  I  beg  to  be  remembered  to  your 
son;  and  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest 
esteem  and  respect,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  ser 
vant, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S.  To-morrow  we  are  to  be  presented  to  the 
king  of  France,  and  the  English  ambassador  quits  this 
court  without  taking  leave.  War  must  immediately 
be  the  consequence ;  as  these  movements  have  been 
determined  on,  from  the  treaty  of  amity  and  com 
merce  which  we  have  concluded  with  this  court  hav 
ing  been  announced  in  form  to  that  of  London.  The 
consequence  of  this,  in  relieving  our  country  from  the 
chief  weight  of  the  war,  cannot  but  follow;  and  there 
fore  I  congratulate  you  upon  it  most  sincerely.  In 
my  judgment,  a  year  or  two  must  reduce  Great  Bri 
tain  to  any  terms  the  allies  may  think  proper  to  de 
mand. 

A.  L." 

''•PARIS,  April  4th,  1778. 

Hon'ble  Henry  Laurens,  President  of  Congress. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  the  honour  of  enclosing  you  an 
accurate  list  of  vhe  present  and  possible  force  of  our 
enemies,  with  the  manner  in  which  it  is  disposed  of. 
You  will  probably  see  the  commencement  of  the  plan 
arranged  here  for  carrying  on  the  war  in  your  quarter, 
which  I  may  not  hazard  committing  to  this  letter,  as 
it  goes  by  a  private  vessel.  A  Mons.  Francois,  a  very 
able  man,  sometime  since  minister  to  England,  was 


ARTHUR    LEE.  141 

intended  to  be  sent  to  you ;  but  being  taken  ill,  the 
present  person  was  put  in  his  place.  I  trust  he  will 
conduct  his  negotiation  agreeably  to  what  appears 
to  me  to  be  the  disposition  of  the  court  and  ministers 
here,  fairness  and  generosity. 

I  have  settled  the  means  of  receiving  from  time  to 
time  Mrs.  Laurens's  letters  for  your  son;  and  intelli 
gence  from  different  persons,  that  may  be  useful  to  the 
public. 

In  great  haste,  and  with  the  greatest  respect,  I 
have  the  honour  to  be  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient 


servant, 


ARTHUR  LEE." 
"June  3d,  1778. 


To  the  Hon'ble  James  Lovell. 


Dear  Sir, — I  send  you  the  enclosed  as  a  curiosity, 
which  will  furnish  you  matter  of  reflection.  The 
original  was  intercepted  by  our  enemies,  and  the  per 
son  who  furnishes  me  with  intelligence  procured  the 
copy  from  whence  this  was  taken. 

You  could  not  have  sent  a  colleague  more  agreea 
ble  to  me  than  the  present.  With  much  good  sense 
and  good  nature,  a  disposition  to  do  business,  and  pur 
sue  the  public  good  alone,  he  is  so  direct  a  contrast  to 
the  other,  that  nothing  can  be  more  pleasing  to  me 
than  the  change. 

The  continuation  of  war  is  augmenting  our  cares 
and  apprehensions  for  the  public.  The  treaty  we 
have  concluded  seems  to  have  operated  more  upon 
our  enemies  than  on  our  friends.  In  consequence  of 
this,  their  force  at  sea  upon  our  coasts  will  be  much 
greater  than  that  of  the  French,  notwithstanding  the 
previous  time  they  have  had  for  preparation.  The 
timid,  tardy  politics  of  these  countries,  especially  in 

VOL.    II.  18 


142  LIFE    OF 

execution,  are  as  little  calculated  for  the  exigency  of 
the  moment,  as  for  the  enterprise  of  their  allies.  But 
with  a  moral  certainty  of  a  happy  issue  out  of  this 
business,  we  must  not  repine  at  its  being  protracted, 
or  attended  with  much  more  expense  of  blood,  trea 
sure,  and  suffering,  than  is  necessary. 

You  see  the  facts  attending  my  enquiry  into  the 
robbery  of  the  despatches,  which  should  have  been 
carried  by  Folger.  Comparing  and  connecting  all 
things  together,  it  is  my  private  judgment  that  this 
Mr.  Chaumont  was  employed  by  the  243  a  xvii.  to 
take  the  public  despatches;  and  that  he  availed  him 
self  of  the  opportunity  to  take  my  letters  for  Mr. 
Deane  and  Dr.  Bankcroft,  with  whom  he  was  in 
close  connexion.  These  were,  1  think,  the  first  de 
spatches  written  by  us  after  the  violent  affair  of  Dun 
kirk,  which  may  well  account  for  the  desire  of  the 
to  possess  them;  and  the  gentlemen  mention 
ed  had  just  before  discovered  that  I  had  been  appris 
ed  of  their  abuse  of,  and  combination  against  me,  dur 
ing  my  absence  in  Germany  ;  which  was  a  sufficient 
motive  with  them  to  fear  the  contents  of  my  letters, 
and  wish  to  stop  them.  Knowing  the  impossibility 
in  this  country  of  pursuing  the  enquiry  to  effect  with 
out  the  assistance  of  government,  I  was  obliged  to 
apply  for  it,  whatever  doubt  I  might  have  of  their  en 
tering  heartily  into  the  business. 

June  9th.   You  will  see  by  my  letter  to  the  com 
mittee  the  present  state  of  things  in   Europe,  and  I 
enclose  you  a  foreign  gazette,  containing  what  we 
have  of  the  treaty  with  Portugal. 
With  great  esteem,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S. — The  former  part  of  this  letter  was  written 
on  a  supposition  that  Admiral  Byron's  fleet  was  on 


ARTHUR    LEE.  143 

its   voyage   to   America,  instead  of  being  counter 
manded." 


"  July  28th,  1778. 
James  Lovell,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir, — I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your 
favour  dated  in  May  by  Capt.  Nyles.  You  must  have 
more  of  the  milk  of  human  nature  than  ever  yet  fell 
to  the  portion  of  ir.an  to  have  lost  all  resentment  of 
the  personal  injuries  you  have  received  from  our  inso 
lent  and  inhuman  foe.  But  the  debt  of  retribution  is 
pressing  hard  upon  them,  and  I  am  mistaken  if  it  do 
not  weigh  them  down  to  ruin  and  humiliation. 

Our  letter  to  the  committee,  will  inform  you  of 
public  affairs,  and  those  to  Mr.  Adams,  of  whatever 
is  worth  your  attention  in  private.  I  am  afraid  the 
ribband  and  the  little  seekers  of  such  a  distinction, 
will  give  some  trouble  ;  and  a  gold  snuff-box,  with  a 
grand  monarch's  picture  set  with  diamonds,  may 
probably  excite  some  murmurs  against  the  prohibi 
tion  of  such  flattering  testimonies  of  merit  in  the  ar 
ticles  of  confederation. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  have  a  letter  of  credence 
from  congress  to  the  court,  to  which  they  shall  des 
tine  me. 

I  enclose  you  some  foreign  gazettes,  and  have  the 
honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


«  August  22d,  1778. 

R.  H.  Lee,  Esq. 

Dear  Brother, — This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by 
Mr.  J.  Lloyd,  the  gentleman  whom  I  have  so  strong- 


144  LIFE  OF 

ly  recommended  to  you  for  commercial  agent ;  from 
whose  abilities  and  integrity  we  might  expect  that 
the  system  which  has  hitherto  prevailed  so  much  at 
the  expense  and  disgrace  of  the  public,  would  be  cor 
rected  ;  and  the  credit  of  her  commerce  restored. 
My  brother  and  myself  have  conceived  that  as  the 
public  allowance  to  the  commercial  agent  is  very  lib 
eral,  and  the  situation  necessarily  must  recommend 
considerable  business,  the  person  appointed  might 
with  the  most  fair  and  conscientious  discharge  of  his 
duty  to  the  public,  make  his  own  fortune.  It  was  from 
a  persuasion  that  Mr.  Lloyd  was  of  the  same  senti 
ments  and  would  act  accordingly,  that  we  joined  in 
recommending  him  to  that  office. 

But  I  now  repeat  the  opinion  I  took  the  liberty  of 
giving  then,  that  to  enable  him  to  act  with  effect  for 
the  public  service,  his  office  should  be  entirely  inde 
pendent  of  us  the  commissioners,  and  all  commercial 
business  whatsoever  of  congress  be  directed  by  him. 
When  he  is  in  want  of  our  political  assistance,  in  ap 
plying  to  the  ministers  &:c.,  upon  his  request  we 
should  be  bound  to  give  it,  or  congress  would  remind 
us  of  our  duty.  It  is  by  keeping  the  two  departments 
commercial  and  political,  distinct  and  independent,  as 
far  as  from  the  nature  of  things  the  former  can  be  of 
the  latter,  that  we  can  alone  expect  to  see  men  of 
character  undertake  and  conduct  the  public  business 
as  we  would  wish ;  that  is,  for  the  public  good.  Hi 
therto  the  interposition  of  the  commissioners,  under 
the  pretext  of  these  mixed  powers,  has  been  only  to 
serve  private  ends  ;  in  which  the  credit  and  the  in 
terest  of  the  public,  as  well  as  the  time  and  character 
of  individuals,  have  been  sacrificed  without  measure 
and  without  mercy.  It  will  require  that  temper,  abil 
ity,  and  integrity,  which  I  am  assured  and  believe 
Mr.  Lloyd  possesses,  to  restore  the  public  credit,  and 
settle  the  accounts,  which  I  plainly  perceive  have 


ARTHUR    LEE.  145 

been  purposely  confused.  I  therefore  recommend 
him  to  your  patronage,  by  what  I  know  to  be  the 
strongest  of  all  motives  with  you,  your  regard  for  the 
public  good. 

Mr.  Lloyd  has  resided  some  time  at  Nantes.  He 
has  been  an  observer  of  many  proceedings,  which  it 
may  import  the  public  much  for  you  to  know,  and 
which  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  communicate.  1  have 
known  his  zeal  for  and  attachment  to  the  public  cause 
for  many  years  ;  and  therefore  introduce  him  to  your 
acquaintance  as  one  in  whom  you  may  have  entire 
confidence. 

I  am  affectionately  yours,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


"  The  Hon.  James  Lovell. 

Dear  Sir, — The  impudent  attempt  of will 

show  you  what  sort  of  a  man  he  is.  I  am  satisfied 
his  friend  Chaumont  is  of  the  same  stamp.  That  he 
has  kept  my  colleagues  in  custody,  and  has  been  a 
spy  upon  us  is  too  probable.  I  enclose  you  an  at 
tempt  of  his  against  Mr.  Schweighauser,  which  by 
his  evasions,  and  the  utter  falsehood  of  it,  seems  to 
be  a  most  malicious  forgery.  He  and  Dr.  Bankcroft 
are  exceedingly  intimate,  and  seem  to  harmonize  in 
this  laudable  mode  of  employing  themselves.  I  owe 
the  knowledge  of  these  things  entirely  to  Mr.  Adams, 
for  they  were  meant  to  operate  as  a  multitude  of  their 
similar  contrivances  have  done,  unknown  to  me. 
They  are  practising  upon  him,  and  communicate  their 
calumnies  to  him,  in  hopes  they  will  have  their  effect. 
This  system  has  been  pursued  ever  since  we  have 
been  here,  and  to  the  disgrace  of  all  and  the  disquiet 
of  every  man  whose  situation  they  envy  or  whose  op 
position  they  fear.  It  is  no  very  pleasant  situation  to 


146  LIFE    OF 

have  a  number  of  these  people  perpetually  endeav 
ouring  to  create  disturbances  and  difficulties,  and  ca 
lumniating  me  in  secret.  This  was  Mr. 's  plan, 

and  he  has  left  Dr.  Bankcroft  as  his  deputy.  But  I 
am  misinformed  if  you  do  not  know  both  their  charac 
ters  sufficiently  not  to  be  surprised  at  it. 

I  do  assure  you  the  arrangement  of  your  money 
affairs  requires  every  attention  you  can  bestow  upon 
it ;  and  you  must  not  trust  too  much  to  assistance 
from  European  loans.  Unless  your  agents  are  com 
pelled  to  do  their  duty  and  transmit  produce  to  Eu 
rope,  I  see  no  probability  of  establishing  a  fund  here 
sufficient  to  sink  any  considerable  part  of  the  paper 
emitted.  Therefore  I  think  this  is  an  object  highly 
worthy  of  your  attention.  The  mention  of  accom 
modation  in  I  he  letter  from  Spain,  deserves  also  your 
consideration.  I  shall  endeavour  to  sound  their 
meaning  farther. 

With  great  esteem  I  have  the  honour  to  be  dear 
sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


"  PARIS,  September  12th,  1778. 

Samuel  Adams,  Esq.,  Member  of  Congress. 

Dear  Friend, — I  enclose  you  an  extract  from  a 
memoire  presented  to  us  by  the  French  officer  who 
was  taken  with  Gen.  Lee,  from  which  it  appears  that 

Mr.  was  early  acquainted  with  the  dishonest 

character  of  Mr.  Montheiu,  with  whom  he  afterwards 
chose  to  make  contracts  at  a  very  extravagant  rate, 
and  which,  as  to  the  soldier's  uniforms,  he  appears  by 
Mr.  Williams's  report,  to  have  fulfilled  with  the  same 
good  faith,  which  he  intended  to  have  used  in  the 
fusils.  These  facts  may  justly  lead  to  a  supposition 
of  an  undue  motive,  in  trusting  the  public  again  with 


ARTHUR    LEE.  147 

a  man  who  had  before  endeavoured  to  impose  upon 
us  in  so  momentous  a  matter  as  arms.  Discoveries 
of  this  sort  are  making  every  day.  The  Union,  from 

,  and  the  Two  Friends  from  Nantes,  in  which 

he  and  Mr.  Williams  were  partners,  were  I  am  satis 
fied  fitted  out  with  the  public  money,  and  had  they 
not  been  captured,  an  examination  of  the  captains 
would  probably  have  given  farther  light  upon  the  sub 
ject.  Repeated  attempts  have  been  made  by  the  old 
gentleman  to  apply  the  money  we  are  borrowing  to 
the  shipping  of  goods,  through  Sir  G.  Grand's  house 
in  Amsterdam.  If  once  a  cover  can  be  established 
much  may  be  done  in  it.  But  most  fortunately  I 
have  the  positive  resolve  of  congress  to  plead  against 
it,  and  your  namesake  joining  me,  the  scheme  will 
be  disappointed.  The  taste  of  public  plunder,  seems 
only  to  have  quickened  their  appetites  and  extended 
their  views. 

Nothing  of  any  decision  has  yet  happened  either 
between  the  combatants  in  Germany  or  upon  the 
ocean.  The  ensuing  winter  will  exert  every  faculty 
of  negotiation  to  strengthen  and  arm  for  the  next 
campaign,  and  I  am  much  mistaken  if  England  do 
not  find  herself  so  overmatched  as  to  relinquish  the 
contest. 

I  formerly  desired  you  to  support  my  destination 
to  this  department ;  but  as  I  believe  it  is  an  object  of 
desire  to  others,  I  do  not  wish  to  be  a  competitor  with 
any  one,  and  shall  be  content  \vherever  I  can  best 
serve  the  great  cause,  in  peace  with  all  men. 
Adieu.  Your  friend, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


148  LIFE    OF 

"  PARIS,  Sept.  12th,  1778. 

R.  H.  Lee. 

Dear  Brother, — I  wrote  you  by  several  opportuni 
ties.  No  public  political  event  has  happened  since. 
Prince  Henry  by  almost  an  incredible  march  deceived 
Gen.  Laudon,  entered  Bohemia  without  opposition, 
and  forced  some  Austrian  posts,  taking  some  maga 
zines  and  a  number  of  prisoners.  The  king  of  P. 
finding  the  emperor  impregnable,  has  decamped,  and 
we  wait  the  event  of  his  movements. 

The  two  fleets  have  been  some  time  in  sight,  of 
pretty  equal  force,  but  no  action  that  we  can  learn. 
This  winter  will  give  a  form  and  complexion  to  the 
new  system  of  Europe,  since  the  United  States  have 
entered  the  list.  Most  assuredly  they  must  soon  hold 
the  57  a,  xix.,  if  honest  men  will  unite  to  control  and 
punish  the  practice  of  283,  a,  iii.,  g  the  297,  a,  xxxv., 
before  it  grows  inveterate,  and  the  profits  of  it  and 
the  member  of  the  283,  a,  v — s  enables  them  to  set 
all  enquiry  at  defiance  and  bring  our  107,  6,  xxx.,  to 
imbecility  and  contempt. 

What  I  have  425,  6,  xxxiii.  about  265,  a  xxx.,  254, 
a,  v.  92,  a  iii.,  I  know  will  give  you  pain,  but  it  is 
necessary  to  know  240,  a,  xii.,  and  nothing  proves 
them  like  power.  I  am  more  and  more  satisfied  that 
the  260,  6,  1,  134,  a  vi.  is  concerned  in  the  283,  a 
iv.,  and  that  in  time  we  shall  collect  the  proofs. 

My  love  to  London  and  the  shippers.  The  boys 
are  very  well.  The  alderman  will  write  you.  Re 
member  me  to  the  president,  Mr.  Plater,  Mr.  Carrol, 
Mr.  Marchant,  Mr.  Lewis,  and  Mr.  Duar.  I  wrote 
to  the  president,  and  he  has  not  answered  me. 

Adieu. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


ARTHUR    LfcE.  149 


«  Sept.  20th,  1778. 

His  Excellency  Henry  Laurens,  Esq.,  President  of 
Congress. 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  yours  of  the  30th  ult.  but 
not  those  to  which  it  refers.  I  am  very  much  oblig 
ed  to  you  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken.  The  in 
dustry  of  those  persons  seems  equal  to  their  malice 
and  wickedness.  Whatever  facts  you  can  get  rela 
tive  to  their  proceedings  I  beg  you  will  note.  W — n 
has  exculpated  himself,  but  what  does  W —  say  of 
it.  I  imagine  he  will  be  able  to  furnish  some  facts 
relative  to  manoeuvres.  His  nephew  Jonathan  was 
in  a  sugar-baking  house  in  London.  I  wish  when 
you  have  opportunity  you  would  inform  yourself  in 
what  capacity  he  was,  and  what  the  proprietors  think 
of  his  quitting  them,  and  this  if  possible  from  them 
selves,  as  he  has  put  about  that  they  wanted  him  to 
be  a  partner,  and  claims  much  merit  with  the  public 
on  that  account.  He  is  one  of  the  D — e  Junto,  who 
are  fertile  in  their  own  praises  to  authorize  their 
plundering  the  public. 

As  to  the  plan  you  propose  for  yourself,  your  friends 
here  think  it  impracticable,  for  reasons  they  cannot 
commit  to  paper.  They  think  too  that  your  staying 
away  makes  you  lose  opportunities  of  serving  your 
self  and  the  public  ;  and  therefore  wish  that  you 
would  not  continue  it  any  longer  than  is  indispensably 
necessary. 

I  think  the  following  inscription  on  the  shield  will 
not  be  amiss. 

The  ships'  colours  should  be  white,  blue,  and  red 
stripes  alternately,  to  thirteen,  and  in  the  upper  angle 
next  the  staff,  a  blue  field  with  thirteen  white  stars. 
I  shall  try  to  augment  the  subscriptions.  What  you 
desire  about  the  books  is  done. 

VOL.    II.  19 


160  LIFE    OF 

I  can  only  add,  that  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  you 
whenever  your  affairs  permit  you  to  come ;  and  will 
with  pleasure  do  any  thing  in  my  power  to  serve 
you. 

I  am  yours,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S.  I  wish  I  could  have  the  report  about  the  self 
ishness  of  my  brother,  and  what  happened  from  it 
where  you  mention ;  which  is  not  only  an  untruth, 
but  directly  the  reverse  of  truth.  Direction.  Out 
side,  A  Mons.  Craig,  at  the  Carolina  Coffee  House, 
Birchen  Lane,  London.  Inside,  to  James  Craig,  Esq., 
Bath." 


«  PARIS,  Nov.  llth,  1778. 
To  Samuel  Adams,  Esq. 

Dear  Friend, — I  believe  you  must  prepare  for  an 
other  campaign.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  the 
negotiations  of  this  winter  will  embattle  all  the  pow 
ers  of  Europe. 

It  is  impossible  to  say,  to  what  extent  this  may 
strengthen  the  hands  of  our  enemies  for  the  ensuing 
campaign.  But  as  far  as  any  thing  appears  at  pre 
sent,  they  must  every  day  grow  weaker  and  weaker. 

We  must  not  judge  that  because  they  persevere 
they  have  the  means  of  supporting  their  plan.  Folly 
and  malignity  have  certainly  more  influence  in  their 
counsels  than  fortitude  and  wisdom.  It  seems  proba 
ble  that  Russia  and  Prussia,  perhaps  Denmark  and 
Sweden,  will  be  leagued  in  the  general  war.  Wheth 
er  Holland  will  be  roused  from  her  neutrality  is  uncer 
tain.  But  either  this  will  happen,  or  she  will  pre- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  151 

serve  a  neutrality,  which  will  serve  us  as  effectually 
as  her  alliance. 

You  will  see  by  the  enclosed  that  her  spirit  runs 
high,  and  in  a  right  direction. 

I  observe  it  is  asserted  in  a  piece  signed  W.  H. 
Drayton,  upon  the  information  of  Mr.  Deane,  that 
Mr.  Simeon  Deane  was  charged  on  his  first  voyage 
with  a  declaration  of  the  court  of  France,  which  Mr. 
Girard  had  sent  the  16th  Dec.  to  the  commissioners 
here  ;  which  declaration  pledged  this  court  for  the 
completion  of  the  treaties,  agreeably  to  our  letter  by 
the  same  person.  .  There  is  something  very  mysteri 
ous  to  me  in  that  business.  It  is  the  first  time  I  ev 
er  heard  of  such  a  declaration.  If  it  was  ever  com 
mitted  to  the  commissioners,  congress  have  surely  a 
right  to  know  what  became  of  it.  I  am  grieved  to 
think  that  the  intrigues  which  I  now  find  were  nour 
ished  here  by  an  old  man,  whose  life  has  been  a  series 
of  them,  are  likely  to  engage  so  much  of  your  time 
and  attention,  which  should  be  employed  upon  sub 
jects  of  the  last  importance.  I  was  unhappily  the  ob 
ject  of  those  intrigues,  and  therefore  compelled  to  en 
gage  in  a  contest  which  I  shall  regret  as  long  as  I  ex 
ist;  a  contest  in  which  I  foresaw  sure  and  permanent 
mischiefs,  without  any  possible  good  to  those  who  did 
not  look  for  advantage  to  themselves  in  confusion  and 
dissensions.  Congress  would  in  my  judgment  act  wise 
ly  in  letting  it  be  early  seen,  that  those  who  are  pur 
suing  places  or  advancement  by  such  means,  are  sure 
of  failing.  Whether  the  example  will  be  followed 
depends  upon  the  visible  success  of  such  arts  in  the 
beginning.  A  little  success  in  the  first  adventurers 
will  encourage  a  multitude  of  others. 

We  have  two  great  objects  to  effect  here  this  win 
ter,  the  procuring  you  funds,  and  a  superiority  of  na 
val  force.  My  utmost  endeavours  to  effect  them  shall 
not  be  wanting,  whatever  is  my  destination.  Adieu, 


152  LIFE    OF 

That  this  contest  must  end  in  the  establishment  of 
our  liberties  is  sure ;  we  have  only  to  wish  that  it  may 
be  soon. 

I  am,  with  the  truest  esteem,  your  sincere  friend 
and  very  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


"  PARIS,  Dec.  4th,  1778. 

The  Hon'ble  James  Lovell,  Member  of  Congress. 

Dear  Sir, — Whitlocke,  in  the  journal  of  his  embas 
sy,  says  : — 'By  this  constant  and  perfect  intelligence 
from  Thurloe,  Whitlocke  had  great  advantage  in  his 
negotiation,  being  thereby  enabled  to  give  a  perfect 
account  of  affairs,  not  only  of  his  own  country,  but 
of  most  other  places,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the 
queen  and  her  court,  and  grandees,  with  whom  Whit 
locke  had  frequent  converse,  and  from  his  private  and 
public  letters,  was  able  to  satisfy  their  curious  enqui 
ries  after  news;  so  that  it  became  to  pass  that  no 
news  (especially  from  England)  was  authentic,  until 
it  was  ratified  by  the  English  ambassador;  which 
raised  the  credit  both  of  him  and  his  intelligence.' 

I  am  sorry  to  assure  you  that  our  situation  is  ex 
actly  the  reverse.  We  never  go  to  court  but  the  first 
question  is,  Messieurs,  (in  French,  have  you  any  Ame 
rican  news? — Editor.) 

In  all  companies  it  is  the  same ;  and  trifling  as  it 
may  appear,  yet  it  is  a  fact,  that  as  the  reverse  raised 
Whitlocke's  credit,  so  this  sinks  ours.  Vessels  are 
continually  arriving  from  all  parts  of  the  United  States ; 
they  bring  constant  intelligence  from  Mr.  Morris,  Mr. 
Deane,  and  Mr.  Holker,  to  Mr.  Ross,  M.  De  Chau- 
mont,  and  Dr.  Bankcroft,  but  for  the  commissioners 
seldom  a  line ;  and  what  comes  is  invariably  of  such 


ARTHUR    LEE.  153 

old  dates,  as  to  be  useless.  I  should  conceive  that 
if  the  commercial  agent  at  each  port  were  instructed 
to  send  us  the  latest  papers  and  news  by  every  op 
portunity,  that  it  would  answer  our  purpose,  without 
giving  our  friends  in  congress  the  trouble  of  writing, 
but  upon  the  most  important  matters.  As  the  enemy 
have  promised  much  from  their  new  mode  as  they 
term  it  of  carrying  on  the  war,  by  burning  and  deso 
lating,  they  will  misrepresent  most  egregiously  every 
transaction.  It  will  be  therefore  very  material  for  us 
to  have  the  most  early  and  authentic  accounts  of  their 
savage  manoeuvres  that  can  be  sent.  For  such  is  and 
ever  will  be  the  folly  and  credulity  of  the  public,  that 
they  will  believe  any  absurd  story  imaginable,  unless 
it  be  contradicted. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

P.  S.  Dec.  7th. — -I  have  added  a  letter  of  most 
earnest  entreaty  to  congress,  relative  to  obtaining  a 
certain  person's  assistance  in  regulating  their  finances. 
He  will  be  a  most  valuable  acquisition." 


"  PARIS,  January  9th,  1779. 

The  Hon.  John  Page,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir, — Every  thing  in  Europe  looks  so  favour 
able  for  our  cause,  that  I  cannot  but  hope  the  next 
campaign,  if  conducted  with  vigour,  will  drive  the 
enemy  entirely  from  the  continent  of  America,  and 
establish  the  United  States  in  sovereignty  and  safety. 
They  cannot  augment  nor  I  believe  even  recruit  their 
army  for  the  next  campaign,  and  the  defence  of  their 
own  possessions  will  require  more  men  than  they  can 
possibly  raise. 


154  LIFE    OF 

I  have  tried  both  in  London  and  here  to  have  the 
seal  you  wrote  for  executed.  In  London  they  were 
afraid  to  attempt  it,  and  here  they  demanded  near 
one  hundred  louis  d'ors  and  three  months  time.  I 
expect  greatly  to  reduce  the  first  part  of  the  demand, 
but  when  it  will  be  finished  it  is  impossible  for  me  to 
say,  and  indeed  as  you  can  do  without  it  for  the  present, 
I  think  it  would  not  be  prudent  to  send  it  at  a  time 
when  there  is  so  great  a  risk  of  its  being  lost. 

I  enclose  you  an  account  of  the  paper  for  the  treas 
ury  notes,  which  you  will  have  the  kindness  to  show 
to  the  treasurer. 

The  ready  money  I  am  in  advance  for  the  state 
exceeds  £60,000.  Besides  being  pledged  to  the  gov 
ernment  here  for  the  artillery,  &c.  and  to  the  owners 
of  the  ships  for  the  freight,  without  which  they  could 
not  have  been  shipped.  Nothing  has  yet  arrived  from 
the  state  to  answer  those  demands,  which  makes  me 
very  apprehensive  of  being  distressed  for  payment. 
I  must  beg  that  what  is  intended  for  this  purpose  may 
be  consigned  to  John  Daniel  Schweighauser  at  Nan 
tes,  and  not  to  Pennet's  house,  from  which  I  shall 
never  get  a  farthing.  From  my  own  experience  of 
their  bad  faith,  I  would  recommend  to  you  to  stipu 
late  a  heavy  penalty  on  the  non-performance  of  any 
agreement  for  supplies  you  may  think  proper  to  make 
with  Rennet  &  Co. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  esteem 
dear  sir,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


"  PARIS,  Jan.  9th,  1779. 

Hon.  James  Lovell,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  desired  as  an  act  of  charity  to  en 
deavour  to  have  the  debt,  which  appears  to  be  due  by 


ARTHUR    LEE.  155 

the  enclosed  power  of  attorney,  recovered.  I  know 
no  one  to  whom  I  can  recommend  such  an  act  with 
more  prospect  of  success  than  to  yourself.  I  there 
fore  beg  the  favour  of  you  to  take  such  steps  to  re 
cover  this  money  as  you  may  judge  proper.  A  Baron 
Hobzendorf  is  returned  hither  in  great  disgust.  He 
has  given  in  a  memorial  to  the  commissioners,  de 
manding  upwards  of  £20,000  for  his  expenses.  In 
that  memorial  he  states,  as  Dr.  Franklin  informs  me, 
(for  I  have  not  seen  it)  a  conversation  with  you,  in 
which  he  represents  you  as  speaking  very  much 
against  the  French  nation.  As  it  is  probable  that 
this  memorial  is  intended  to  be  shown  to  the  minister, 
I  suppose  he  has  his  design  in  introducing  this  con 
versation.  I  have  had  frequent  experience  of  these 
sort  of  people,  who  apply  to  us,  mistaking  conversa 
tions  in  the  most  scandalous  manner.  I  have  no 
doubt  but  that  this  is  of  the  same  kind.  They  go 
over  with  professions  of  the  purest  zeal  for  our  cause, 
and  the  most  disinterested  attachment  to  that  of  li 
berty.  But  if  that  cause  does  not  furnish  them  im 
mediately  with  the  enormous  profit  and  preferment 
which  were  the  real  objects  of  their  going  over,  ihey 
immediately  become  calumniators  of  our  country  and 
of  us. 

I  shall  use  my  endeavours  to  prevent  the  minister 
from  being  imposed  upon  by  this  adventurer.  For 
those  who  have  conducted  themselves  as  he  has  done, 
do  not  deserve  a  more  respectable  appellation,  what 
ever  titles  they  may  assume  to  themselves. 

We  wait  in  great  anxiety  for  the  final  determina 
tion  of  congress  upon  foreign  affairs.  Being  so  en 
tirely  in  the  dark  of  what  is  really  done,  that  certain 
persons  with  you  and  here  are  continually  circulating 
such  reports  as  they  find  most  proper  to  keep  up  their 
credit  and  deceive  the  public. 


156  LIFE    OF 

You  have  in  my  public  letter  all  the  news  ;  and 
therefore  I  have  only  to  add  an  assurance  of  the  re 
spect  and  esteem  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
dear  sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

N.  B. — The  creditor  is  M.  Billet,  Maitre  de  Pen 
sion,  the  debtor  M.  Crosneir  de  la  Berthodiere,  sup 
posed  to  be  in  the  service  of  the  United  States." 


«  Feb.  3d,  1779. 
The  Hon.  Samuel  Adams. 

Dear  Friend, — The  minister  has  informed  us  that 
a  private  company  in  America  has  authorised  M.  De 
Chaumont  here  to  contract  with  him  for  furnishing 
the  navy  of  France  with  masting.  When  it  was  hint 
ed  to  me  from  another  court  that  such  a  contract 
would  be  desirable  there,  I  immediately  informed  con 
gress  of  it.  For  it  appeared  to  me  that  masting  was 
and  is  the  property  of  the  public  ;  and  that  the  fur 
nishing  of  them  to  the  different  powers  of  Europe 
would  be  one  considerable  means  of  paying  off  the 
public  debt ;  and  establishing  a  future  fund  for  the 
support  of  government.  But  if  the  contract  with 
'France  should  be  permitted  to  individuals,  others  will 
conceive  that  they  have  the  same  right  to  contract 
with  other  powers,  and  the  national  object  will  be 
totally  lost. 

I  must  leave  it  to  your  discretion  whether  the  in 
terposition  of  congress  will  be  proper.  Many  things 
may  be  known  to  you  upon  the  spot  to  determine 
your  judgment,  and  which  cannot  have  reached  me. 

The  empress  of  Russia  has  declared  her  intention 
of  interposing  effectually  in  support  of  the  king  of 
Prussia,  if  her  mediation  does  not  produce  peace. 


ARTHUR   LEE.  157 

The  empress-queen's  answer  is  conceived  in  such 
moderate  and  even  submissive  terms,  that  it  is 
judged  a  pacification  will  soon  take  place  in  Ger 
many. 

The  court  of  France  being  extremely  desirous  of 
this,  most  certainly  judge  it  to  be  for  their  interest  in 
their  present  war  with  Great  Britain.  This  is  not 
my  opinion;  but  though  I  think  that  an  actual  state 
of  war  in  Germany  is  the  most  sure  prevention  of 
troops  being  obtained  from  thence  or  from  Russia  to 
assist  Great  Britain,  yet  peace  accompanied  with  the 
jealousies  that  now  exist,  will  in  all  probability  also 
prevent  it. 

I  have  been  long  ill,  and  am  yet  confined  to  my  bed, 
though  somewhat  better. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


A    FEW    REMAINING   LETTERS     OF    MR.    ARTHUR    LEE    TO 
FOREIGN    CORRESPONDENTS. 

"July  6th,  1778. 

To  his  Excellency  the  Marquis  de  Rosignan,  Envoy 
from  the  Court  of  Turin,  at  Berlin. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  been  disappointed  in  my  expec 
tation  that  a  particular  friend  of  mine  would  have  de 
livered  you  a  letter  from  me,  in  answer  to  the  one  I 
had  the  honour  of  receiving  from  you.  The  ambas 
sador  of  your  court  here  informed  me  lately  of  your 
intention  of  returning  to  your  own  country,  and  quit 
ting  the  corps  diplomatique.  If  that  will  contribute 
to  the  re-establishment  of  your  health,  I  shall  greatly 

VOL.  n.  20 


158  LIFE    OF 

rejoice  at  it.  It  will  be  some  compensation  to  the  di 
plomatic  body,  for  losing  one  of  its  most  valuable 
members. 

I  am  heartily  tired  too  of  the  employment,  and  ex 
pect  that  the  rotation  which  our  states  will  observe  in 
the  disposal  of  employments,  will  soon  dismiss  me 
from  the  most  tiresome  situation  I  was  ever  in.  No 
thing  but  the  exhausted  state  of  England  at  present 
gives  me  reason  to  hope  that  the  war  will  not  be  gene 
ral  and  lasting,  notwithstanding  the  moderation  and  re 
luctance  of  the  house  of  Bourbon.  Beyond  the  Alps, 
you  will  probably  enjoy  perfect  tranquillity  from  those 
alarms  which  will  disturb  us.  You  will  repose  your 
self  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  which  is  so  truly  envi 
able — Otium  cum  dignitate. 

In  that  situation  I  hope  you  will  not  forget,  that 
the  constitution  of  our  government  having  for  their 
direct  and  ultimate  object  the  security  of  the  rights 
arid  the  promotion  of  the  happiness  of  all  their  citi 
zens  alike,  it  is  the  duty  of  every  lover  of  mankind 
to  contribute  his  aid  in  bringing  them  to  perfection. 
As  the  privilege  of  citizenship  is  open  to  all  men  who 
will  make  a  profession  of  faith  so  general,  that  no 
sensible  man  can  have  an  objection  to  it,  the  general 
interest  is  concerned  in  promoting  our  purposes.  I 
may  therefore  entertain  the  hope,  that  in  some  of  your 
leisure  hours  you  will  favour  me  with  your  observa 
tions  on  our  forms  of  government,  most  of  which  you 
will  see  collected  in  the  Affairs  Etrangers.  It  seems 
to  me  that  I  have  understood  you  were  in  habits  of 
friendship  with  the  Marquis  Beccaria.  If  so,  you  will 
have  an  opportunity  on  your  return  to  Italy  of  adding 
his  sentiments  to  your  observations.  The  general  ob 
ject  and  operation  of  our  governments  are,  the  secu 
rity  of  life,  personal  liberty,  and  property,  by  laws 
made  by  legislatures  annually  constituted  by  the  peo 
ple  at  large,  and  applied  by  juries  chosen  by  lot.  But 


ARTHUR    LEE.  159 

the  detail  of  operations  to  carry  these  views  into  ex 
ecution,  is  what  creates  the  difficulty,  and  often  frus 
trates  the  best  purposes.  The  subjects  and  the  mode 
of  taxation  are  matters  of  infinite  difficulty  and  im 
portance.  The  good  policy  of  imposing  any  duties 
whatsoever  on  commerce  seems  very  questionable. 
The  utility  of  any  external  commerce  whatsoever  in 
our  situation,  is  problematical  with  some  persons  of 
very  clear  ideas  upon  the  subject.  Is  it  of  more  ad 
vantage  to  promote  internal  commerce,  by  cutting  ca 
nals,  and  joining  rivers?  How  far  do  the  opulence 
and  sway,  which  a  considerable  external  commerce 
produces,  compensate  for  the  luxury  and  depravation 
of  manners,  which  are  as  inevitably  its  offspring? 

As  it  is  infinitely  more  desirable  to  prevent  than 
to  punish  crimes,  what  would  be  the  most  effectual 
regulations  for  that  purpose  ?  Are  charitable  founda 
tions,  hospitals,  &c.  as  beneficial  by  the  relief  they 
give  to  real  distress,  as  they  are  injurious  in  creating 
distress,  by  encouraging  the  worst  of  all  evils,  idle 
ness?  How  can  one  best  reconcile  a  speedy  admin 
istration  of  justice,  with  a  clear  discovery  of  the  facts 
on  which  it  ought  to  be  founded?  Are  appeals  ne 
cessary  ?  For  if  the  first  jurisdiction  is  competent, 
why  should  it  not  be  final?  if  it  is  not,  why  should  it 
judge  at  all? 

I  will  not  tire  you  with  more  questions.  These 
will  serve  to  show  how  highly  I  estimate  your  love 
of  humanity.  I  beg  my  respects  to  the  Marquesa. 

Wishing  you  every  blessing  in  this  life,  I  have  the 
honour  to  be,  with  the  sincerest  friendship,  your  ex 
cellency's  humble  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


160  LIFE    OF 

"BOSTON,  Sept.  19th,  1780. 

His  Excellency  Baron  de  Breteiul. 

Sir, — I  promised  to  write  to  your  excellency  when 
I  reached  rny  own  country ;  I  now  sit  down  to  have 
that .  honour,  with  a  mixture  of  pain  and  pleasure. 
With  pain,  that  I  am  obliged  to  tell  you  that  our  situ~ 
ation  is  one  of  very  serious  distress  ;  and  pleasure,  in 
the  prospect  that  your  excellency's  wisdom  and  influ 
ence  in  the  cabinet  of  Versailles,  will  be  exerted  to 
relieve  us. 

Both  the  honour  and  interest  of  France  are  clearly 
and  deeply  concerned  in  the  establishment  of  the 
independency  of  these  United  States.  But  I  am 
greatly  afraid  that  unless  she  employs  more  ade 
quate  means  we  shall  all  fail  of  this  important  pur 
pose. 

The  government  of  these  states  has  hitherto  con 
ducted  this  war  through  infinite  obstacles,  with  paper 
money,  that  is,  upon  their  credit.  This  money  has 
been  depreciating  by  rapid  degrees  till  it  is  almost 
annihilated.  In  the  mean  time  the  circumstances  of 
the  war  have  rendered  it  impossible  for  them  to  draw 
silver  or  gold  into  their  treasury  by  taxes.  The  ac 
tual  situation  of  our  government,  therefore,  now  is — 
that  they  have  a  war  to  carry  on  and  their  country 
to  defend  in  various  parts,  without  money  and  with 
out  credit.  You  may  easily  conceive  in  what  manner 
and  how  long  such  a  war  can  be  supported.  The 
distress  of  the  army  we  have  can  only  be  equalled 
by  the  difficulty  of  recruiting  or  augmenting  it.  The 
militia  are  indeed  numerous  and  spirited.  But  they 
are  only  an  occasional  army,  while  that  of  the  enemy 
is  permanent ;  and  even  when  the  militia  is  called 
out,  for  want  of  supplies  it  cannot  be  supported.  It 
is  therefore  of  absolute  and  indispensable  necessity 


ARTHUR    LEE.  161 

that  France  should  furnish  the  government  of  these 
states  with  a  sum  of  hard  money,  sufficient  to  restore 
their  credit ;  or  else  1  see  very  little  probability  of  its 
being  possible  to  resist  the  necessity  of  accommoda 
tion,  upon  the  best  terms  that  can  be  obtained.  I 
am  convinced  that  nothing  but  the  last  necessity  will 
bring  us  to  this  accommodation  ;  but  I  am  fully  satis 
fied  that  without  the  immediate  aid  of  thirty  or  forty 
millions  of  livres  in  specie,  that  irresistible  necessity 
will  exist,  at  the  opening  of  the  next  campaign. 

That  your  excellency  may  form  your  own  judgment 
of  this,  I  will  state  the  present  and  probable  advan 
tages  of  the  enemy. 

They  are  about    1500   strong   in    New-York ;    so 
that  the  utmost  which  our  army  can  do,  is  by  the 
aid  of  strong   positions  to  stand  upon  the  defensive. 
Their  fleet  much  superior    to    that  of  his   majesty, 
keeps  it  blocked  up  at  Rhode-Island,  and  the  second 
division  with  the  supplies  absolutely  necessary  for  the 
American  troops,  which   were  to  act  with  those  of 
France,  not  having  been  expedited,  has  compelled  the 
first  division  to  remain  entrenched  at  Rhode-Island, 
filled  with  vexation  and  disappointment.    Your  excel 
lency  knows  how  little  is  to  be  hoped  from  troops  when 
the  ardour  and   expectation  of  glory  which  animate 
them  are  extinguished,  and  how  much  injury  this  dis 
appointment  must  bring  upon  the  American  service 
in  the  minds  of  the  French  army  and   marine.     To 
our  service  it  has  not  been  less  injurious.     Six  months 
were  stated  as  adequate  to  the  operations  of  the  cam 
paign,  and  levies  were  made  for  that   time  in  great 
haste,  at  an  immense  expense  in  bounties,  which  are 
necessarily   attended   with  the  imposition  of  heavy 
taxes.    The  time  is  almost  expired,  and  nothing  done 
in  consequence  of  the  second  division,  and  the  sup 
plies  having  been  withheld.     We  have  thus  incurred 
a  very  heavy  actual  expense,  set  the  example   for 


162  LIFE    OP 

greater  in  future  levies,  and  disappointed  the  expec 
tation  and  dejected  the  spirits  of  our  people.  Those 
of  the  enemy  are  naturally  raised  in  proportion. 

Such  are  the  respective  situations  in  the  north.     In 
the   south,  the   prospect  is  still  more  gloomy.     The 
enemy  is  entirely  in  possession  of  Georgia  and  South 
Carolina.     Our  army,  under  Gen.  Gates,  which  was 
sent  to  oppose  them,  has  been  lately  defeated  after  an 
obstinate  and  bloody  battle,  in  which  our  best  troops 
and  officers  fell.     It  is  therefore  probable  that  before 
the  close  of  the  campaign  they  will  be  in  possession 
also  of  North  Carolina.     This  success  gives  them  the 
infinite  advantage  of  an  extent  of  country,  from  which 
they  can  draw  their  supplies  for  the  next  campaign. 
They  will  be  able  to  commence   their  spring  opera 
tions  with  the  invasion  of  Virginia  in  the   south,  and 
that  of  Rhode-Island   in  the  north,  while  the  middle 
states  are  kept  in  check   by  movements  and  inroads 
from  New-York.     To  oppose  and  frustrate  these  at 
tempts  armies  are  necessary;    to  levy  and   support 
them  money  is  indispensable,  and  there  is  not  in  our 
situation  any  human  means  of  obtaining  it  but  from 
France   and  Spain.     If  they  will  not  furnish  it,  this 
country  must  be  left  a  prey  to  the  enemy  and  every 
species  of  distress,  and  France  will  sacrifice  all  the 
hopes  of  the  struggle.      It    must  be   observed,   too, 
that  nothing  but  the  hard  money  will  do,  the  power 
of  drawing  on   Europe  from  the   small  demand  and 
depreciation  of  bills  being  found  inadequate.     But  if 
the  sum  I  have  mentioned  is  furnished,  and  the  second 
division  and   supplies  forwarded,  so  as  to  prepare  us 
for  an  early  and  active  campaign,  the  enemy  may  yet 
be  repelled,  and  this  country  prevented  from   being 
added  to  the  force  of  Great  Britain,  already  felt  to 
be  too  formidable.     Without  this   I   repeat   that  no 
other  alternative  will  be  left  to  this  unhappy  country 
but  accommodation  or  destruction. 


ARTHUR    LEK. 


163 


I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  with  the  greatest 
respect, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 

"  PARIS,  April  12th,  1777. 

To  the  Rev.  Dr.  Price, 

Dear  Sir, — I  beg  you  will  accept  my  thanks  for  the 
favour  of  your  pamphlet,  than  which  I  never  in  my 
life  read  any  thing  with  more  satisfaction.  But  alas! 
the  decree  has  gone  forth,  and  we  are  one  no  more. 
Providence,  by  inspiring  the  same  hardness  of  heart 
that  delivered  the  children  of  Israel  from  their  oppres 
sors,  has  delivered  us. 

A  series  of  the  most  undistinguishing  and  inhuman 
barbarities  by  the  German  and  British  soldiery,  to 
gether  with  Gen.  Howe's  order  to  put  all  persons  to 
death  who  should  be  found  in  arms  and  not  under  an 
officer,  have  planted  in  the  minds  of  all  men  an  utter 
detestation  of  the  British  government. 

Congress  have  appointed  a  committee  to  enquire 
into  the  cruelties  that  have  been  committed;  that  if 
there  be  any  distinction  in  the  perpetrators,  the  punish 
ment  may  fall  where  it  is  most  deserved.  The  17th 
regiment,  which  had  behaved  with  remarkable  cruel 
ty,  fought  with  such  desperate  valour  at  Princeton, 
that  it  was  almost  entirely  cut  to  pieces.  And  such 
was  their  brutal  ferocity,  that  even  during  the  action, 
which  had  its  various  turns,  if  an  American  fell  into 
their  hands  they  murdered  him  with  the  most  savage 
inhumanity.  Such  was  the  fate  of  Gen.  Mercer,  a 
very  brave  and  worthy  officer,  from  the  state  to  which 
I  have  the  honour  to  belong. 

These  sir,  are  the  lamentable  fruits  of  Scotch  prin 
ciples  and  politics.  But  the  calamity  which  they 
meant  for  us,  has  fallen  heavy  upon  them  and  their  to- 


164  LIFE    OF 

ry  adherents.  Elevated  with  the  first  appearance  of 
success,  and  unmindful  of  the  lenity  which  had  spared 
and  protected  them,  they  openly  and  iii  all  parts  be 
gan  to  agitate  the  ruin  of  the  people.  This  at  once 
produced  a  distinction,  and  the  necessity  of  expelling 
them  ;  which  is  effected  by  proclamation,  and  with 
every  degree  of  lenity  that  the  nature  of  the  thing 
will  admit.  In  Virginia  they  are  allowed  to  sell 
their  effects  and  depart  in  peace.  But  where  the 
war  presses,  and  the  enemy  is  invading,  the  necessity 
of  the  situation  would  not  admit  of  more  indulgence 
than  time  to  remove  their  families. 

The  governments  of  the  particular  states  are  well 
established,  and  that  of  the  congress  deeply  rooted. 

Amid  these  wonderful  events  it  is  a  source  of  infi 
nite  satisfaction  to  me  that  I  have  the  honour  of  being 
numbered  with  you  and  others,  as  having  earnestly 
and  sincerely  laboured  to  avert  this  calamity  from 
England,  and  to  persuade  those  in  whose  power  it 
was,  to  send  forth  the  spirit  of  peace  over  the  trou 
bled  waters,  and  re-unite  us  upon  terms  of  equal  li 
berty. 

If  any  one  can  save  a  nation  so  pressed  within,  and 
threatened  without,  it  is  our  friend  Lord  Shelburne. 
At  least  he  is  the  only  man  of  his  rank  whom  I  have 
the  honour  of  knowing,  whose  virtues  and  abilities 
are  equal  to  the  arduous  task  of  retrieving  a  people 
overwhelmed  with  so  many  evils  as  England  now  is. 
Indeed  in  my  opinion,  it  would  require  a  people  of 
more  virtue  than  the  world  ever  yet  produced,  or  than 
human  nature  will  admit  of,  to  be  united  with  Scot 
land  and  not  be  ruined.  I  mean  as  to  their  private 
morals  and  public  principles.  The  conduct  of  the 
Scotch  in  America  proves  the  inveteracy  of  their  na 
tional  character.  They  had  fled  from  the  tyranny 
and  exactions  of  their  chiefs.  In  America  they  found 
refuge  and  relief.  Yet  at  the  call  of  those  very  chiefs, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  165 

they  took  up  arms  to  destroy  their  benefactors,  or  re 
duce  them,  and  return  themselves  under  that  domina 
tion,  of  which  they  had  had  such  bitter  experience. 
A  striking  proof  how  impossible  it  is  to  wean  them 
from  the  principles  of  perfidy,  slavery,  and  ingratitude, 
which  are  native  to  them,  and  mark  them  as  a  peo 
ple — hostis  humani generis.* 

To  form  a  nation  upon  the  principles  of  equal  justice 
and  permanent  liberty,  is  perhaps  little  less  difficult, 
than  to  retrieve  one  from  its  degeneracy.  That  task 
is  ours.  So  many  various  spirits  are  put  in  motion  dur 
ing  a  civil  war,  so  many  opportunities  afforded  the  dar 
ing  and  the  vicious,  the  sweets  of  power  and  pre-emi 
nence  are  necessarily  tasted  by  so  many,  that  it  must 
be  fortunate  indeed  if  some  of  them  do  not  attempt 
to  extend  and  augment  the  enjoyment  of  them,  be 
yond  the  limits  prescribed  by  a  system  of  equal  liber 
ty.  But  it  may  be  hoped  that  these  attempts  will  be 
frustrated  by  the  checks  of  so  many  republics,  and 
the  vigilance  of  those  who  are  aware  of  such  conse 
quences.  Rome  perished  because  she  was  never  ani 
mated  by  the  principles  of  liberty,  but  governed  by 
the  spirit  of  faction ;  and  because  being  collected  in 
to  one  body,  the  corruption  of  that  left  her  with 
out  a  check,  and  brought  immediate  ruin  upon  the 
public. 

May  your  lights  and  labours  sir,  reform  the  corrup 
tion  of  our  times,  and  re-inspire  the  people  of  England 
with  the  spirit  of  liberty.  May  the  example  of  her 
children  teach  her,  how  invincible  that  spirit  is,  where 
it  really  operates.  The  unworthy-  conduct  of  the 
Scotch  government,  to  which  she  has  submitted,  has 
not  so  utterly  extinguished  the  love  I  bore  her,  as  to 
prevent  my  wishing  her  most  sincerely  the  full  enjoy- 

*  The  cause  of  Mr.  Lee's  antipathy  to  the  Scotch,  has  been  explained, 
VOL.  II.  21 


166  LIFE    OF 

ment  of  that  liberty,  which  she  has  at  least  counte 
nanced  the  Scots  to  wrest  from  us. 

I  must  beg  the  favour  of  you  to  make  my  best  re 
spects  to  Lord  Shelburne,  Col.  Barre  ,Dr.  Priestley, 
and  all  those  who  yet  do  me  the  honour  of  holding 
me  in  remembrance,  and  who  remain  unterrified  and 
unseduced  from  the  cause  of  truth  and  liberty. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  regard 
and  respect, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


"  VIRGINIA,  March  3d,  1786. 

To  the  Marquis  of  Lansdown. 

I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  a  few  days  since 
your  lordship's  favour  of  the  26th  of  January. 

Mr.  Anstie  will  command  every  advice  and  assist 
ance  I  can  give  him,  not  only  from  the  desire  I  shall 
always  have  of  promoting  your  lordship's  wishes,  but 
from  a  persuasion  of  the  propriety  of  the  purpose  of 
his  mission.  He  has  opened  his  office  in  this  city, 
and  informs  me  that  he  receives  all  the  assistance  he 
can  wish  from  the  governing  powers  of  this  state.  I 
am  persuaded  he  will  meet  with  the  same  disposition 
in  all  the  states. 

You  have  obliged  me  infinitely  my  lord  by  the 
particular  and  pleasing  detail  you  give  me  of  yourself 
and  family,  because  I  feel  the  warmest  interest  in 
whatever  concerns  your  happiness.  My  brothers  after 
whom  your  lordship  has  the  goodness  to  enquire,  have 
retired  from  public  business  to  their  estates,  which 
their  constant  attention  to  affairs  during  the  most  pe 
rilous  times  of  the  public,  has  materially  impaired. 
As  to  myself,  when  I  had  served  three  years  in  con 
gress,  I  undertook  to  negotiate  with  the  Indian  na 
tions,  because  I  deemed  it  of  much  consequence  to 


ARTHUR    LEE.  167 

these  states.  I  had  much  curiosity  to  know  those 
people  and  to  view  the  western  country.  Since  that 
I  have  been  and  am  now  one  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  united  treasury,  the  duty  of  which  is  of  singular 
difficulty  at  present,  from  the  pressure  of  demands 
and  the  infant  arrangement  of  our  finance.  Patience 
however  and  perseverance  will  I  hope  overcome  all 
the  difficulties  we  have  to  encounter. 

I  was  never  more  clearly  of  opinion  in  any  thing 
than  in  what  your  lordship  says  relative  to  the  exe 
cution  of  the  late  treaty  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States.  It  does  most  highly  concern  the 
honour  and  interest  of  both  countries  to  execute  it 
faithfully.  But  from  circumstances  now  irrevocable, 
it  cannot  be  fulfilled  in  all  its  parts,  and  this  gives 
ground  to  turbulent  spirits  on  each  side  for  refusing  to 
execute  what  is  practicable.  The  first  violation  of 
the  treaty  was  on  the  part  of  the  commander  in  chief 
in  New- York,  allowing  the  negroes  to  be  carried  ofT, 
after  the  provisional  articles  were  agreed  to ;  and  re 
fusing  in  sundry  instances  to  suffer  the  American 
owners,  who  came  to  New-York  for  the  purpose  to 
take  those  that  belonged  to  them.  The  register,  he 
informed  congress  of  his  having  ordered  to  be  kept  of 
those  who  were  carried  away,  was  a  proof  of  the  vio 
lation  of  the  article,  and  of  that  only  ;  because  there 
is  so  little  probability  that  the  account  given  by  the 
negroes  of  themselves  was  true,  that  it  cannot  enable 
the  masters  to  ascertain  their  property.  Your  lord 
ship  may  well  believe  this  a  not  undesired  reason  for 
those  of  our  citizens  who  were  indebted  to  British 
subjects,  to  exclaim  against  the  payment  of  British 
debts.  In  some  states  they  did  it  effectually,  par 
ticularly  in  Virginia,  where  the  great  loss  of  negro 
property  proportionably  strengthened  the  objection. 
This  was  followed  by  a  refusal  to  deliver  up  the  posts; 
and  by  relieving  the  garrisons,  which  announced  a  set- 


168  LIFE    OF 

tied  determination  to  keep  them.  This  act  within 
the  territory  solemnly  ceded  to  the  United  States, 
and  the  encouragement  it  has  given  to  the  Indians  to 
murder  our  frontier  inhabitants,  have  occasioned  great 
and  general  alarm  and  discontent,  with  regard  to  the 
intentions  of  the  British  administration. 

From  a  variety  of  information,  which  I  received  in 
the  western  country,  it  appeared  clear  to  me  that  the 
interest  of  individuals  in  the  fur  trade  was  the  real 
reason  of  the  information  from  America,  which  occa 
sioned  the  detention  of  those  posts,  and  that  while 
Mr.  Haldiman  influences,  such  representations  would 
be  made  to  the  king's  ministers  as  would  mislead 
them  as  to  the  real  consequences  of  that  detention. 
If  it  be  their  intention  fundamentally  to  violate  the 
treaty,  and  to  keep  the  means  in  their  own  hands  of 
hostile  operations  against  the  United  States,  the  mea 
sure  may  correspond  with  the  object ;  but  if  not,  it 
is,  may  I  be  permitted  to  say,  an  unadvised  measure, 
because  it  implies  such  intentions.  That  it  encour 
ages  the  Indian  nations  to  expect  that  they  will  be 
urged  on  by  both  nations  to  blood  and  plunder,  the 
darling  objects  of  their  life,  is  certain ;  and  in  so 
doing  it  militates  against  the  interest  and  honour  of 
both  governments  ;  for  the  more  these  wolves  are  fed 
with  human  blood  or  the  hope  of  it,  and  supplied  with 
what  they  want  in  plunder  and  presents,  the  less  they 
will  hunt,  and  the  scarcer  and  dearer  furs  will  be. 
Insomuch  that  I  think  it  certain  that  a  convention 
solemnly  entered  into  and  announced  by  Great  Bri 
tain  and  the  United  States  never  to  employ  or  coun 
tenance  Indians  in  making  war  or  depredating  on 
each  other  would  not  only  do  honour  to  their  humani 
ty  but  really  promote  their  interests  by  the  abundance 
and  cheapness  of  furs,  in  consequence  of  the  savages 
having  no  other  employment  or  support  but  hunting. 
These  reasons  are  alone  cogent  enough  against  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  169 

abominable  practice  of  instigating  and  assisting  these 
savages  to  shed  human  blood,  and  the  notorious  inu- 
tility  of  these  savages  as  auxiliaries  in  war  The 
great  expense  and  disorder  that  accompanies  them  ; 
the  ungovernable  depredation  and  cruelty  of  their 
warfare,  and  their  certain  desertion  in  time  of  danger, 
render  the  employment  of  them  by  civilized  nations 
both  ruinous  and  reproachful. 

There  are  very  few  things  I  do  assure  you.  my  lord, 
that  would  give  me  so  much  pleasure  as  spending 
some  time  in  your  society,  wherein  I  have  been  here 
tofore  so  happy.  But  the  state  of  our  finances  in  this 
country,  both  public  and  private,  will  not  permit  me 
to  travel.  The  prospects  I  once  had  in  England  are 
now  no  more,  yet  I  will  not  give  up  all  hope  of  one 
day  paying  my  respects  to  your  lordship,  and  shall  al 
ways  cherish  your  regard  for  me  as  a  singular  honour 
and  happiness.  My  nephew,  Thomas  Lee,  will  have 
the  honour  of  presenting  this  letter  to  your  lordship, 
He  comes  to  finish  his  law  studies  at  the  temple. 
Your  lordship's  patronage  of  him  will  be  a  singular 
happiness  to  him  and  favour  to  me.  I  hope  you  will 
find  him  intelligent  and  capable  of  giving  your  lord 
ship  a  satisfactory  account  of  this  country. 

With  the  most  perfect  esteem  and  respect,  I  have 
the  honour  to  be  your  lordship's  most  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  LEE." 


170  LIFE    OF 


APPENDIX    IX. 


Letters  to  Arthur  Lee,  from  his  Political,  Literary,  and  Scientific  Correspondents 

in  America. 


LETTERS    FROM    GENERAL    WASHINGTON. 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  PASSAICT  FALLS,  Nov.  20th,  1780. 

Sir, — I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  suggestion 
you  do  me  the  favour  to  make  in  your  letter  of  the 
llth,  as  I  shall  at  all  times  be  for  any  others  which 
may  occur  to  you,  conducive  to  the  public  service. 

I  am  so  entirely  convinced  of  the  absolute  necessi 
ty  of  a  large  and  immediate  foreign  aid  of  money 
to  the  continuance  of  the  war,  that  1  should  be  hap 
py  to  do  any  thing  I  could  with  propriety  to  promote 
it.  I  impart  to  you  in  confidence,  that  I  have  in  the 
most  explicit  manner  given  my  sentiments  on  this 
head  to  the  minister  of  France  here;  and  if  my  opi 
nion  can  have  any  influence  with  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles,  I  imagine  it  will  be  known  through  this  chan 
nel.  A  more  direct  communication  might  appear  an 
intrusion,  and  an  interference  in  matters  out  of  my 
province. 

I  am  happy  to  hear  congress  have  this  important 
object  under  consideration.  I  persuade  myself  they 
will  urge  it  with  all  the  emphasis  in  their  power,  and 
in  the  form  most  likely  to  succeed.  If  there  should 
be  any  thing  by  which  I  could  contribute  to  the  sue- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  171 

cess  of  the  'application,  I   should  certainly  think  it 
my  duty  to  give  all  the  aid  in  my  power. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  very  sincerely,  and  with 
real  respect  and  esteem,  sir,  your  most  humble  ser 
vant, 

GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


"HEAD  QUARTERS,  NEW-WINDSOR,  June  7th,  1781. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  the 
letter  which  you  did  me  the  favour  to  write  on  the 
1 9th  ultimo,  and  thank  you  for  the  extract  taken  from 
the  letter  of  Mr.  Lee  of  Feb.  20th.  The  information 
contained  in  it  is  important,  and  went  to  some  mat 
ters  which  were  new  to  me.  I  suspect  with  you  that 
Mr.  Lee  is  rather  too  sanguine  in  his  expectations  of 
a  general  peace,  within  the  year,  but  he  accompanies 
it  with  a  recommendation  to  vigorous  exertions,  the 
most  likely  means  to  obtain  it,  but  which  I  fear  will 
not  have  its  due  weight  in  the  minds  of  the  people, 
especially  if  the  idea  of  peace  once  takes  hold  of 
them. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


"  NEWBURGH,  April  loth,  1782. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  2nd 
instant,  and  thank  you  for  the  several  articles  of  Eu 
ropean  intelligence  contained  in  it.  Permit  me  to  so 
licit  a  continuation  of  such  advices  as  you  may  think 
interesting  respecting  the  military  or  political  manoeu 
vres  of  foreign  powers.  Such  communications  will 


LIFE    OF 

not  only  be  a  private  gratification,  but  may  produce 
public  good  ;  as  a  perfect  knowledge  of  these  matters 
will  enable  me  to  decide  with  more  certainty  and  pre 
cision  on  doubtful  operations  which  may  be  had  in 
contemplation,  than  I  possibly  can  do  without. 

With  great  esteem  and  regard  I  am  dear  sir,  your 
most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


"NEWBURGH,  March  29th,  1783. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  been  honoured  with  your  favour 
of  the  13th,  and  thank  you  for  the  information.  Your 
correspondent  at  Paris  had  good  ground  for  his  opin 
ion,  and  we  have  abundant  reason  to  be  pleased  with 
the  event  which  he  predicted  the  near  approach  of. 
I  heartily  congratulate  you  on  the  conclusion  of  the 
war  ;  and  hope  the  wisdom  of  the  states  will  point 
to  that  line  of  policy  which  will  make  them  a  great, 
a  happy  people.  To  accomplish  this,  local  politics 
and  unreasonable  jealousies  should  yield  to  such  a 
constitution  as  will  embrace  the  whole,  and  make  our 
union  respectable,  lasting.  Without  it  I  think  we 
have  spent  our  time,  spilt  our  blood,  and  wasted  our 
treasure  to  very  little  purpose. 

The  picaroons  in  the  Chesapeak  and  the  waters  of 
it,  have  now  met  their  quietus  ;  but  previously  to  the 
news  of  peace  a  representation  of  their  conduct  had 
gone  into  New-York,  and  orders  I  believe  were  sent 
for  the  recall  of  them. 

Mrs.  Washington  unites  with  me  in  compliments 
to  you,  and  I  have  the  honour  to  be  dear  sir,  your 
most  obedient  servant, 

GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  173 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  20th,  1787. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  been  honoured  with  your  favour 
of  the  13th,  since  my  arrival  at  this  place. 

My  rheumatic  complaint  having  very  much  abated 
(after  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  at  Mount  Ver- 
non)  I  have  yielded  to  what  appeared  to  be  the  wish 
es  of  many  of  my  friends,  and  am  now  here  as  a  de 
legate  to  the  convention.  Not  more  than  four  states 
were  represented  yesterday.  If  any  have  come  in 
since,  it  is  unknown  to  me.  These  delays  greatly  im 
pede  public  measures,  and  serve  to  sour  the  temper  of 
the  punctual  members,  who  do  not  like  to  idle  away 
their  time.  Mrs.  Washington  intended  to  have  given 
you  the  trouble  of  the  enclosed,  had  it  been  prepared 
in  time.  As  the  case  is,  I  take  the  liberty  of  com 
mitting  it  to  your  care. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant, 

GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 


LETTERS    OF    SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

«  BOSTON,  July  31st,  1771. 

Sir, — Since  I  received  your  favour  of  the  28th  of 
March,  I  have  observed  by  the  London  papers  that 
the  lord-mayor  and  alderman  are  liberated.  From 
the  wisdom  and  firmness  which  formerly  distinguish 
ed  that  opulent  and  independent  city,  we  expected 
that  when  they  had  so  fair  an  occasion  for  exerting 
themselves,  the  power  which  has  too  long  oppressed 
and  insulted  the  nation  and  the  colonies,  would  have 
been  made  to  bend.  But  we  have  seen  complimenta- 

VOL.  ii.  22 


174  LIFE    OF 

ry  letters  and  addresses  to  the  imprisoned  gentlemen, 
and  their  answers;  while  by  a  stretch  of  arbitrary 
power  they  have  been  kept  in  confinement,  till  by  a 
prorogation  instead  of  a  dissolution,  they  have  been 
discharged  of  course.  Is  this  my  friend  a  matter  of 
such  triumph  ?  Does  it  not  show  that  Britons  are  un 
feeling  to  their  condition?  Or  has  brutal  force  at 
length  become  so  formidable,  that  after  having  in 
vain  petitioned  those  whose  duty  it  is  to  redress  their 
grievances,  they  are  afraid  to  imitate  the  virtue  of 
their  ancestors  in  similar  cases,  and  redress  their  griev 
ances  themselves? 

Mr.  Hume,  if  I  mistake  not,  somewhere  says,  that 
if  James  the  Second  had  had  the  benefit  of  the  riot- 
act,  and  such  a  standing  army  as  has  been  granted 
since  his  time,  it  would  have  been  impracticable  for 
the  nation  to  have  wrought  its  own  delivery,  and  es 
tablish  the  constitution  of  '88.  If  the  people  have 
put  it  in  the  power  of  a  wicked  and  corrupt  ministry 
to  make  themselves  absolute  lords  and  tyrants  over 
them  by  means  of  a  standing  army,  we  may  at  pre 
sent  pity  them  under  the  misfortune  ;  but  future  his 
torians  will  record  the  story  with  astonishment  and 
indignation,  and  posterity,  who  will  share  in  the  fatal 
effects  of  their  folly  arid  treachery,  will  accuse  them. 
Has  there  not  for  a  long  time  past  been  reason  to  ap 
prehend  the  designs  of  a  restless  faction  to  oppress 
the  nation;  and  the  more  easily  to  affect  their  purpo 
ses,  to  render  the  king's  government  obnoxious,  and 
if  possible  put  an  end  to  a  family  which  has  hereto 
fore  supported  the  rights  of  the  nation,  its  happiness 
and  grandeur? 

In  this  colony  we  are  every  day  experiencing  the 
miserable  effects  of  arbitrary  power.  The  people  are 
paying  the  unrighteous  tribute,  (I  wish  I  could  say 
they  were  groaning  under  it,  for  that  would  seem  as 
if  they  felt  they  are  submitting  to  it,)  in  hopes  that 


ARTHUR    LEE.  175 

the  nation  will  at  length  revert  to  justice.  But  be 
fore  that  time  comes,  it  is  to  be  feared  they  will  be  so 
accustomed  to  bondage,  as  to  forget  they  were  ever 
free.  Swarms  of  locusts  and  caterpillars  are  main 
tained  by  this  tribute  in  luxury  and  splendour,  and  a 
standing  army,  (not  in  the  city  thank  God,  since  the 
5th  March  1770,  but  within  call  upon  occasion). 
While  our  independent  governor  is  found  to  crouch  to 
his  superiors,  and  to  look  down  upon  and  sneer  at  those 
below  him,  he  is  from  time  to  time  receiving  instruc 
tions  how  to  govern  this  people,  to  govern!  rather  to 
harass  and  insult  his  country  in  distress.  *  *  *  * 
(MS.  here  obliterated)  *  *  *  *  where  his  adulating 
priestlings  are  reminding  him  he  wras  born  and  educat 
ed,  forgetting  perhaps  if  they  ever  knew,  that  the  ty 
rants  of  Rome  were  the  natives  of  Rome.  Among 
other  edicts  which  have  been  lately  sent  to  this 
governor,  there  is  one  which  prohibits  his  assenting  to 
any  tax-bill,  unless  the  commissioners  and  other  offi 
cers,  whose  salaries  are  not  paid  out  of  moneys  grant 
ed  by  this  government,  are  exempted  from  a  tax  on 
the  profits  of  their  commissions.  Nothing  that  I  can 
say  will  heighten  the  resentment  of  a  man  of  sense 
and  virtue  against  such  a  mandate ;  and  yet  our 
governor  would  have  us  think  it  is  a  mark  of  his  pa 
ternal  goodness.  Another  instruction  forbids  the 
governor  to  give  his  assent  to  grants  to  any  agent, 
unless  he  is  appointed  by  a  law  of  the  province,  or  a 
resolve  of  the  assembly,  to  which  his  excellency  con 
sents.  And  a  third  requires  him  to  refuse  his  assent 
to  a  future  election  of  such  councillors  as  shall  presume 
to  meet  together  as  a  council,  without  being  summon 
ed  by  him  into  his  presence.  These  instructions,  so 
humiliating  to  the  council,  the  secretary  by  the  govern 
or's  order  has  entered  on  their  journals. 

It  has  been  observed  that  the  nearer  any  man  ap 
proaches  to  an  absolute  independence,  the  more  he 


176  LIFE  OF 

will  be  flattered  ;  and  flattery  is  always  great  in  pro 
portion  as  the  motives  of  flatterers  are  bad.  These 
observations  are  so  disgraceful  to  human  nature  that 
I  wish  I  could  say  they  were  not  founded  in  experi 
ence.  Perhaps  there  never  was  a  man  in  this  pro 
vince  more  flattered,  or  who  bore  it  better,  I  mean 
who  was  better  pleased  with  it,  than  Governor  Hutch- 
inson.  You  have  seen  Miss  in  her  teens,  surround 
ed  with  dying  lovers,  praising  her  gay  ribbons,  the 
dimples  in  her  cheeks  or  the  tip  of  her  ear !  In 
imitation  of  the  mother  country,  whom  we  are  too 
apt  to  imitate  in  fopperies,  addresses  have  been  pro 
cured  and  presented  to  his  excellency,  chiefly  from 
dependants  and  expectants.  Indeed  some  of  the  cler 
gy  have  run  into  the  stream  of  civility,  which  is  the 
more  astonishing,  when  it  is  considered  that  they  al 
together  depend  upon  the  ability  and  good  disposition 
of  their  parishes  for  their  support.  But  it  is  certain 
that  not  a  fifth  part,  some  say  not  an  eighth  part  of  the 
clergy,  were  present.  It  cannot,  therefore,  be  said  to 
be  the  language  of  the  body  of  the  clergy,  and  all 
ages  have  seen  that  some  of  that  order  have  ever 
been  ready  to  sacrifice  the  rights  as  well  as  the  hon 
oured  religion  of  their  country,  to  the  smiles  of  the 
great.  It  is  a  sore  mortification  that  the  independent 
house  of  representatives,  and  the  town  of  Boston 
have  refused  to  make  their  compliments  to  a  man, 
whose  administration  since  the  departure  of  the  Net- 
tleham  Baronet,  they  can  by  no  means  approve  of. 
From  hence  you  will  judge  whether  these  addresses 
speak  the  sentiments  of  the  people  in  general,  or  are 
any  more  than  the  foul  breath  of  sycophants  and 
hirelings. 

The  province  of  North  Carolina,  by  accounts  from 
thence,  appears  to  have  been  involved  in  a  civil  war. 
It  is  the  general  opinion  here  that  the  people  in  the 
back  parts  of  that  province  have  been  greatly  oppress- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  177 

ed,  and  that  the  governor,  instead  of  hearkening  to 
their  complaints  and  redressing  their  grievances,  has 
raised  an  army  and  spilt  their  blood.  This  it  must 
be  confessed,  is  treating  the  people  under  his  govern 
ment  much  in  the  same  manner  as  his  superiors  have 
treated  the  nation  and  the  colonies.  But  their  exam 
ple  may  prove  dangerous  to  be  followed  by  a  planta 
tion  governor.  At  this  distance  from  Carolina  we 
have  not  yet  received  a  perfect  account  from  thence. 
I  hope  your  friends  in  the  adjacent  colony  of  Virginia 
have  wrote  you  particularly  of  this  important  matter. 
Tryon  has  arrived  at  New- York,  where  he  is  appoint 
ed  governor.  He  has  already  been  addressed  with 
all  the  expressions  of  court  sincerity,  and  perhaps  he 
may  hereafter  receive  the  reward  of  a  baronet  for  his 
fidelity  and  courage.  ;  When  vice  prevails  and  im 
pious  men  bear  sway,  the  post  of  honour  is  the  pri 
vate  station.' 

I  am  with  great  esteem  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  London." 


"  BOSTON,  Sept.  27th,  1771. 

Sir, — I  am  greatly  indebted  to  you  for  your  several 
letters  of  the  10th  and  14th  of  June.  To  let  you 
know  I  am  far  from  being  inattentive  to  the  favours  you 
have  done  me,  I  enclose  a  letter  which  I  intended  for 
you  some  time  past,  but  was  prevented  forwarding  it 
by  an  accident.  I  was  afterwards  confined  to  my 
house  by  sickness ;  since  which,  by  an  excursion  into 
the  country,  I  have  fully  recovered  my  health. 

I  take  particular  notice  of  the  reasons  you  assign  for 
a  whole  session  of  parliament  being  spent,  without 
one  offensive  measure  against  America.  You  account 
for  our  being  flattered,  « that  all  the  designs  against 


178  LIFE    OF 

the  charter  of  the  colony  are  laid  aside,'  in  a  manner 
perfectly  corresponding  with  the  sentiments  I  had  pre 
conceived  of  it.  The  opinion  you  have  formed  of  the 
ruling  men  on  both  sides  the  Atlantic,  is  exactly  mine; 
and  as  I  have  the  most  unfavourable  idea  of  the  heads 
or  the  hearts  of  the  present  administration.  I  cannot 
hope  for  much  good  from  the  services  of  any  man  who 
can  submit  to  be  dependent  on  them. 

1  was  pleased  with  the  petition  and  remonstrance 
of  the  city  of  London.  But  are  not  the  ministry  lost 
to  all  sensibility  ?  Do  they  not,  like  the  Egyptian  ty 
rant,  harden  their  hearts  against  the  just  complaints 
of  the  people.  May  God  grant  the  nation  that  pru 
dence,  strength,  and  fortitude,  by  which  they  may  be 
animated  to  maintain  their  own  liberties  at  all  events  ! 
By  your  last  letter  you  resolve  wisely,  '  if  ever  the 
spirit  of  impeaching  should  rise  in  Britain.'  But  how 
is  it  possible  such  a  spirit  should  rise.  In  all  former 
struggles  the  house  of  commons  has  naturally  taken 
side  with  the  people  against  oppressing  ministers  and 
favourites.  Whether  this  is  the  case  at  present  or 
not  is  no  secret  to  the  world.  We  have  indeed  heard 
little  of  the  business  of  impeaching  since  the  revolu 
tion  ;  its  corrupt  ministerial  influence  has  been  grad 
ually  and  too  insensibly  increasing  since  that  era,  and 
is  now  become  so  powerful  as  to  render  it  impractica 
ble  to  have  one  capital  object  of  the  people's  just  ven 
geance  impeached.  The  proposals  you  were  so  kind 
as  to  send  me,  I  cannot  but  heartily  consent  to  ;  I 
communicated  them  to  two  or  three  intimate  and  ju 
dicious  friends,  who  equally  approved  of  them.  But 
they  cannot  be  carried  into  execution  until  the  pre 
sent  parliament  is  at  an  end ;  and  if  it  is  not  to  be 
dissolved  till  the  end  of  its  septennial  duration  is  it 
not  to  be  feared  that  before  its  expiration  there  will 
be  an  end  of  liberty  ?  If  I  mistake  not,  there  is  an 
act  of  parliament  whereby  the  placemen  and  pension- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  179 

ers  in  the  house  of  commons  (who  were  not  such  at 
the  time  of  their  election)  shall  be  vacated,  and  the 
electors  have  a  right  to  choose  others  if  they  see 
proper.  Perhaps  there  never  was  a  time  when  the 
advantages  of  this  law  were  more  apparent.  Would 
it  not  then  be  doing  the  most  important  service  to 
the  cause  of  liberty,  if  the  gentlemen  of  the  bill  of 
rights,  who  I  pray  God  may  never  be  united  in  the 
councils,  would  exert  their  utmost  influence  to  prevail 
upon  the  constituents  of  such  rotten  members  to  claim 
that  privilege  and  make  good  use  of  it.  If  there  is 
any  virtue  among  the  people  I  should  think  this  might 
easily  be  done.  If  it  be  impracticable  I  fear  another 
general  election  of  members  would  only  serve  to  con 
vince  all  of  what  we  are  all  apprehensive  of,  that 
there  is  a  total  depreciation  of  morals  and  manners  in 
the  nation,  or  in  fewer  words,  that  it  is  already  irre 
coverably  ruined. 

If  it  should  ever  become  a  practicable  thing  to  im 
peach  a  corrupt  administration,  I  hope  that  minister 
who  advised  to  the  introduction  of  an  arbitrary  gov 
ernment  into  America,  will  not  be  overlooked.  Such 
a  victim  I  imagine  will  make  a  figure  equal  to  Lord 
StrafTord  in  the  reign  of  Charles,  or  many  others  in 
future  times.  The  conduct  of  judges,  touching  juries, 
appears  to  be  alarming  on  both  sides  the  water,  and 
is  a  subject  of  strict  enquiry.  But  are  they  not  en 
deavouring  to  establish  the  civil  law,  which  Black- 
stone  says  is  only  permitted  in  England,  to  the  preju 
dice  of  the  common  law.*  And  will  not  this  in  its 
consequence  prove  fatal  to  your  happy  constitution? 
I  observe  one  of  your  proposals  is,  that  a  law  may  be 
made  subjecting  each  candidate  to  an  oath  against 
having  used  bribery  and  corruption  to  obtain  his  elec 
tion.  Would  there  not  be  a  danger  that  a  law  by 
which  a  candidate  may  purge  himself  by  his  oath, 

*  I  suppose  within  restrictions,  as  in  ancient  times. 


180  LIFE    OF 

would  exclude  some  other  more  certain  evidence  of 
the  truth  than  his  own  declaration  even  upon  oath, 
after  having  perhaps  already  prostituted  his  conscience 
for  his  seat  ?  I  am  of  opinion  that  he  who  can  be  so 
sordid  as  to  gain  an  election  by  bribery,  or  any  other 
illegal  means,  must  be  lost  to  all  such  feelings  as  those 
of  honour  or  conscience,  or  the  obligation  of  an  oath. 
With  regard  to  the  grievances  of  the  Americans,  it 
must  be  owned,  that  the  violation  of  the  essential 
right  of  taxing  themselves,  is  a  capital  one.  This 
right  is  founded  in  nature.  It  is  unalienable,  and 
therefore  it  belongs  to  us  exclusively,  without  a  shar 
er,  much  less  a  rival.  The  least  infringement  of  it 
is  sacrilege.  But  there  are  other  methods  taken  by 
Lord  Hillsborough,  and  punctually  put  into  execution 
by  Mr.  Hutchinson,  which  in  my  opinion  would  give 
a  mortal  stab  to  our  essential  rights,  if  the  parliament 
had  never  by  their  declaratory  act  claimed  authority 
to  tax  us;  and  to  appropriate  the  money  for  the  es 
tablishment  of  standing  armies,  and  the  support  of 
pensioners  and  placemen,  civil  and  ecclesiastic,  which 
are  as  terrible  as  an  army  of  soldiers.  And  if  the 
commons  of  this  province  cannot  impeach,  we  have 
nothing  under  God  to  rely  upon  but  the  interposition 
of  our  friends  in  Britain,  or  the  Ultima  Ratio.  In 
short,  our  civil  constitution  is  essentially  altered.  We 
are  in  a  state  of  perfect  despotism.  Instead  of  hav 
ing  a  governor,  exercising  authority  within  the  rules 
and  circumspection  of  the  charter,  which  is  the  civil 
compact  between  the  king  and  the  people,  and  depend 
ent  on  them  for  his  support,  we  have  a  man  with  the 
name  of  a  governor  only.  He  is  indeed  commissioned 
by  the  king,  but  under  the  control  of  the  minister, 
to  whom  he  yields  unlimited  obedience ;  while  he  is 
subsisted  with  the  money  of  the  people,  by  virtue  of 
an  assumed  authority  of  the  British  parliament,  to 
oblige  them  to  pay  him  such  a  stipend  as  the  king 


ARTHUR    LEE* 


181 


shall  order.  Can  you  tell  me  who  is  governor  of  this 
province?  Surely  not  Mr.  Hutchinson;  for  I  cannot 
conceive  that  he  exercises  the  power  of  judging,  vest 
ed  in  him  by  the  constitution,  in  one  act  of  govern 
ment  which  appears  to  him  to  be  important.  The 
government  is  shifted  into  the  hands  of  the  earl  of 
Hillsborough,  whose  sole  counsellor  is  the  Nettleham 
baronet.  Upon  such  a  governor,  aided  by  the  advice 
of  such  a  counsellor,  depends  the  time  and  the  place 
of  sitting  of  the  legislative  assembly,  or  whether  it 
shall  sit  at  all !  If  they  are  allowed  to  meet,  they  are 
to  be  dictated  to  by  this  duumvirate,  through  the  in 
strumentality  of  a  third,  and  may  be  thrown  out  of 
existence  for  failing  in  one  point  to  conform  to  their 
sovereign  pleasure !  A  legislature  to  be  sure,  wor 
thy  to  be  boasted  of  by  a  free  people.  If  our  nomi 
nal  governor,  by  all  the  arts  of  persuasion,  can  prevail 
upon  us  to  be  easy  under  such  a  mode  of  government, 
he  will  do  a  singular  piece  of  service  to  his  lordship; 
as  it  will  save  him  the  trouble  of  getting  our  charter 
vacated  by  a  formal  decision  of  parliament,  or  through 
a  tedious  process  of  law. 

The  grievances  of  Britain  as  well  as  ours,  as  you 
observe,  spring  from  the  same  root  of  bitterness,  and 
are  of  the  same  pernicious  growth.  The  union  of 
Britain  and  America  is  therefore  by  all  means  to  be 
cultivated.  If  in  every  colony  societies  should  be 
formed  out  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants  simi 
lar  to  that  of  the  bill  of  rights,  who  should  once  in  the 
year  meet  by  their  deputies,  and  correspond  with  such 
a  society  in  London,  would  it  not  effectually  promote 
such  an  union?  And  if  it  was  conducted  with  a  pro 
per  spirit,  would  it  not  afford  sufficient  reason  for  the 
enemies  of  our  common  liberty,  however  exalted,  to 
tremble?  This  is  a  sudden  thought,  and  drops  undi 
gested  from  my  pen.  It  would  be  an  arduous  task 

VOL.  n.  23 


182  LIFE   OF 

for  any  man  to  undertake  to  awaken  a  sufficient  num 
ber  in  the  colonies  to  so  grand  an  undertaking.  No 
thing  however  is  to  be  despaired  of. 

Enclosed  you  have  a  copy  of  the  protests  of  divers 
patriotic  clergymen  in  Virginia,  against  an  episcopate 
in  America.      It  is  part  of  the  system  which  is  to 
secure  a  ministerial  influence  in  America,  which  in 
all  reason  is  full  strong  enough,  without  the  aid  of  the 
clergy.     The  junction  of  the  canon  and  the  feudal 
laws,  you  know  has  been  fatal  to  the  liberties  of  man 
kind.     The  design  of  the  first  settlers  of  New-Eng 
land,  in  particular,  was  to  form  a  plan  of  government 
upon  the  true  principles  of  liberty.     It  is  no  wonder 
then  that  we  should  be  alarmed  at  the  design  of  es 
tablishing  such  a  power.     It  is  a  singular  pleasure  to 
us  that  the  colony  of  Virginia,  though  episcopalian, 
should  appear  against  it,  as  you  will  see  by  the  vote 
of  thanks  of  the  house  of  Burgesses  to  the  protesting 
gentlemen.     The  house  declared  the  protests  to  be 
"  a  wise  and   well  timed   opposition."     I  wish  they 
would  be  published  in  London.     I  had  the  pleasure 
of  knowing  Mr.  Hewit,  who  was  in  this  town  about 
two  years  ago  in  company  with  Mr.  Eyre,  of  North 
Hampton  county,  in  Virginia,  who  is  a  member  of  the 
house  of  Burgesses.     I  did  not  then  know  that  he  was 
a  clergyman. 

I  fear  I  have  tired  your  patience,  and  conclude  with 
assuring  you  that  I  am  in  strict  truth  sir,  your  friend 
and  humble  servant, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

p.  S. — The  bearer  of  this  is  William  Story,  for 
merly  of  this  town,  but  now  of  Ipswich.  He  was  a 
deputy  register  in  the  court  of  vice  admiralty  before 
and  at  the  time  of  the  stamp-act,  and  would  then 
have  given  up  the  place  as  he  declared,  but  his  friends 


ARTHUR    LEE.  183 

advised  him  against  it.  He  suffered  the  resentment 
of  the  people  on  the  26th  of  August  1765,  together 
with  Gov.  Hutchinson,  for  which  he  was  recompensed 
by  the  general  assembly,  as  he  declared,  in  part  only. 
He  tells  me  that  his  design  in  going  home  is  to  settle 
an  affair  of  his  own  in  the  court  of  admiralty,  in 
which  the  commissioners  of  the  customs,  as  he  says, 
declare  it  is  not  in  their  power  to  do  him  justice ;  one 
would  think  it  never  was  in  their  power  or  their  in 
clination  to  do  justice  to  any  man.  Mr.  Story  has 
professed  himself  to  be  a  warm  friend  of  liberty 
for  many  years  past.  I  tell  him  I  make  no  doubt 
but  you  will  befriend  him  as  far  as  shall  be  in  your 
power,  in  obtaining  justice ;  in  which  you  will  oblige 
your  humble  servant, 

S.  ADAMS." 


"BOSTON,  Oct  2d,  1771. 

Sir, — I  have  already  written  to  you  by  this  convey* 
ance,  and  there  mentioned  to  you  Mr.  Story,  a  gen 
tleman  to  whose  care  I  committed  that  letter.  I  have 
since  heard  that  he  has  a  letter  to  Lord  Hillsborough 
from  Gov.  Hutchinson,  which  may  possibly  recom 
mend  him  for  some  place  by  way  of  compensation  for 
his  joint  sufferings  with  the  governor.  I  do  not  think 
it  possible  for  any  man  to  receive  his  lordship's  favour, 
without  purchasing  it  by  having  done  or  promising  to 
do  some  kind  of  jobs.  If  Mr.  Story  should  form  con 
nexions  with  administration  upon  any  principles  incon 
sistent  with  those  of  a  friend  to  liberty,  he  will  then 
appear  to  be  a  different  character  from  that  which  I 
recommended  to  your  friendship.  I  mention  this  for 
your  caution,  and  in  confidence ;  and  am  with  great 
regard  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS, 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


184  LIFE    OF 


"  BOSTON,  Oct.  31st,  1771. 


My  Dear  Sir, — I  enclose  a  printed  copy  of  the  re 
solve  of  the  council  of  this  province,  whereby  Junius 
Americanus  is  censured  for  asserting  that  the  late  se 
cretary  Oliver  stood  recorded  in  the  council  books  as 
a  perjured  traitor.*  You  may  easily  suppose  that  the 
friends  of  America,  for  whom  this  writer  has  been  and 
is  an  able  advocate,  resent  this  conduct  of  the  council; 
whose  ingratitude,  to  say  nothing  of  the  injustice  of 
this  proceeding,  is  the  more  extraordinary,  as  Junius 
Americanus  has  taken  so  much  pains  to  vindicate  that 
very  body  against  the  malignant  aspersions  of  Ber 
nard  and  others.  There  were  however  of  twenty- 
six  councillors  eight  only  present,  when  they  were 
prevailed  upon  by  an  artful  man  to  pass  this  resolve. 
You  will  see  by  the  enclosed  some  remarks  upon  their 
former  proceedings,  or  rather  a  recital  of  parts  of 
them,  by  which  I  think  it  appears  that  the  assertion 
could  not  be  groundless  or  malicious;  nor  can  it  be 
false,  if  their  own  publications  are  true.  I  can  con 
ceive  that  the  design  of  the  first  mover  of  this  resolve 
was  to  injure  the  credit  of  all  the  writings  of  Junius 
Americanus,  which  I  believe  he  has  very  sensibly  felt, 
and  also  to  make  it  appear  to  the  world,  that  the  coun 
cil,  as  they  had  before  insinuated  of  the  house,  had 
departed  from  and  disavowed  the  sentiments  of  for 
mer  assemblies  ;  and  that  this  change  has  been  effect 
ed  by  Mr.  Hutchinson. 

With  regard  to  the  council,  it  is  hardly  possible  for 
any  one  at  a  distance  to  ascertain  their  political  sen 
timents  as  a  body,  from  what  he  sees  published  in 
general  as  their  determinations.  For  it  has  been  the 
practice  of  the  governor  to  summon  a  general  council 
at  times  when  the  assembly  is  sitting,  and  of  course 

*  Mr,  Lee  was  the  author  of  Junius  Americanus. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  185 

when  the  whole  number  of  councillors  is  present ; 
but  in  their  capacity  of  advisers  to  the  governor,  they 
are  adjourned  from  week  to  week  during  the  session 
of  the  assembly,  and  till  it  is  over,  when  the  coun 
try  gentlemen,    members   of   council,    return    home. 
Thus  the  general  council  being  kept  alive  by  adjourn 
ment,  the  principal   and  most  important  part  of  the 
business  of  their  executive  department  is  done   by 
seven  or  eight  who  live  in  or  near  the  town;  and  if  the 
governor  can  manage  the  majority  of  so  small  a  num 
ber,  matters  will  then  be  conducted  always  according 
to  his  mind.     I   believe  I  may  safely  affirm,  that  by 
far  the  greatest  number  of  civil  officers  have  been  ap 
pointed  at  these  adjournments  ;  so  it  is  much  the  same 
as  if  they  were  appointed  by  our  ostensible  governor, 
or  rather  by  his  master  the  minister  for  the  time  be 
ing.     You  will  not  then  be  surprised  if  I  tell  you,  that 
among  the  five  judges  of  our  superior  courts  of  jus 
tice,  there  are  the  following  near  connexions  with  the 
first  and  second  in  station  in  the  province : — Mr.  Lynde 
is  chief  justice ;  his  daughter  is  married  to  a  son  of  Mr. 
Oliver,  lieutenant-governor.     Mr.  Oliver,  another  of 
the  judges,  is  his  brother  ;  his  son  married  Gov.  Hutch- 
inson's  daughter.     Judge  Hutchinson,  latelv  appoint 
ed,  who  is  also  judge  of  the  probate  of  wills  for  the 
first  county,  an  important  department,  is  the  govern 
or's  brother.     Besides  which,  the  young  Mr.  Oliver 
is  a  justice  of  the  common  pleas  for  the  county  of 
Essex.     Mr.  Collin,  a  brother-in-law  of  the  governor, 
is  deputy  secretary  of  the  province,  and  register  in 
the  probate  office  under  Mr.  Hutchinson.     A  cousin- 
german  of  the  governor  was  sent  for  out  of  another 
province,  to  fill  up  the  place  of  clerk  to  the  common 
pleas  in  this  county;  and  the  eldest  son  of  the  governor 
will  soon  be  appointed  a  justice  of  the  same  county, 
in  the  room  of  his  uncle  advanced  to  the  superior 
bench.     I  should  have  first  mentioned,  that  the  govern- 


186  LIFE    OF 

or  and  the  lieutenant-governor  are  brothers  by  mar 
riage. 

The  house  of  representatives,  notwithstanding  the 
advantages  which  a  new  governor  always  has  in  his 
hands,  I  have  reason  to  think  will  be  so  firm  as  at 
least  not  to  give  up  any  essential  right.  The  body 
of  the  people  are  uneasy  at  the  large  strides  that 
are  made  and  making  towards  an  absolute  tyranny. 
Many  are  alarmed,  but  are  of  different  sentiments 
with  regard  to  the  next  step  to  be  taken.  Some  in 
deed  think  that  every  step  has  already  been  taken  but 
one.  The  ultimo  ratio  would  require  prudence,  una 
nimity,  fortitude.  The  conspirators  against  our  liber 
ties  are  employing  all  their  influence  to  divide  the 
people  ;  partly  by  intimidating  them,  for  which  pur 
pose  there  is  a  fleet  with  an  admiral,  lying  within 
gun-shot  of  the  town,  and  the  capital  fort  within  three 
miles  of  it,  is  garrisoned  by  the  king's  troops  ;  and 
partly  by  arts  and  intrigue  ;  flattering  those  who  are 
pleased  with  flattery  ;  forming  connexions  with  them, 
introducing  levity,  luxury,  and  indolence,  and  assur 
ing  them  that  if  they  are  quiet  the  ministry  will  alter 
their  measures.  This  is  the  general  appearance  of 
things  here,  while  the  people  are  anxiously  waiting 
for  some  happy  event  from  your  side  the  water.  For 
my  own  part  I  confess  I  have  no  great  expectation 
from  thence  ,•  I  have  long  been  of  opinion  that  Ame 
rica  herself,  under  God,  must  finally  work  out  her 
own  salvation. 

I  have  been  told  by  a  friend  that  a  manuscript  en 
titled  a  6  Hue  and  Cry,'  upon  the  subject  of  the  trials 
of  Preston  and  the  soldiers,  has  been  sent  from  hence 
for  your  perusal.  Had  I  seen  and  thought  it  answera 
ble  to  what  I  have  heard  of  it,  I  should  have  endea 
voured  to  have  had  it  published  here.  I  wish  if  you 
think  it  worth  while,  it  might  be  published  in  Lon 
don,  subject  entirely  to  your  correction  and  amend- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  187 

ment.  But  after  all,  what  will  the  best  and  most 
animating  publications  signify,  if  the  many  are  willing 
to  submit  and  be  enlaved  by  the  few  ? 

I  wrote  you  about  a  fortnight  past  by  Capt.  Hood, 
and  have  nothing  more  to  add  at  present  but  that  I 
am  sincerely  your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

S.  A." 


"  BOSTON,  13th  Nov.  1771. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Several  vessels  have  lately  arrived 
from  London,  but  I  have  not  had  the  pleasure  of  a 
line  from  you  by  either  of  them.  Since  the  resolve 
of  council,  by  which  Junius  Americanus  was  so  se 
verely  censured,  there  has  been  a  proclamation  issu 
ed  by  the  governor  with  their  advice  for  a  general 
thanksgiving,  which  has  been  the  practice  of  the 
country  at  this  time  of  the  year  from  its  first  settle 
ment.  This  pious  proclamation  has  given  the  great 
est  offence  to  the  people  in  general,  as  it  appears  evi 
dently  to  be  calculated  to  serve  the  purposes  of  the 
British  administration,  rather  than  that  of  religion. 

We  were  the  last  year  called  upon  to  thank  the  Al 
mighty  for  the  blessings  of  the  administration  of  gov 
ernment  in  this  province,  which  many  looked  upon  as 
an  impious  farce  ;  now  we  are  demurely  exhorted  to 
render  our  humble  and  hearty  thanks  to  the  same 
omniscient  Being,  for  the  continuance  of  our  civil  and 
religious  privileges,  and  the  enlargement  of  our  trade  ! 
This,  I  imagine,  was  contrived  to  try  the  feelings  of 
the  people  ;  and  if  the  governor  could  dupe  the  clergy 
as  he  had  the  council,  and  they,  the  people,  so  that 
the  proclamation  should  be  read  as  usual  in  our 
churches,  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  but  acquaint 
Lord  Hillsborough,  that  the  people  in  general  acqui 
esced  in  the  measures  of  government,  since  they  had 
appeared  to  admit  with himself,  that  notwith- 


188  LIFE    OF 

standing  the  faction  and  turbulence  of  a  party,  their 
liberties  were  continued  and  their  trade  enlarged.  I 
am  at  a  loss  to  say  whether  this  measure  is  more  in 
solent  to  the  people  or  affrontive  to  the  majesty  of 
Heaven  ;  neither  of  whom  however  a  modern  politi 
cian  regards,  if  at  all,  so  much  as  the  smiles  of  his 
noble  patron.  But  the  people  saw  through  it  in  gen 
eral,  arid  openly  declared  that  they  would  not  hear 
the  proclamation  read  ;  the  consequence  of  which 
was,  that  it  was  read  in  only  two  of  all  the  churches 
in  this  town,  consisting  of  twelve,  besides  three  Epis 
copal  churches ;  there  indeed  it  has  not  been  cus 
tomary  ever  to  read  them  ;  of  those  two  clergymen 
who  read  it,  one  of  them  being  a  stranger  in  the  pro 
vince,  and  having  been  settled  but  about  six  weeks, 
performed  a  servile  task  about  a  week  before  the 
usual  time,  when  the  people  were  not  aware  of  it ; 
they  were  however  much  disgusted  at  it.  The  other 
is  a  known  flatterer  of  the  governor,  and  is  the  very 
person  who  formed  the  fulsome  address,  of  which  I 
wrote  you  some  time  ago  ;  he  was  deserted  by  a  great 
number  of  his  auditory  in  the  midst  of  his  reading. 

Thus  every  art  is  practised,  and  every  tool  employ 
ed  to  make  it  appear  as  if  this  people  were  easy  in 
their  claims,  and  that  this  great  revolution  is  brought 
about  by  the  inimitable  address  of  Mr.  Hutchinson. 

There  is  one  part  of  the  proclamation  which  I  think 
deserves  notice  on  your  side  of  the  water ;  and  that 
relates  to  the  accommodation  with  the  Spaniards,  in 
the  affair  of  Falkland  Island.  This  must  have  been 
referred  to  under  the  terms  of  the  preservation  of  the 
peace  of  Europe. 

From  what  I  wrote  you  last  I  fancy  you  cannot 
wonder  if  the  governor  carries  any  thing  he  pleases 
in  his  Divan  here.  His  last  conduct  has  exposed  him 
more  than  any  thing.  JVe  lude  cum  sacris,  is  a  com 
mon  proverb.  Should  he  once  lose  the  reputation, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  189 

which  his  friends  have  with  the  utmost  industry  been 
building  up  for  him  among  the  clergy  for  these  thirty 
years  past,  as  a  consummate  saint,  he  must  fall  like 
Sampson  when  his  locks  were  shorn.  The  people 
are  determined  to  keep  their  day  of  festivity,  but  not 
for  all  the  purposes  of  the  infamous  proclamation. 

I  beg  you  would  omit  no  opportunity  of  writing  to 
me,  and  be  assured  that  I  am  in  a  style  too  much  out 
of  fashion,  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  January  14th,  1772. 

Sir, — Your  latest  letter  to  me  is  of  the  10th  June, 
since  which  I  have  several  times  written  to  you  and 
have  been  impatiently  waiting  for  your  farther  favours. 
I  suppose  by  this  time  the  parliament  is  sitting  for  the 
despatch  of  business,  and  we  shall  soon  discover  whe 
ther  administration  have  had  it  in  their  hearts,  as  we 
have  been  flattered,  to  recede  from  their  oppressive 
measures,  and  repeal  the  obnoxious  revenue  acts. 
Is  it  not  a  strange  mode  of  expression  of  late  years 
made  use  of,  that  administration  intends  that  this  law 
shall  be  enacted,  or  that  repealed  ?  It  is  language 
adapted  to  the  infamy  of  the  present  times,  by  a  na 
tion  which  boasts  of  the  freedom  and  independency 
of  her  parliaments.  I  believe  almost  any  of  the  Ame 
rican  assemblies  would  highly  resent  such  an  imperi 
ous  tone,  even  in  the  honourable  board  of  commission 
ers  of  the  customs,  who  I  dare  say  think  themselves 
equal  in  dignity,  at  least  in  proportion  to  the  different 
countries,  to  his  majesty's  ministers  of  state.  A  Bos- 
tonian,  I  assure  you,  would  blush  with  indignation  to 
hear  it  said  that  his  majesty's  commissioners  of  the 
customs  (though  perhaps  they  are  of  his  excellency's 
privy  council)  had  held  a  consultation  at  Butcher's 

VOL.  n.  24 


190  LIFE    OF 

Hall,  upon  the  affairs  of  the  province,  and  that  they 
had   come  to  a  conclusion    that  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives   should   rescind    their    late  protest  against 
any  doctrines  which  tend  to  give  royal  instructions 
to  the  governor,  the  force  of  laws.      This  protest  it 
is  said,  his  majesty's  wise  ministers  were   so  huge 
ly  affronted  at,  as  to  alter  their  determination  upon 
a  question,  in  which  the  fate   of  the   British  nation 
was  involved,  namely,  whether  our  general  assembly 
should  sit  at  Cambridge  or  in  Boston.     I  confess  this 
was  a  question  of  such  astonishing  importance  to  the 
millions  of  Britons  and  their  descendants,  and  decid 
ed  no  doubt  with  such  refined  discrimination  of  judg 
ment,  that  is  not  so  much  to  be  wondered  at,  if  all 
national  wisdom  is  to  be  ascribed  to  such  a  bed  of 
counsellors,  who  seem  to  have  possessed  themselves 
of  all  national  power.     But  as  the  circumstances  of 
things   may  alter,  and   his  majesty  may  be   obliged 
through  necessity  to  have  recourse  to  men  of  common 
understanding,  when  these  are  gone  to  receive  their 
just  rewards  in  another  life,  would  it  not  be  most 
proper  that  the  parliament  should  be  at  least  the  os- 
tensive  legislature,  for  there  is  danger  in  precedents, 
and  in  time  to  come  the  supreme  power  of  the  nation 
may  be   the  dupes  of  a  ministry,  who  may  have  no 
more  understanding  than  themselves.      It  has  been 
said  that  the  king's  ministers  have  for  years  past  re 
ceived  momentary  hints  respecting  the  fabrication  of 
American  revenue  laws  and  other  regulations,  from 
some  very  wise   heads  on  this  side  of  the  water,  and 
particularly  of  this  place  ;  and  perhaps  Great  Britain 
may  be  more  indebted  to  some  Bostonians  or  residents 
in  Boston  than  she  may  imagine,  however  reproach 
fully  she   may  have  spoken  of  them.     Bernard  pub 
licly  declared  that  he  did  not  obtrude  his  advice  on  his 
majesty's  ministers  unasked  ;  and  therefore  we  may 
naturally  conclude    that   my  lord    of  Hillsborough, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  191 

(sublime  as  his  understanding  is)  the  minister  in  the 
department,  stood  in  need  of  and  asked  his  advice, 
when  the  baronet  journalized  the  necessary  measures 
of  administration  for  the  colonies,  which  he   retailed 
in  weekly  and  sometimes  daily  letters  to  his  lordship. 
On  his  departure  he  recommended   Mr.  Hutchinson, 
though  a  Bostonian,  '  born  and  educated'  as  one  upon 
whom  his  lordship  might  depend  as  much  as   upon 
himself;  and  in  this  one  thing  I  believe  Bernard  wrote 
the  truth,  for  if  they  have  not  equal  merit  for  their 
faithful  services  to  administration,  Mr.  Hutchinson,  I 
verily  believe,  has  the  greatest  share.     It  is  whisper 
ed  here  that  the  honourable  board  of  commissioners 
have  represented  to  administration  that  the  present  re 
venue  is  not  sufficient  to  answer  all  demands,  which 
are  daily  increasing,  and  therefore  it  will  be  necessa 
ry  for  their  lordships  to  establish  an  additional  fund. 
This  is  an  important  hint,  which  may  relieve  their 
lordships,  unless  a  new  manoeuvre  should  succeed,  of 
which  we  have  an  account  in  the  Boston  Gazette  en 
closed.     By  a  vessel  just  arrived  from   London,  the 
friends  of  government,  as  they  call  themselves,  pre 
tend  that  they  have  certain  assurances  from  adminis 
tration,  that  in  three  months  we  shall  not  be  troubled 
with  commissioners  or  standing  armies.     This,  if  we 
could  depend  upon  court  promises,  would  afford  an 
agreeable  prospect.       But  the  root  of  all  our  grie 
vances  is  the  parliament's  taxing  us,  which  they  can 
not  do,  but  upon  principles  repugnant  to  and  subver 
sive  of  our  constitution.     If  their  lordships,  the  minis 
try,  would  be  pleased  to  repeal  the  revenue  acts,  they 
would  strike  a  blow  at  the  root. 

The  grand  design  of  our  adversaries  is  to  lull  us 
into  security,  and  make  us  easy  while  the  acts  remain 
in  force,  which  would  prove  fatal  to  us. 


192  LIFE  or 

I  have  written  in  great  haste,  and  am  sincerely 
your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  London." 


"  BOSTON,  June  14th,  1772. 

Dear    Sir, — I    now    enclose    letters    written    by 

Thomas  Hutchinson  and  Oliver  and  others  of 

less  importance,  the  originals  of  which  have  been 
laid  before  the  house  of  representatives.  The  house 
have  already  resolved,  by  a  majority  of  101  out  of  106 
members,  that  the  design  and  tendency  of  them  is  to 
subvert  the  constitution  and  introduce  arbitrary  power 
into  the  province.  They  are  now  in  the  hands  of  a 
committee  to  consider  them  farther,  and  report  what 
is  still  proper  to  be  done. 

I  think  there  is  now  a  full  discovery  of  a  combina 
tion  of  persons  who  have  been  the  principal  movers, 
in  all  the  disturbance,  misery,  and  bloodshed,  which 
has  befallen  this  unhappy  country.  The  friends  of 
our  great  men  are  much  chagrined. 

I  am  much  engaged  at  present,  and  will  write  you 
more  fully  by  the  next  opportunity.  In  the  mean 
time  believe  me  to  be  with  great  esteem  your  un 
feigned  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

Wednesday,  June  16th,  1772. — The  enclosed  re 
solves  are  to  be  considered  by  the  house  this  after 
noon. 

S.  A." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  193 


"  BOSTON,  Nov.  3,  1772. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Since  my  last  we  have  advice  that 
Lord  Hillsborough  is  removed  from  the  American  de 
partment  ;  and  although  he  makes  his  exit  with  the 
smiles  and  honours  of  the  court,  he  has  the  curses  of 
the  disinterested  and  better  part  of  the  colonists  ;  not 
that  it  is  thought  his  lordship  is  by  any  means  to  be 
reckoned  the  most  inveterate  and  active  of  all  the 
conspirators  against  our  rights.  There  are  others  on 
this  side  the  Atlantic,  who  have  been  more  assidu 
ous  in  plotting  the  ruin  of  our  liberties,  than  ever. 
He  and  they  are  the  more  infamous,  because  the 
country  they  would  enslave  is  that  very  country  in 
which  (to  use  the  words  of  their  adulators  and  ex 
pectants)  they  were  ;  born  and  educated.' 

The  character  of  Lord  Dartmouth  in  point  of  moral 
virtue  has  been  unexceptionable  in  America,  for  aught 
I  have  heard.     I  wish  it  could  be  ascertained  of  all 
his  majesty's  ministers  and  servants  that  they  deserv 
ed  such  a  character.    It  is  the  opinion  I  have  of  them 
that  makes  me  tremble  for  his  lordship,  lest  in  the 
circle  he  should  make  shipwreck  of  his  virtue.     I  am 
well  informed  that  he  has  written  a  very  polite  letter 
to  Hutchinson,  in  which  he  expresses  a  satisfaction 
in  his  conduct,  and  tells  him  he  has  always  been  of 
opinion  that  the  king  has  a  right  to  pay  his  governors 
and  other  officers.     But  surely  he  should  have  made 
himself  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  several  poli 
tical  institutions  and  charters  of  the  colonies,  as  well 
as  the  nature  of  free  governments  in  general,  before 
he  explicitly  and  officially  declared  such  an  opinion. 
I  wish  the  consideration  that  he  has  to  correspond 
with  the  most  artful,  plausible,  and  insinuating  men, 
and  some  of  them  the  most  malicious  enemies  of  the 
common  rights  of  mankind,  might  induce  his  lordship 


194  LIFE    OF 

to  be  upon  his  guard  against  too  suddenly  giving  full 
credit  to  their  representations,  which  perhaps  was 
the  capital  mistake  of  his  successors  in  office.  Our 
conspirators  were  alarmed  at  his  appointment ;  and  I 
believe  are  determined  if  they  can,  to  impose  upon  his 
credulity,  if  he  has  any  such  weakness  about  him. 

We  are  now  alarmed  with  the  advice  that  the 
judges  of  our  superior  court  of  law,  have  salaries 
appointed  by  the  crown  independent  of  the  people, 
which  has  occasioned  a  meeting  of  this  metropolis, 
the  proceedings  of  which  you  have  in  the  enclosed 
papers.  At  the  first  meeting  on  the  Wednesday,  and 
at  the  last  adjournment  on  the  Monday  following, 
there  was  a  respectable  appearance  of  the  inhabitants, 
though  not  so  full  as  has  sometimes  been  on  occasions 
of  much  less  importance,  owing  partly  to  its  being  the 
season  of  the  year  when  the  town  is  filled  with  our 
country  folks,  and  every  one  is  laying  in  provision  for 
the  approach  of  a  long  winter  ;  partly  to  the  industry 
of  the  enemies,  to  prevent  a  full  meeting,  which  they 
had  before  discovered,  to  prevent  any  meeting  at  all 
(for  they  dread  nothing  more ;)  and  partly  from  the 
opinion  of  some,  that  there  was  no  method  left  to 
be  taken  but  the  last,  which  is  also  the  opinion  of 
many  in  the  country.  However  as  I  said  before 
there  was  a  respectable  meeting ;  and  I  think  the 
town  has  taken  a  necessary  step,  (by  appointing  a 
committee  of  twenty-one  persons,  to  correspond  with 
each  town  in  the  province),  to  ascertain  the  true  sense 
of  the  country  with  regard  to  our  grievances,  which 
being  known  it  will  be  the  easier  to  determine  upon, 
and  prosecute  to  effect,  the  methods  which  ought  to 
be  taken  for  a  redress  of  them.  The  tories  give  out 
this  in  whisper,  that  they  expect  what  they  call  a 
breeze  before  long,  which  they  say  they  gather  from 
the  slow  but  regular  approaches  that  are  made.  They 
begin  perhaps  to  be  apprehensive  that  the  body  of  a 


ARTHUR    LEE.  195 

long-insulted  people  will  bear  the  insult  and  oppres 
sion  no  longer  than  until  they  feel  in  themselves 
strength  to  shake  off  the  yoke.  These  persons  will 
form  what  judgment  they  please.  If  this  is  the 
determination  of  the  people  it  is  justifiable  as  far 

as  the  declaration  of  Mr.  H himself  has  weight ; 

for  I  am  told  by  a  gentleman  whom  1  can  credit,  that 
in  conversation  he  has  said,  there  was  nothing  in  mo 
rality  that  forbad  resistance. 

In  your  last  you  expressed  your  hopes  of  the  re 
moval  of  Hillsborough.     I  could  not  join  with  you; 
for  if  I  am  to  have  a  master,  let  me  have  a  severe 
one,  that  I  may  constantly  have  the  mortifying  sense 
of  it.     I  shall  then  be  constantly  disposed  to  take  the 
first  fair  opportunity  of  ridding  myself  of  his  tyranny. 
There  is  danger  of  the  people  being  flattered  with 
such  partial  relief  as  Lord  Dartmouth  may  be  able  (if 
disposed)  to  obtain  for  them,  and  building  upon  vain 
hopes  till   their   chains  are  rivetted.     Are  they  not 
still  heaping   guidance  upon  guidance?     And   while 
these  grievances  remain,  to  what  purpose  would  it  be 
if  his  lordship  should  get  a  few  boyish  instructions  to 
the  governor  relaxed?     Would  this  be  a  reason  for  a 
final  submission  to  a  tribute  raised  in  support  of  the 
despotic  power?     The  tribute  is  the  indignity  which 
I  hope  in  God  will  never  be  patiently  borne  by  a  peo 
ple,  who  of  all  the  people  on  the  earth,  deserve  most 
to  be  free. 

I  am  astonished  that  Dr.  Franklin  has  written  no 
letter  to  the  speaker. 

I  will  write  you  by  the  next  ship.  In  the  mean 
time  be  assured  (hat  I  am  your  friend  and  humble  ser 
vant, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


196  LIFE    OF 


"  BOSTON,  Nov.  31st,  1772. 

My  Dear  Sir, — My  last  letter  to  you  was  of  the  3d 
inst.  I  now  enclose  the  proceedings  of  this  town  at 
a  meeting  appointed  to  receive  the  report  of  the  com 
mittee,  which  is  attested  by  the  town-clerk,  and  pub 
lished  by  order  of  the  town. 

Our  enemies  are  taking  all  imaginable  pains  to  dis 
parage  the  proceedings,  and  prevent  their  having  any 
effect  in  the  country.  They  are  particularly  endea 
vouring  to  have  it  believed,  that  the  vote  was  carried 
at  a  very  thin  meeting;  and  in  the  Court  Gazette  of 
last  week  have  had  the  assurance  to  say,  that  there 
were  not  more  than  twenty  persons  present,  and  that 
not  ten  voted  for  it ;  whereas  it  was  much  such  a 
meeting,  or  rather  fuller  than  the  last.  The  town  of 
Roxbury,  adjacent  to  this,  have  met,  and  against  the 
efforts  of  the  whole  cabal  have  raised  a  committee  of 
nine  persons  to  take  our  proceedings  into  considera 
tion,  and  report  at  an  adjournment;  having  before  vot 
ed  the  independency  of  the  judges,  '  a  most  dangerous 
innovation?  Plymouth,  another  large  town,  forty 
miles  distant,  has  also  met,  but  we  have  not  yet 
heard  what  has  been  done  there ;  from  the  spi 
rit  of  the  petitions  to  their  selectmen  for  a  meeting, 
among  the  enclosed  papers,  I  hope  to  send  you  an 
agreeable  account.  Other  towns  are  in  motion  of 
their  own  accord,  for  our  pamphlet  is  not  yet  sent  in 
to  the  country  towns,  Roxbury  excepted.  The  con 
spirators  are  very  sensible  that  if  our  design  succeeds, 
there  will  be  an  apparent  union  of  sentiments  among 
the  people  of  this  province,  which  may  spread  through 
the  continent.  You  cannot  then  wonder  that  their 
utmost  skill  is  employed  to  oppose  it. 

I   intended  to  have  sent  my  last  by  Capt.  Scott, 
but  having  failed  in  that  design,  I  herewith  enclose  it. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  197 

I  am  disappointed  if  I  do  not  receive  a  letter  from 
you  by  every  vessel  that  arrives  here.  Be  assured 
that  I  am  with  great  esteem  sir,  your  humble  ser 
vant, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  April  9th,  1773. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  must  by  no  means  omit  to  request 
you  to  present  my  most  respectful  compliments  to  the 
Society  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  and  return  them  my 
hearty  thanks  for  the  great  honour  they  have  done  me  in 
admitting  me  one  of  their  members.  The  gentlemen 
may  be  assured  that  this  unexpected  mark  of  their 
respect  adds  to  the  obligation  which  I  have  ever  held 
myself  under,  to  employ  the  small  share  of  ability 
which  God  has  given  me  in  vindicating  the  rights  of 
my  country  and  of  mankind. 

I  can  now  assure  you  that  the  efforts  of  this  town 
at  their  meeting  in  November  last,  have  had  effects 
which  are  extremely  mortifying  to  our  falling  tyrants. 
Every  art  and  every  instrument  was  made  use  of  to 
prevent  the  meetings  of  the  towns  in  the  country,  but 
to  no  purpose.  It  is  no  wonder  that  a  measure  calcu 
lated  to  promote  a  correspondence  and  a  free  commu 
nication  among  the  people,  should  awaken  their  ap 
prehensions;  for  they  well  know  it  must  detect  their 
falsehood  in  asserting,  that  the  people  of  this  country 
were  satisfied  with  the  measures  of  the  British  parlia 
ment,  and  the  administration  of  government.  Our 
governor  has  in  my  opinion  merited  greatly  of  the 
ministry,  by  his  constant  endeavours,  though  in  vain, 
to  sooth  and  quiet  the  people,  and  persuade  them  to 
think  there  were  no  grievances  "to  be  seen,  felt,  or 
understood;"  and  when  the  house  of  representatives 

VOL,  n,  25 


198  LIFE    OF 

in  the  last  May  session  by  almost  an  unanimous  vote 
remonstrated  against  his  independency,  he,  without 
the  least  foundation  in  truth,  and  for  no  other  reason 
that  I  can  conceive  but  to  give  countenance  to  his 
patron  Hillsborough,  or  to  establish  himself  in  his 
government,  which  he  received  with  so  great  reluct- 
ance,  did  not  scruple  in  his  speech  at  the  close  of  that 
session,  to  insinuate  that  the  house  were  under  the 
influence  of  a  few  factious  members.*  No  speech  of 
Bernard  ever  gave  greater  disgust  to  the  people,  nor 
with  more  reason. 

There  has  been  another  session  of  the  general  as 
sembly,  which  began  unexpectedly  the  sixth  of  Janu 
ary  last.  It  is  my  opinion  that  it  would  have  been 
postponed  as  usual  of  late  till  near  the  close  of  our 
political  year,  had  it  not  been  for  the  Boston  town- 
meeting.  I  mean  to  prevent  the  designed  effects  of 
it,  by  giving  an  occasion  to  the  small  jobbers  in  the 
country  to  say,  "that  however  expedient  it  might 
have  been  for  them  to  have  had  their  meetings  before, 
it  now  becomes  unnecessary  and  improper,  since  their 
representatives  are  soon  to  meet  in  general  assem 
bly."  This  had  an  influence  on  some  of  the  towns ; 
and  his  excellency  I  suppose  judged  it  more  probable 
that  he  should  be  able  to  manage  the  members  of  the 
house,  and  prevail  upon  them  to  "join  with  him  in  bear 
ing  testimony  against  the  unwarrantable  proceedings 
of  Boston,"  if  they  came  together  without  having  the 
explicit  sentiments  of  their  constituents. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  assembly  he  thought  proper 
to  open  a  controversy  with  the  two  houses,  for 
'  which  I  think  Hillsborough  would  not  thank  him ;  for 
he  has  thereby  defeated  the  favourite  design  of  the 
ministry,  which  was  to  lull  the  people  into  security, 
and  for  the  effecting  of  which  design  he  had  before 
thought  himself,  or  endeavoured  to  make  administra 
tion  believe  he  was  entitled  to  so  great  a  share  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  199 

merit.  The  whole  controversy  is  here  enclosed.  It 
has  been  published  in  most  of  the  newspapers  on  the 
continent,  and  engages  much  of  the  attention  of  the 
other  colonies.  This,  together  with  the  proceedings 
of  a  contemptible  town- meeting,  has  awakened  the 
jealousy  of  all,  and  has  particularly  raised  the  spirit 
of  the  most  ancient  and  patriotic  colony  of  Virginia. 
Their  manly  resolves  have  been  transmitted  to  the 
speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives  in  a  printed 
sheet  of  their  journals,  and  our  committee  of  corre 
spondence  have  circulated  them  into  every  town  and 
district  through  the  province. 

I  wish  I  could  hear  something  more  of  Lord  D. 
to  qualify  him  for  his  high  office,  than  merely  that  he 
is  a  good  man.     Goodness  I  confess  is  an  essential 
though  too  rare  a  qualification  of  a  minister  of  state. 
Possibly   I  may  not  yet  have  been  informed  of  the 
whole  of  his  lordship's  character.     Without  a  great 
ness  of  mind   adequate  to  the  importance  of  his  sta 
tion,  I  fear  he  may  find  himself  embarrassed  with  his 
present  connexions.     It  can  easily  be  perceived  what 
principle  induced  Lord  North  to  recommend  to  that 
department  a  nobleman  characterized  in  America  for 
piety  ;    but  what  would   prevail  on  his  lordship    to 
join  with  such  connexions,  unless  he  had  a  conscious 
ness  that  his  own  abilities  were  sufficient  to  defeat 
the  plans  of  a  corrupt  administration,  I  am  not  able 
to  conceive.     It  might  be  well  for  his  lordship  to  be 
assured  that  there  is  now  a  fairer  prospect  than  ever 
of  a  union  among  the  colonies,  which  his  predecessor 
felt,  and  had  reason  to  feel,  though  he  affected  to  des 
pise  it.     Should  the    correspondence  from  Virginia 
produce  a  congress,  and  then  an  assembly  of  states, 
it  would  require  the  head  of  a  very  able  minister  to 
speak  with  so  respectable  a  body.     This  perhaps  is  a 
mere  fiction  in  the  mind  of  a  political  enthusiast ;  mi 
nisters  of  state  are  not  to  be  disturbed  with  dreams. 


200  LIFE    OF 

1  must  now  acknowledge  your  agreeable  letter  of 
the  24th  of  Dec.  I  cannot  wonder  that  you  almost 
despair  of  the  British  nation.  Can  that  people  be 
saved  from  ruin,  who  carry  their  liberties  to  market 
and  sell  them  to  the  highest  bidder  ?  But  America 
shall  *  rise  full-plumed  and  glorious  from  the  mother 
ashes.'  Our  house  of  representatives  have  sent  a 
letter  to  Lord  Dartmouth.  This  must  without  ques 
tion  be  a  wise  measure,  though  I  must  own  I  was  not 
in  it;  I  feared  it  would  lead  the  people  to  a  false  de- 
pendance  ;  I  mean  upon  a  minister  of  state,  when  it 
ought  to  placed,  with  God's  assistance,  upon  them 
selves.  You  cannot  better  prepare  him  for  the  repre 
sentations  of  the  house  than  as  you  propose,  by  giv 
ing  him  a  proper  idea  of  Mr.  Hutchinson.  I  arn 
much  obliged  to  you  for  your  intention  to  hold  up  to 
the  public  the  generosity  of  my  esteemed  friend  Mr. 
Otis.  I  wish  I  could  assure  you  that  he  is  perfectly 
recovered. 

April  12th.  This  day  I  have  the  pleasure  of  receiv 
ing  yours  of  the  25th  of  January.  Your  putting  me 
in  mind  of  the  honour  done  me  by  the  Society  of  the 
Bill  of  Rights  is  very  kind.  I  ought  sooner  to  have 
acknowledged  it.  My  omitting  it  was  owing  to  being 
in  a  great  hurry  when  I  last  wrote  to  you.  I  am  sen 
sible  I  am  not  one  of  the  most  regular  correspondents  ; 
perhaps  not  so  much  so  as  I  should  be.  I  duly  re 
ceived,  though  I  think  not  by  Mr.  Story,  the  letter 
which  enclosed  the  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the 
governor  and  council  against  Junius  Americanus, 
which  I  immediately  published  in  the  Boston  Ga 
zette.  It  was  read  with  great  satisfaction  by  men 
of  sense  and  virtue.  I  am  heartily  glad  to  find  that 
the  proceedings  of  this  town  are  so  pleasing  to  you. 
I  have  heard  that  Lord  Dartmouth  received  one  of 
our  pamphlets  with  coldness,  and  expressed  his  con 
cern  that  the  town  had  come  into  such  measures. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  201 

His  lordship  probably  will  be  very  much  surprised  to 
find  a  very  great  number  of  the  towns  in  this  pro 
vince,  (and  the  number  daily  increases,)  concurring 
fully  in  sentiments  with  this  metropolis  ;  expressing 
loyalty  to  the  king  and  affection  to  the  mother  coun 
try,  but  at  the  same  time  a  firm  resolution  to  maintain 
their  constitutional  rights  and  liberties.  I  send  you 
the  proceedings  of  one  town,  which  if  you  think  pro 
per,  you  may  publish,  as  a  specimen  of  the  whole,  for 
the  inspection  of  an  administration  either  misinformed 
and  credulous  to  the  greatest  degree  of  human  weak 
ness,  or  obstinate  in  wilful  error.  They  have  lately 
employed  eight  regiments  of  British  troops  to  bring 
an  handful  of  unfortunate  Caribs  to  a  treaty  dishon 
ourable  to  the  nation.  How  many  regiments  will  be 
thought  necessary  to  penetrate  the  heart  of  a  populous 
country,  and  subdue  a  sensible,  enlightened,  and  brave 
people  to  the  ignominious  terms  of  slavery  ?  Or  will 
his  lordship's  superior  wisdom  direct  to  more  salutary 
measures,  and  by  establishing  freedom  in  every  part 
of  the  king's  extensive  dominions,  restore  that  mutual 
harmony  and  affection  which  alone  are  wanting,  to 
build  up  the  greatest  empire  the  world  has  ever  yet 
seen  ? 

Mr.  Wilkes  was  certainly  misinformed  when  he  was 
told  that  Mr.  H.  had  deserted  the  cause  of  liberty. 
Great  pains  had  been  taken  to  have  it  thought  to 
be  so ;  and  by  a  scurvy  trick  of  lying,  the  adversaries 
effected  a  coolness  between  that  gentleman  and  some 
others,  who  were  zealous  in  that  cause  ;  but  it  was 
of  short  continuance,  for  their  falsehood  was  soon 
detected.  Lord  Hillsborough,  as  I  suppose,  was 
soon  informed  of  the  imaginary  conquest,  for  I  have 
it  upon  such  grounds  as  I  rely  upon,  that  he  wrote 
to  the  governor  that  he  had  it  in  command  from  the 
highest  authority  to  enjoin  him  to  promote  Mr.  H. 
upon  every  occasion.  Accordingly,  though  he  had 


202  LIFE    OF 

before  been  frowned  upon,  and  often  negatived  both 
by  Bernard  and  Hutchinson,  the  latter,  who  can  smile 
sweetly  even  upon  the  man  he  hates,  when  lie  is  in 
structed  or  it  is  his  duty  to  do  so,  fawned  and  flatter 
ed  one  of  the  heads  of  the  faction,  and  at  length  ap 
proved  of  him,  when  he  was  again  chosen  by  an 
unanimous  vote  a  councillor  the  last  May.  To  pal 
liate  this  inconsistent  conduct,  it  was  previously  given 
out  that  Mr.  H.  had  deserted  the  faction,  and  became 
as  they  term  each  other,  a  friend  to  government.  But 
he  had  spirit  enough  to  refuse  a  seat  at  the  board, 
and  continue  a  member  of  the  house,  where  he  has  in 
every  instance  joined  with  the  friends  of  the  consti 
tution  in  opposition  to  the  measures  of  a  corrupt  ad 
ministration  ;  and  in  particular  no  one  has  discoursed 
with  more  firmness  against  the  independency  of  the 
governor  and  the  judges  than  he. 

I  have  mentioned  to  Mr.  Gushing  the  hint  in  your 
last,  concerning  his  not  answering  your  letters.  I 
believe  he  will  write  you  soon.  The  gratitude  of  the 
friends  to  liberty  towards  Mr.  Otis  for  his  eminent 
services  in  times  past,  induces  them  to  take  all  occa 
sions  to  show  him  respect.  I  am  much  obliged  to 
you  for  the  friendship  you  have  discovered  for  him, 
in  holding  up  to  the  view  of  the  public  his  generosity 
to  Robinson. 

Your  brother  in  Virginia  has  lately  honoured  me 
with  a  letter,  and  I  intend  to  cultivate  a  correspond 
ence  with  him,  which  I  am  sure  must  be  greatly  to 
my  advantage. 

As  you  have  confided  in  me  to  recommend  one  or 
more  gentlemen  of  this  place  as  candidates  for  the 
Society  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  I  can  with  the  greatest 
integrity  nominate  my  two  worthy  and  intimate 
friends,  John  Adams  and  Joseph  Warren,  Esqrs.  the 
one  eminent  in  the  profession  of  law,  and  the  other 
equally  so  in  that  of  physic,  both  of  them  men  of  an 


ARTHUR    LEE.  203 

unblemished  moral  character,  and  zealous  advocates 
for  the  common  rights  of  mankind. 

I  am  with  great  regard  dear  sir,  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"BOSTON,  April  22nd,  1773. 

My  Esteemed  Friend, — I  have  written  you  a  long 
epistle  by  this  conveyance,  and  yet  as  the  vessel  is 
detained  by  a  contrary  wind,  I  cannot  help  indulg 
ing  the  mood  I  am  in  to  chat  a  little  more  with  you. 
When  I  mentioned  Mr.  Hancock  in  my  last,  I  forgot 
to  tell  you  that  he  is  colonel  of  a  company,  called 
the  governor's  company  of  cadets.  Perhaps  in  this 
view  only  he  was  held  up  to  Mr.  Wilkes,  when  he 
was  informed  that  he  had  deserted  the  cause.  But  it 
should  be  known  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  gov 
ernor  to  give  a  commission  for  that  company  to  whom 
he  pleases,  as  their  officers  are  chosen  by  themselves. 
Mr.  Hancock  was  elected  by  an  unanimous  vote  ;  and 
a  reluctance  at  the  idea  of  giving  offence  to  an  hun 
dred  gentlemen,  might  very  well  account  for  the  gov 
ernor  giving  the  commission  to  Mr.  H.,  without  tak 
ing  into  consideration  that  most  powerful  of  all  other 
motives,  an  instruction,  especially  at  a  time  when  he 
vainly  hoped  he  should  gain  him  over.  I  have  been 
the  more  particular,  because  I  know  our  adversaries 
avail  themselves  much  by  propagating  reports  that 
persons  who  have  signalized  themselves  as  patriots 
have  at  length  forsaken  their  country.  Mr.  Otis  yes 
terday  was  engaged  in  a  cause  in  the  admiralty  on 
the  side  of  Davvson,  commander  of  one  of  the  king's 
cutters.  At  this  some  of  the  minions  of  power  tri 
umph,  and  say  they  have  got  over  to  their  side  the 
greatest  champion  in  our  cause.  I  have  not  yet  dis- 


204  LTFE  OF 

covered  in  the  faces  of  their  masters,  an  air  of  exulta 
tion  at  this  event;  and  indeed  how  can  they  boast  of 
the  acquisition  of  one,  whom  they  themselves  have 
been  the  most  ready  to  expose  as  distracted. 

I  send  you  a  complete  printed  copy  of  our  contro 
versy  with  the  governor,  at  the  end  of  which  you  will 
observe  some  errors  noted  which  escaped  the  press. 

This  letter  goes  under  care  of  Mr.  Cushing's  to 
Dr.  Franklin.  The  franks  you  favoured  me  with  I 
shall  make  use  of  as  necessity  shall  require. 

I  am  yours  affectionately, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  May  6th,  1773. 

My  Dear  Sir, — My  last  letter  to  you  I  sent  by 
Capt.  Symmes,  who  sailed  a  few  days  ago.  This 
town  met  yesterday,  and  made  choice  of  their  repre 
sentatives  for  the  year  ensuing.  Enclosed  is  a  copy 
of  the  town's  instructions.  It  is  a  very  common  prac 
tice  for  this  town  to  instruct  their  representatives  ; 
which  among  other  good  purposes  serves  to  commu 
nicate  their  sentiments  and  spirit  to  the  other  towns, 
and  may  be  looked  upon  as  fresh  appeals  to  the  world. 
I  perceive  by  the  late  London  newspapers  that  the 
governor's  first  speech  had  arrived  there,  and  had  been 
very  sensibly  remarked  upon  by  Junius  Americanus. 
This  warm  and  judicious  advocate  for  the  province 
I  apprehend  was  mistaken  in  saying,  that  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  British  parliament  to  legislate  for 
ces  has  been  always  acknowledged  here;  when  he 
reads  the  answer  of  the  house  to  the  speech,  he  will 
find  the  contrary  clearly  shown,  even  from  Gov.  Hutch- 
inson's  history.  What  will  be  the  consequence  of  this 
controversy,  time  must  discover;  it  must  be  placed  to 


ARTHUR    LEE.  205 

the  credit  of  the  governor,  that  he  has  quickened  a 
spirit  of  enquiry  into  the  nature  and  end  of  govern 
ment,  and  the  connexion  of  the  colonies  with  Great 
Britain,  which  has  for  some  time  past  been  prevailing 
among  the  people.  Magna  est  veritas  et  prevalebit; 
I  believe  it  will  be  hardly  in  the  power  even  of  that 
powerful  nation,  to  hold  so  inquisitive  and  increasing 
a  people  long  in  a  state  of  slavery. 

Pray  write  to  me  as  often  as  you  can  find  lei 
sure,  and  be  assured  I  am  sincerely  your  friend  and 
servant, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTOW,  May  17,  1773. 

Dear  Sir, — My  last  was  by  Capt.  Calif,  enclosing 
a  copy  of  the  instructions  of  this  town  to  their  repre 
sentatives.  Our  general  assembly  will  meet  next 
week;  what  kind  of  a  budget  the  governor  will  then 
open  is  uncertain.  It  is  whispered  he  intends  to 
bring  about  the  coalition  of  parties;  but  how  he  will 
attempt  it,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  conceive.  Surely  he 
cannot  think  that  the  body  of  this  people  will  be  qui 
eted,  till  there  is  an  end  put  to  all  oppressions  they 
are  under;  and  he  dares  not  propose  a  coalition  on 
such  terms,  because  it  would  disgust  those  who  are 
the  instruments  of  and  sharers  in  the  oppression.  Be 
sides,  I  am  inclined  to  think  he  never  w  i  be  able  to 
recover  so  much  of  the  people's  confidence,  as  to 
make  his  administration  easy.  A  few  of  his  letters 
we  have  seen,  but  are  restrained  at  present  from  pub 
lishing.  Could  they  be  made  generally  known,  his 
friends  must  desert  him.  It  is  a  pity  when  the  most 
important  intelligence  is  communicated  with  such  re 
strictions,  as  that  it  serves  rather  to  gratify  the  curi- 

VOL.   ir.  26 


206  LIFE    OF 

osity  of  a  few,  than  to  promote  the  public  good.  I 
wish  we  could  see  the  letters  he  has  written  since 
his  advancement  to  the  government.  His  friends 
give  out  that  they  "are  replete  with  tenderness  to  the 
province."  If  so,  /  speak  with  assurance,  they  are  the 
reverse  of  those  which  he  wrote  before. 

I  send  you  for  your  amusement  the  copy  of  a  vote 
passed  by  this  town  at  an  adjournment  of  their  meet 
ing  a  few  days  ago,  and  remain  in  sincerity  your 
friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

P.  S. — You  cannot  write  to  me  too  often." 


"  BOSTON,  June  21st,  1773. 

Dear  Sir, — I  wrote  in  very  great  haste  a  few  days 
ago,  and  then  enclosed  a  printed  copy  of  letters  sign 
ed  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Andrew  Oliver,  &c.,  with 
certain  resolutions  formed  by  a  committee,  and  brought 
into  the  house  of  representatives.  Those  resolutions 
have  been  since  considered  by  the  house,  and  with 
very  little  variation  adopted ;  as  you  will  see  by  the 
enclosed.  Upon  the  last  resolve  there  was  a  division 
of  85  to  28;  since  which,  five  of  the  minority  alter 
ed  their  minds;  two  other  members  came  into  the 
house,  and  desired  to  be  counted;  so  that  finally  there 
were  93  in  favour  and  22  against  it.  Many  if  not 
most  of  the  latter  voted  for  all  the  other  resolves.  A 
petition  and  remonstrance  against  Hutchinson  and 
Oliver  will  be  brought  in  I  suppose  this  week.  I 
think  enough  appears  by  these  letters  to  show,  that 
the  plan  for  the  ruin  of  American  liberty  was  laid  by 
a  few  men,  '  bom  and  educated'  amongst  us,  and 
governed  by  avarice  and  a  lust  of  power.  Could  they 
be  removed  from  his  majesty's  service  and  confidence 


ARTHUR    LEE.  207 

here,  effectual  measures  might  then  be  taken  to  re 
store  '  P lac i dam  sub  Libertate  QuietamS  Perhaps  how 
ever  you  may  think  it  necessary  that  some  on  your 
side  of  the  water  should  be  impeached,  and  brought 
to  condign  punishment.  In  this  I  shall  not  differ  with 
you. 

I  send  you  our  last  election  sermon,  delivered  by 
Mr.  Turner.  The  bishop  of  St.  Asaph's  I  have  read 
with  singular  pleasure. 

I  remain  sincerely  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS." 


"  BOSTON,  June  28th,  1773. 

Dear  Sir, — My  last  was  by  Capt.  Collson,  by  the 
way  of  Bristol,  enclosed  in  a  frank  cover.  I  then  in 
formed  you  of  the  passing  a  number  of  resolves  in 
the  house  of  representatives  upon  certain  letters  that 
had  been  under  their  consideration.  Since  which  the 
house  have  by  a  division,  121  to  82,  voted  a  petition 
and  remonstrance,  praying  that  Gov.  Hutchinson,  and 
Lieut.-Gov.  Oliver,  may  be  removed  from  their  posts. 
A  copy  of  which  is  sent  to  Dr.  Franklin  by  this  ves 
sel,  who  is  directed  to  apply  to  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  and 
any  other  gentlemen,  as  council.  Upon  my  motion, 
the  Dr.  was  directed  to  make  application  to  you  sole 
ly;  but  the  next  day  it  was  questioned  in  the  house 
whether  you  were  yet  initiated  into  the  profession  of 
law,  and  the  addition  was  made  upon  the  doubt,  which  I 
was  sorry  I  had  it  not  in  my  power  to  remove.  How 
ever,  you  must  be  applied  to;  every  friend  of  liberty, 
or  which  is  the  same  thing,  nine-tenths  of  the  house, 
having  the  greatest  confidence  in  your  integrity  and 
abilities. 

You  have  herewith  enclosed  a  copy  of  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  council  upon  the  same  subject.  The  peo- 


208  LIFE    OF 

pie  are  highly  incensed  against  the  two  impeached 
gentlemen.  They  have  entirely  lost  the  esteem  of 
the  public  ;  even  some  of  their  few  friends  are  asham 
ed  to  countenance  them. 

The  governor,  as  he  has  been  one  of  the  most 
obliged,  has  proved  himself  to  be  a  most  ungrateful 
man.  He  appears  to  me  to  be  totally  disconcerted. 
I  wish  I  could  say,  humbled. 

The  house  are  now  considering  the  independency 
of  the  judges;  a  matter  which  every  day  grows  still 
more  furious,  and  employs  much  of  the  attention  of 
the  people  without  doors,  as  well  as  of  the  members 
of  the  house.  I  wish  that  Lord  Dartmouth  and  the 
rest  of  the  great  officers  of  the  crown,  could  be  pre 
vailed  upon  duly  to  consider,  that  British  Americans 
cannot  long  endure  a  state  of  tyranny. 

I  expect  the  general  assembly  will  be  up  in  a  few 
days.  I  will  then  write  you  more  particularly.  In 
the  mean  time  I  remain  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  Nov.  9th,  1773. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  have  but  just  time  to  enclose  you 
a  newspaper,  by  which  you  will  see  that  Lord  Sh — ne 
was  not  mistaken  when  he  said  that  '  things  began  to 
wear  a  very  serious  aspect  in  this  part  of  the  world.' 
I  wish  that  Lord  Dartmouth  would  believe,  that  the 
people  here  begin  to  think  that  they  have  borne  op 
pression  long  enough,  and  that  if  he  has  a  plan  of  re 
conciliation  he  would  produce  it  without  delay;  but 
his  lordship  must  know,  that  it  must  be  such  as  will 
satisfy  Americans.  One  cannot  foresee  events ;  but 


ARTHUR    LEE.  209 

from  all  the  observation  I  am  able  to  make,  my  next 
letter  will  not  be  upon  a  trifling  subject. 

I  arn  with  great  respect,  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  Dec.  31,  1773. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  am  now  to  inform  you  of  as  re 
markable   an   event  as  has  yet  happened  since  the  , 
commencement  of  our  struggle  for  American  liberty. 
The  meeting  of  the  town  of  Boston,  an  account  of 
which  I  enclosed  in  my  last,  was  succeeded  by  the 
arrival  of  the  ship  Falmouth,  Captain  Hall,  with  114 
chests  of  the  East  India  Company's  tea,  on  the  2ftth 
of  November  last.     The  next  day  the  people  met  in 
Faneuil  hall,  without  observing  the  rules  prescribed 
by  law  for  calling  them  together  ;  and  although  that 
hall  is  capable   of  holding   1200  or   1300  men,  they 
were  soon  obliged  for  the  want  of  room  to  adjourn  to 
the  Old  South  meeting-house  ;  where  were  assembled 
upon  this  important  occasion  5000,  some  say  6000 
men,  consisting  of  the  respectable  inhabitants  of  this 
and  the  adjacent  towns.     The  business  of  the  meet 
ing  was   conducted    with   decency,   unanimity,   and 
spirit.     Their  resolutions  you  will  observe  in  an  en 
closed  printed  paper.     It  naturally  fell  upon  the  cor 
respondence  for  the  town  of  Boston  to  see  that  these 
resolutions  were  carried  into  effect.    This  committee, 
finding  that  the  owner  of  the  ship  after  she  was  un 
loaded  of  all  her  cargo  except  the  tea,  was  by  no 
means  disposed  to  take  the  necessary  steps  for  her 
sailing  back  to  London,  thought  it  best  to  call  in  the 
committees   of  Charlestown,  Cambridge,   Brookline, 
Roxbury,  and  Dorchester,  all  which  towns  are  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  this,  for  their  advice  and  assistance. 


210  LIFE    OF 

After  a  free  conference  and  due  consideration,  they 
dispersed.  The  next  day,  being  the  1 4th,  inst.  the 
people  met  again  at  the  Old  South  church,  and  hav 
ing  ascertained  the  owner,  they  compelled  him  to 
apply  to  the  custom  house  for  a  clearance  for  his 
ship  to  London  with  the  tea  on  board,  and  appointed 
ten  gentlemen  to  see  it  performed  ;  after  which  they 
adjourned  till  Thursday  the  16th.  The  people  then 
met,  and  Mr.  Rolch  informed  them  that  he  had  ac 
cording  to  their  injunction  applied  to  the  collector  of 
the  customs  for  a  clearance,  and  received  in  answer 
from  the  collector  that  he  could  not  consistently  with 
his  duty  grant  him  a  clearance,  until  the  ship  should 
be  discharged  of  the  dutiable  article  on  board.  It 
must  be  here  observed  that  Mr.  Rolch  had  before  made 
a  tender  of  the  tea  to  the  consignees,  being  told  by 
them  that  it  was  not  practicable  for  them  at  that  time 
to  receive  the  tea,  by  reason  of  a  constant  guard  kept 
upon  it  by  armed  men  ;  but  that  when  it  might  be 
practicable,  they  would  receive  it.  He  demanded  the 
captain's  bill  of  lading  and  the  freight,  both  which 
they  refused  him,  against  which  he  entered  a  regular 
protest.  The  people  then  required  Mr.  Rolch  to  pro 
test  the  refusal  of  the  collector  to  grant  him  a  clear 
ance  under  these  circumstances,  and  thereupon  to 
wait  upon  the  governor  for  a  permit  to  pass  the  cas 
tle  in  her  voyage  to  London,  and  then  adjourned  till 
the  afternoon.  They  then  met,  and  after  waiting  till 
sun-setting,  Mr.  Rolch  returned,  and  acquainted  them 
that  the  governor  had  refused  to  grant  him  a  passport, 
thinking  it  inconsistent  with  the  laws  and  his  duty  to 
the  king,  to  do  it  until  the  ship  should  be  qualified, 
notwithstanding  Mr.  Rolch  had  acquainted  him  with 
the  circumstances  above  mentioned.  You  will  observe 
by  the  printed  proceedings,  that  the  people  were  re 
solved  that  the  tea  should  not  be  landed,  but  sent 
back  to  London  in  the  same  bottom  ;  and  the  pro- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  211 

perty  should  be  safe  guarded  while  in  port,  which 
they  punctually  performed.  It  cannot  therefore  be 
fairly  said  that  the  destruction  of  the  property  was 
in  their  contemplation.  It  is  proved  that  the  con 
signees,  together  with  the  collector  of  the  customs, 
and  the  governor  of  the  province,  prevented  the  safe 
return  of  the  East  India  Company's  property  (the 
danger  of  the  sea  only  excepted)  to  London.  The 
people  finding  all  their  endeavours  for  this  purpose 
thus  totally  frustrated,  dissolved  the  meeting,  which 
had  consisted  by  common  estimation  of  at  least 
seven  thousand  men,  many  of  whom  had  come 
from  towns  at  the  distance  of  twenty  miles.  In  less 
than  four  hours  every  chest  of  tea  on  board  three 
ships  which  had  by  this  time  arrived,  three  hundred 
and  forty-two  chests,  or  rather  the  contents  of  them, 
was  thrown  into  the  sea,  without  the  least  injury  to 
the  vessels  or  any  other  property.  The  only  remain 
ing  vessel  which  was  expected  with  this  detested 
article,  is  by  the  act  of  righteous  heaven  cast  on 
shore  on  the  back  of  Cape  Cod,  which  has  often  been 
the  sad  fate  of  many  a  more  valuable  cargo.  For  a 
more  particular  detail  of  facts,  I  refer  you  to  our 
worthy  friend,  Dr.  Hugh  Williamson,  who  kindly 
takes  the  charge  of  this  letter.  We  have  had  great 
pleasure  in  his  company  for  a  few  weeks  past ;  and 
he  favoured  the  meeting  with  his  presence. 

You  cannot  imagine  the  height  of  joy  that  sparkles 
in  the  eyes  and  animates  the  countenances  as  well  as 
the  hearts  of  all  we  meet  on  this  occasion  ;  excepting 
the  disappointed,  disconcerted  Hutehinson  and  his 
tools.  I  repeat  what  I  wrote  you  in  my  last ;  if  lord 
Dartmouth  has  prepared  his  plan  let  him  produce  it 
speedily ;  but  his  lordship  must  know  that  it  must  be 
such  a  plan  as  will  not  barely  amuse,  much  less  farther 
irritate  but  conciliate  the  affection  of  the  inhabitants. 


LIFE    OF 

I  had  forgot  to  tell  you  that  before  the  arrival  of 
either  of  these  ships,  the  tea  commissioners  had  pre 
ferred  a  petition  to  the  governor  and  council,  praying 
'  to  resign  themselves  and  the  property  in  their  care, 
to  his  excellency  and  the  board  as  guardians  and  pro 
tectors  of  the  people,  and  that  measures  may  be  di 
rected  for  the  landing  and  securing  the  tea,'  fcc.  I 
have  enclosed  you  the  result  of  the  council  on  that 
petition.  He  (the  governor)  is  now,  I  am  told,  con 
sulting  his  lawyers  and  books  to  make  out  that  the 
resolves  of  the  meeting  are  treasonable.  I  duly  re 
ceived  your  favours  of  the  23d  June,  of  the  21st  July 
and  13th  October,  and  shall  make  the  best  use  I  can 
of  the  important  contents. 

Believe  me  to  be  affectionately  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

P.  S. — Your  letter  of  the  28th  August  is  but  this 
moment  come  to  hand.  I  hope  to  have  leisure  to 
write  you  by  the  next  vessel.  Our  friend  Dr.  War 
ren  has  written  to  you  by  this ;  you  will  find  him  an 
agreeable  and  useful  correspondent. 

S.  A. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"BOSTON,  Dec.  25th,  1773. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  wrote  you  a  few  days  past  by 
Capt.  Scott,  and  then  promised  to  write  farther  by 
the  next  opportunity ;  but  not  having  heard  of  the 
sailing  of  this  vessel  till  this  moment,  I  have  only 
time  to  recommend  a  letter  written  and  directed  to 
you  by  John  Scollay,  Esq.  a  worthy  gentleman  and 
one  of  the  selectmen  of  this  town.  He  desires  me 
to  apologise  for  his  addressing  a  letter  to  one  who  is 
a  perfect  stranger  to  him,  and  to  assure  you  that  he 


'  ARTHUR    LEE.  213 

is  persuaded  there  is  no  gentleman  in  London  who 
has  the  liberties  of  America  more  warmly  at  heart, 
or  is  more  able  to  vindicate  them  than  yourself.  You 
see  the  dependence  we  have  upon  you. 

Excuse  this  short  epistle,  and  be  assured  that  as  I 
am  a  friend  to  every  one  possessed  of  public  virtue, 
with  affection  I  must  be  constantly  yours, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  May  31st,  1774. 

Sir, — Mr.  Adams  informs  me  that  you  kindly  re 
ceived  the  letter  I  wrote  you  in  Dec.  last;  this  in 
formation  prompts  me  to  address  you  again  ;  letter- 
writing  and  on  politics  is  not  my  province,  but  such 
are  the  times  that  that  man's  heart  must  be  callous 
indeed  that  does  not  feel  for  his  country,  and  that 
does  not  give  it  out  in  every  way  ;  in  short  we  have 
all,  from  the  cobbler  up  to  the  senator,  become  poli 
ticians.  On  the  morrow  that  act,  cruel  act  of  our 
parent  state,  (or  rather  hard-hearted  step-mother) 
called  the  Boston  Port  Bill  is  to  take  place,  a  bill 
fraught  with  vengeance  against  this  town.  However 
lord  North  will  find  out  himself  and  that  very  soon 
that  he  over  shot  his  mark.  That  which  he  intended 
should  operate  against  Boston  only,  will  effect  every 
town  in  this  province.  The  sea-port  towns  will  feel 
the  operation  of  the  act,  in  a  degree  as  much  as  Bos 
ton,  Boston  being  the  grand  engine  that  gives  motion 
to  all  the  wheels  of  commerce.  This  being  stopped, 
it  will  sensibly  affect  the  whole  trade  of  the  province. 
All  the  sea-port  towns  depend  on  this,  to  take  off  by 
far  the  greatest  part  of  their  imports ;  they  cannot 
send  a  vessel  to  sea  again  after  her  return  from  a 
voyage,  till  they  send  her  cargo  to  Boston  to  be  sold  ; 

VOL.  ii.  27 


214  LIFE    OF 

in  short  all  the  running  cash  in  the  province  centres 
in  this  town.  To  this  market  all  the  trading  towns 
repair  with  their  goods  to  make  money  of  them. 
Newburyport,  Marblehead,  and  Salem,  will  most  sen 
sibly  feel  the  shock,  and  if  the  blockade  continues  long 
they  must  haul  up  their  vessels,  for  no  place  but  Boston 
can  take  off  their  cargoes.  It  is  a  most  melancholy 
consideration,  that  this  town,  which  was  and  is  now 
the  most  flourishing  in  trade  and  commerce,  must  be 
devoted  to  destruction,  and  in  a  few  days  be  brought 
to  the  forlorn  condition  of  a  deserted  village.  Thou 
sands  that  depend  on  their  daily  labour  for  support, 
must  be  reduced  to  the  greatest  degree  of  distress  and 
want ;  however  they  will  suffer  in  a  good  cause,  and 
that  righteous  Being,  who  takes  care  of  the  ravens 
which  cry  unto  him,  will  provide  for  them  and  theirs. 
(The  MS.  is  illegible  from  time.)  For  that  purpose 
we  have  it  in  contemplation,  if  the  blockade  con 
tinues  any  length  of  time,  to  employ  the  poor  in 
building  a  horse-bridge  over  Charles  River,  a  river 
about  as  wide  as  the  Thames.  By  this  bridge 
Charlestown,  a  large  and  opulent  town,  will  be  join 
ed  to  Boston  ;  this  bridge  will  greatly  facilitate  the 
intercourse  between  Boston,  Marblehead,  and  Salem, 
and  other  trading  towns.  When  the  news  first  ar 
rived  of  lord  North's  proposing  this  bill  in  parliament, 
it  was  looked  on  as  a  mere  hum.  People  could  not 
think  that  a  British  house  of  commons  would  be  so 
infatuated  as  to  pass  such  a  bill,  to  punish  a  whole 
town  for  a  trespass  that  was  committed  in  it  by  no 
body  knows  who,  and  to  carry  it  into  execution  with 
out  giving  the  town  an  opportunity  to  answer  to  the 
charge,  is  an  unheard  of  proceeding.  Although  it 
was  designed  that  this  town  should  be  ruined,  yet  I 
doubt  not  but  that  it  will  finally  end  in  great  good, 
not  only  to  this  town,  but  to  all  the  colonies.  I  be 
lieve  by  this  management  his  lordship's  fabric,  which 


ARTHUR    LEE.  215 

cost  him  so  much  labour  and  afforded  him  so  much 
delight,  will  be  demolished,  and  instead  of  despotism 
and  tyranny  over  the  colonies,  a  foundation  will  be 
laid  for  lasting  peace  and  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  these  colonies.  This  may  be  looked  on 
as  visionary,  but  I  think  the  crisis  is  near  when  this 
must  take  place,  which  is  the  warmest  wish  of  every 
free-hearted  North  American.  We  have  too  great  a 
regard  for  our  parent  state  (although  cruelly  treated 
by  some  of  her  illegitimate  sons)  to  withdraw  our 
connexion  ;  of  her  we  have  no  idea  of  an  independ 
ency,  and  the  colonies  are  too  precious  a  jewel  for 
the  crown  to  part  with  ;  therefore  I  think  that  the 
wisdom  of  the  English  nation  and  that  of  the  colonies 
united,  might  fall  on  some  plan  of  conciliating  their 
differences,  and  fix  on  some  principles  for  each  party 
to  resort  to,  as  the  great  charter  of  agreement  be 
tween  the  king  and  his  colonies.  Such  an  event 
would  make  the  colonies  happy,  and  the  British  na 
tion  great  and  prosperous.  As  you  will  no  doubt 
have  the  particulars  of  these  matters  handed  to  you 
by  some  of  your  friends,  it  will  be  needless  for  me 
to  enlarge. 

I  hope  you  will  excuse  my  troubling  you  with  this 
epistle  ;  and  believe  me  to  be,  with  great  regard  sir, 
your  most  humble  servant, 

JOHN  SCOLLAY. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  April  4th,  1774. 

My  Dear  Sir, — My  last  letter  to  you  I  delivered  to 
the  care  of  Dr.  Williamson,  who  sailed  with  Capt. 

in  December  last.     The  general  assembly  has 

since  been  sitting,  and   the   important  subject  of  the 
judges  of  the  superior  court  being  made  dependent  on 


216  LIFE    OF 

the  crown  for  their  salaries,  was  again  taken  up  by  the 
house  of  representatives  with  spirit  and  firmness.  The 
house  had  in  a  former  session  passed  divers  resolu 
tions  expressing  their  sense  of  the  dangerous  tenden 
cy  of  this  innovation,  and  declaring  that  unless  the 
justices  should  renounce  the  salaries  from  the  crown, 
and  submit  to  a  constitutional  dependence  upon  the 
assembly  for  their  support,  they  would  proceed  to  im 
peach  them  before  the  governor  and  council.  One  of 
them,  Mr.  Trow  bridge,  very  early  in  the  session,  in 
a  letter  to  the  speaker,  expressed  his  former  compli 
ance  with  that  resolve,  which  letter  was  communicat 
ed  to  the  house  and  voted  satisfactory.  The  other 
four  had  taken  no  notice  of  the  resolve.  The  house 
therefore  having  waited  from  the  2(ith  of  January, 
which  was  the  first  day  of  the  session,  till  the  1st  of 
February,  then  came  to  a  resolution,  that  unless  they 
should  conform  to  their  order  on  or  before  the  fourth 
of  the  same  month,  farther  proceedings  would  be  had 
on  such  neglect.  The  effect  of  this  resolve  was,  that 
three  of  them,  viz: — Hutchinson,  (a  brother  to  him 
who  is  called  governor), , ?  made  simi 
lar  declarations  to  that  of  Trowbridge,  which  were 
also  voted  satisfactory.  Mr.  Justice  Oliver,  who  is 
brother  of  the  lieutenant-governor,  and  is  connected 
with  the  governor  by  the  marriage  of  their  children, 
came  to  a  different  determination ;  which  occasioned 
a  controversy  between  the  governor  and  the  two 
houses,  inserted  at  large  in  the  enclosed  papers. 
Therein  you  will  see  that  the  governor  has  treated 
the  petitions,  complaints,  and  remonstrances  of  the 
representative  body,  with  haughty  contempt.  The 
people  view  it  with  deep  resentment  as  an  effect  of 
his  independency;  whereby  he  is  aliened  from  them, 
and  become  a  fitter  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the 
ministry  to  carry  into  effect  their  destructive  plans. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  217 

They  are  irritated  to  the  highest  degree,  and  despair 
of  any  constitutional  remedy  against  the  oppressions 
of  a  corrupt  officer,  while  the  governor,  be  fie  who  he 
may,  is  thus  dependent  on  ministers  of  state.     They 
have  ever  since  the  trial  of  Preston  and  his  soldiers 
been  murmuring  at  the  conduct  of  the  superior  court, 
and  the  partiality  which  many  say  is  so  clearly  dis 
covered  in  causes  between  revenue  officers  and  the  go 
vernment,  abettors,  and  other  subjects.     Indeed,  the 
house  of  representatives  two  or  three  years  ago  pass 
ed  a    resolution    that    such    conduct    in    several    in 
stances  had  been  observed,  as  appears  in  their  printed 
journals.     To  give  you  some  idea  of  what  the  tem 
per  of  that  court  has  been,  a  lawyer*  of  great  emi 
nence  in  the  province,  and  a  member  of  the  house  of 
representatives,  was  thrown  over  the  bar  a  few  days 
ago,  because  he  explained  in  a  public  newspaper  the 
sentiments  he  had  advanced  in  the  house  when  he 
had   been   misrepresented ;   and  a   young   lawyer   of 
great  genius  in  this  town,  who  had  passed  the  regular 
course  of  study,  (which  is  more   than  can  be  said  of 
the  chief-justice)  has  been  and  still  is  refused  by  the 
governor,   only  because   he   mentioned  the  name  of 
Hutchinson  with  freedom,  and  that  not  in  court,  but 
in  a  Boston  town-meeting  some  years  before.     And 
to  show  you  from  whence  this  influence  springs,  I 
must  inform  you  that  not  long  ago  the  governor,  the 
lieutenant-governor,  and  three  of  the  judges,  which 
make  a  majority  of  the  bench,  were  nearly  related  ; 
and  even  now  the  governor  has  a  brother  there,  and 
is  brother-in-law  to  the  chief-justice.     Such  combina 
tions  are  justly  formidable,  and  the  people  view  them 
with  a  jealous  eye.     They  clearly  see  through  a  sys 
tem  formed  for  their  destruction.     That  the  parlia 
ment  of  Britain  is  to  make  laws,  binding  them  in  all 

*  Joseph  Ilciwley,  Esq.,  of  North  Hampton. 


218  LIFE    OF 

cases  whatsoever;  that  the  colonies  are  to  be  taxed 
by  that  parliament  without  their  own  consent;  and 
the  crown  enabled  to  appropriate  money  for  the  sup 
port  of  the  executive  and  arbitrary  powers;  that  this 
leaves  their  own  assembly  a  body  of  very  little  signi 
ficance;  while  the  officers  of  government  and  judges, 
are  to  be  totally  independent  of  the  legislature,  and 
altogether  under  the  control  of  the  king's  ministers 
and  counsellors;  and  there  an  union  will  be  effected, 
as  dangerous  as  it  will  be  powerful ;  the  whole  pow 
er  of  government  will  be  lifted  from  the  hands  into 
which  the  constitution  has  placed  it,  into  the  hands 
of  the  king's  ministers  and  their  dependents  here. 
This  is  in  a  great  measure  the  case  already;  and  the 
consequences  will  be,  angry  debates  in  our  senate,  and 
perpetual  tumults  and  confusions  abroad;  until  these 
maxims  are  entirely  altered,  or  else,  which  God  for 
bid,  the  spirits  of  the  people  are  depressed,  and  they 
become  inured  to  disgrace  and  servitude.  This  has 
long  been  the  prospect  in  the  mirrds  of  speculative 
men.  The  body  of  the  people  are  now  in  council. 
Their  opposition  grows  into  a  system.  They  are 
united  and  resolute.  And  if  the  British  administra 
tion  and  government  do  not  return  to  the  principles  of 
moderation  and  equity,  the  evil  which  they  profess 
to  aim  at  preventing  by  their  rigorous  measures,  will 
the  sooner  be  brought  to  pass,  viz: — the  entire  separa- 
ration  and  independence  of  the,  colonies. 

Mr.  Gushing  obliged  me  with  a  sight  of  your  let 
ter  to  him  of  the  22d  Dec.  last.  I  think  I  am  not 
so  clearly  of  opinion  as  you  seem  to  be,  that  '  the  de 
claratory  act  is  a  mere  nullity,'  and  that  therefore 
4  if  we  can  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  revenue  acts  from 
1764,  without  their  pernicious  appendages,  it  wrill  be 
enough.'  Should  they  retract  the  exercise  of  their 
assumed  power,  you  ask  when  will  they  be  able  to  re 
new  it?  I  know  not  when,  but  I  fear  they  will  soon 


ARTHUR    LEE.  219 

do  it,  unless,  as  your  worthy  brother  in  Virginia  in  a 
letter  I  yesterday  received  from  him  expresses  him 
self,   '  we  make  one  uniform,  steady  effort  to  secure 
an  explicit  bill  of  rights  for  British  America.'       Let 
the  executive  power  and  right  on  each  side  be  there 
in  stipulated,  that  Britain  may  no  longer  have  a  pow 
er  or  right  to  make  laws  to  bind  us,  in  all  cases  what 
soever.     While  the  claim  is  kept  up,  she  may  exercise 
the  power  as  often  as  she  pleases;  and  the  colonies 
have  experienced  her  disposition  to  do  it  too  plainly, 
since  she  in  anger  made  the  claim.     Even  imaginary 
power  beyond  right   begets   insolence.     The  people 
here  I  am  apt  to  think  will  be   satisfied  on  no  other 
terms  but  those  of  redress;  and  they  will  hardly  think 
they  are  upon  equitable  terms  with  the  mother  coun 
try,  while  by  a  solemn  act   she  continues  to  claim  a 
right  to  enslave  them,  whenever  she  shall  think  fit  to 
exercise  it.     I  wish  for  a  permanent  union  with  the 
mother  country,  but  only  on  the  principles  of  liberty 
and  truth.     No  advantage  that  can  accrue  to  America 
from  such  an  union  can  compensate  for  the  loss  of  li 
berty.     The   time   may  come  sooner  than  they  are 
aware  of  it,  when  the  being  of  the  British  nation,  I 
mean  the  being  of  its  importance,  however  strange  it 
may  now  appear  to  some,  will  depend  on  her  union 
with  America.     It  requires  but  a  small  portion  of  the 
gift  of  discernment  for  any  one  to  foresee,  that  pro 
vidence  will  erect  a  mighty  empire  in  America;   and 
our  posterity  will  have  it  recorded  in  history,  that 
their    fathers    migrated   from  an  island  in  a  distant 
part  of  the  world,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  long 
been  revered   for  wisdom   and   valour.     They  grew 
rich  and  powerful;  these  emigrants  increased  in  num 
bers  and  strength.     But  they  were  at  last  absorbed  in 
luxury  and  dissipation;  and  to  support  themselves  in 
their  vanity  and  extravagance  they  coveted  and  seized 
the  honest  earnings  of   those  industrious  emigrants. 


220  LIFE  OF 

This  laid  a  foundation  of  distrust,  animosity  and  ha 
tred,  till  the  emigrants,  feeling  their  own  vigour  and  in 
dependence,  dissolved  every  former  band  of  connex 
ion  between  them,  and  the  islanders  sunk  into  obscu 
rity  and  contempt. 

May  I  whisper  in  your  ear  that  you  paid  a  compli 
ment  to  the  speaker  when  you  told  him  you  '  always 
spoke  under  the  correction  of  his  better  judgment.' 
I  admire  what  you  say  to  him,  and  I  hope  it  will  have 
a  good  impression  on  his  mind ;  that  we  shall  be  re 
spected  in  England  exactly  in  proportion  to  the  firmness 

and  strength  of  our  opposition. 

T          ^          i  r  -     j 

1  am  sincerely  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

As  Capt.  Wood  is  now  about  to  sail,  there  is  not 
time  to  have  copies  of  the  papers;  I  will  send  them 
by  the  next  opportunity.  In  the  mean  time  I  refer 
you  to  Dr.  Franklin,  to  whom  they  are  sent  by  this 
l. 

S.  A. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  April  — ,  1774. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Capt.  Wood  being  still  detained,  I 
have  the  opportunity  of  acknowledging  your  favour  of 
the  22d  Dec.  last,  which  is  just  now  come  to  my  hand. 
As  Mr.  Gushing  received  your  letter  of  the  same  date 
near  three  weeks  ago,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  conjecture  the 
reason  of  my  not  receiving  it  at  the  same  time. 

I  do  not  depend  much  Tipon  Lord  Dartmouth's  in 
clination  to  relieve  America,  upon  terms  which  we 
shall  think  honourable  ;  upon  his  ability  to  do  it,  1 
have  no  dependence  at  all.  He  might  have  said 
with  safety,  when  called  upon  by  Lord  Shelburne, 
that  he  had  prepared  a  plan  to  pursue  at  the  hazard 


ARTHUR    LEE. 

of  his  office;  for  I  have  reason  to  believe  it  was 
grounded  upon  the  hopes  that  we  could  be  prevailed 
upon,  at  least  impliedly,  to  renounce  our  claims.  This 
would  have  been  an  acceptable  service  to  the  minis 
try,  and  would  have  secured  to  him  his  office.  No 
great  advantage  can  be  made  against  us  from  the  let 
ter  which  you  mention  to  Lord  Dartmouth  from  the 
two  houses  of  our  assembly;  for  upon  a  review  of  it 
I  think  the  most  that  is  said  in  it  is,  that  if  we  are 
brought  back  to  the  state  we  were  in  at  the  close  of 
the  last  war,  we  shall  be  as  easy  as  we  then  were.  I 
do  not  like  any  thing  that  looks  like  accommodating 
our  language  to  the  humour  of  a  minister;  and  am 
fully  of  your  opinion  that  '  the  harmony  and  concur 
rence  of  the  colonies,  is  of  a  thousand  times  more 
importance  in  our  dispute,  than  the  friendship  or  pa 
tronage  of  any  great  man  in  England.' 

At  the  request  of  our  friend,  Mr.  Hancock,  I  beg 
your  acceptance  of  an  oration  delivered  by  him  on 
the  fifth  of  March  last.  I  intend  to  write  to  you 
again  very  soon;  in  the  mean  time  I  remain  your  as 
sured  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


•'  BOSTON,  May  18th,  1774. 

My  Dear  Sir, — The  edict  of  the  British  parliament, 
commonly  called  the  Boston  Port  Act,  came  safely  to 
my  hand.  For  flagrant  injustice  and  barbarity,  one 
might  search  in  vain  among  the  archives  of  Constan 
tinople  to  find  a  match  for  it.  But  what  else  could 
have  been  expected  from  a  parliament,  too  long  under 
the  dictates  and  control  of  an  administration,  which 
seems  to  be  totally  lost  to  all  sense  and  feeling  of  mo 
rality,  and  governed  by  passion,  cruelty,  and  revenge. 
For  us  to  reason  against  such  an  act,  would  be  idle- 

VOL.  ii.  28 


LIFE    OF 


ness.  Our  business  is  to  find  means  to  evade  its  ma 
lignant  design.  The  inhabitants  view  it,  not  with  as 
tonishment,  but  indignation.  They  discover  the  ut 
most  contempt  of  the  framers  of  it;  while  they  are 
yet  disposed  to  consider  the  body  of  the  nation  (though 
represented  by  such  a  parliament)  in  the  character 
they  have  sustained  heretofore,  humane  and  generous. 
They  resent  the  behaviour  of  the  merchants  in  Lon 
don,  those  I  mean  who  receive  their  bread  from  them, 
in  infamously  deserting  their  cause  at  the  time  of  ex 
tremity.  They  can  easily  believe  that  the  industrious 
manufacturers,  whose  time  is  wholly  spent  in  their 
various  employments,  are  misled  and  imposed  upon  by 
such  miscreants  as  have  ungratefully  devoted  them 
selves  to  an  abandoned  ministry,  not  regarding  the  ruin 
of  those  who  have  been  their  best  benefactors.  But 
the  inhabitants  of  this  town  must  and  will  look  to 
their  own  safety,  which  they  see  does  not  consist  in 
a  servile  compliance  with  the  ignominious  terms  of 
this  barbarous  edict.  Though  the  means  of  preserv 
ing  their  liberties  should  distress  and  even  ruin  the 
British  manufacturers,  they  are  resolved  (but  with  re 
luctance)  to  try  the  experiment.  To  this  they  are 
impelled  by  motives  of  self-preservation.  They  feel 
humanely  to  those  who  must  suffer,  but  being  inno 
cent  are  not  the  objects  of  their  revenge.  They  have 
already  called  upon  their  sister  colonies,  (as  you  will 
see  by  the  enclosed  note)  who  not  only  feel  for  them 
as  fellow-citizens,  but  look  upon  them  as  suffering 
the  stroke  of  ministerial  vengeance  in  the  common 
cause  of  America;  that  cause  which  the  colonies  have 
pledged  themselves  to  each  other  not  to  give  up.  In 
the  mean  time  I  trust  in  God  this  devoted  town  will 
sustain  the  shock  with  dignity;  and  supported  by  their 
brethren,  will  gloriously  defeat  the  designs  of  their 
common  enemies.  Calmness,  courage,  and  unanimi 
ty  prevail.  While  they  are  resolved  not  tamely  to 


ARTHUR    LEE.  223 

submit,  they  will  by  refraining  from  any  acts  of  vio 
lence,  avoid  the  snare  that  they  discover  to  be  laid 
for  them,  by  posting  regiments  so  near  them.  I 
heartily  thank  you  for  your  spirited  exertions.  Use 
means  for  the  preservation  of  your  health.  Our 
warmest  gratitude  is  due  to  lords  Camden  and  Shel- 
burne.  Our  dependence  is  upon  the  wisdom  of  the 
few  of  the  British  nobility.  We  suspect  studied  in 
sult,  in  the  appointment  of  the  person  who  is  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  troops  in  America  to  be  our 
governor  ;  and  I  think  there  appears  to  be  in  it  more 
than  a  design  to  insult  upon  any  specious  pretence. 
We  will  endeavour  by  circumspection  and  sound  pru 
dence,  to  frustrate  the  diabolical  designs  of  our  ene 
mies. 

I  have  written  in  haste,  and  am  affectionately  your 
friend, 

S.  A." 


"  CAMBRIDGE,  Feb.  14th,  1775. 

My  Dear  Sir, — A  few  days  ago  I  received  your 
letter  of  the  7th  December,  and  was  greatly  pleased 
to  find  that  you  had  returned  from  Rome  at  so  critical 
a  time.  The  sudden  dissolution  of  the  late  parlia 
ment  was  a  measure  which  I  expected  would  take 
place.  I  must  needs  allow  that  the  ministry  have 
acted  a  politic  part ;  for  if  they  had  suffered  the  elec 
tion  to  be  put  off  till  the  spring,  it  might  have  cost 
some  of  them  their  heads.  The  new  parliament  can 
with  a  very  ill  grace  impeach  them  for  their  past  con 
duct,  after  having  so  explicitly  avowed  it.  The  thun 
der  of  the  late  speech  and  the  servile  answers,  I  view 
as  designed  to  serve  the  purposes  of  saving  some  men 
from  the  block.  I  cannot  conclude  that  lord  North 
is  upon  the  retreat,  though  there  seems  to  be  some 


224  LIFE    OF 

appearance  of  it.  A  deception  of  this  kind  would 
prove  fatal  to  us.  Our  safety  depends  upon  our  being 
in  readiness  for  the  extreme  event.  Of  this  the  peo 
ple  here  are  thoroughly  sensible,  and  from  the  pre 
parations  they  are  making  I  trust  in  God  they  will 
defend  their  liberties  with  dignity.  If  the  ministry 
have  not  abandoned  themselves  to  folly  and  madness 
the  firm  union  of  the  colonies  must  be  an  important 
objection.  The  claims  of  the  colonies  are  consistent 
(the  MS.  is  illegible  here)  and  necessary  to  their  own 
existence  as  free  subjects,  and  they  will  never  re 
cede  from  them.  The  tools  of  power  here  are  in 
cessantly  endeavouring  to  divide  them,  but  in  vain. 
I  wish  the  king's  ministers  would  duly  consider  what 
appears  to  me  a  very  momentous  truth,  that  one  re 
gular  attempt  to  subdue  those  in  any  other  colony, 
whatever  may  be  the  first  issue  of  the  attempt,  will 
open  a  quarrel,  which  will  never  be  closed  till  what 
some  of  them  affect  to  apprehend,  and  we  sincerely 
deprecate,  shall  take  effect.  Is  it  not  then  high  time 
that  they  should  hearken  not  to  the  clamours  of  pas 
sionate  and  interested  men,  but  to  the  cool  voice  of 
impartial  reason  ?  No  sensible  minister  will  think  that 
millions  of  free  subjects,  strengthened  by  such  an 
union,  will  submit  to  be  slaves  ;  no  honest  minister 
would  wish  to  see  humanity  thus  disgraced. 

My  attendance  on  the  provincial  congress  now  sit 
ting  here  will  not  admit  of  my  enlarging  at  present. 

1  will  write  you  again  by  the  next  opportunity,  and 
till  I  have  reason  to  suspect  our  adversaries  have  got 
some  of  my  letters  in  their  possession.  I  yet  venture 
to  subscribe,  yours  affectionately, 

S.  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


ARTHUR  LEE.  225 


"  BALTIMORE  IN  MARYLAND,  Jan.  2d,  1777. 

My  Dear  Sir, — It  has  been  altogether  from  a  re 
gard  to  your  safety  that  I  have  restrained  myself  from 
continuing  on  my  part  that  correspondence  which  you 
was  obliging  enough  to  indulge  for  several  years.  I 
know  very  well  that  your  avowal  of  and  warm  attach 
ment  to  the  cause  of  justice  and  truth,  have  rendered 
you  exceedingly  obnoxious  to  the  malice  of  the  Bri 
tish  king  and  his  ministers ;  and  that  a  letter  written 
by  a  zealous  asserter  of  that  cause  addressed  to  you 
while  you  was  in  their  power,  would  have  brought 
upon  you  the  resentment  of  that  most  cruel  and  vin 
dictive  court.  But  I  cannot  omit  this  opportunity  of 
writing  to  you  after  so  long  a  silence,  to  assure  you 
that  I  am  most  heartily  engaged  according  to  my  small 
ability,  in  supporting  the  rights  of  America  and  of  man 
kind. 

In  my  last  letter  to  you  near  two  years  ago,  I  ven 
tured  to  give  you  my  opinion  that  if  the  British 
troops  then  in  Boston,  should  attempt  to  march  out 
in  an  hostile  manner,  it  would  most  surely  effect  a 
total  and  perpetual  separation  of  the  two  countries. 
This  they  did  in  a  very  short  time ;  and  the  great 
event  has  since  taken  place,  sooner  indeed  than  I  ex 
pected  it  would,  though  not  so  soon,  in  my  opinion, 
as  in  justice  il  might,  and  in  sound  policy,  it  ought. 
But  there  is  a  timidity  in  our  nature  which  prevents 
our  taking  a  decisive  part  in  the  critical  time,  and 
very  few  have  fortitude  enough  to  tell  a  tyrant  they 
are  determined  to  be  free.  Our  delay  has  been  dan 
gerous  to  us,  yet  it  has  been  attended  with  great  ad 
vantage.  It  has  afforded  to  the  world  a  proof,  that 
oppressed  and  insulted  as  we  were,  we  are  very  wil 
ling  to  give  Britain  an  opportunity  of  seeing  herself, 
and  of  correcting  her  own  errors.  We  are  now  strug- 


226  LIFE    OF 

gling  in  the  sharp  conflict ;  confiding  that  righteous 
heaven  will  not  look  with  an  indifferent  eye  upon 
a  cause  so  manifestly  just,  and  so  interesting  to 
mankind. 

You  are  now  called  to  act  in  a  still  more  enlarged 
sphere.  Go  on,  my  friend,  to  exert  yourself  in  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  virtue.  You  have  already  the 
applause  of  virtuous  men,  and  may  be  assured  of  the 
smiles  of  heaven. 

Your  brother,  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee,  will  give  you  a  par 
ticular  account  of  our  affairs  in  America  ;  nothing 
therefore  remains  for  me  to  add,  but  that  I  am  your 
very  affectionate  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  Aug.  1st,  1777. 

It  was  not  till  the  last  week  that  I  received  your 
favour  from  Nantes  of  the  6th  of  March.  Our  friend 
Mr.  Lovett  sent  it  to  me  from  Philadelphia.  I  resent 
the  treatment  you  have  met  with  in  America  with  all 
the  feelings  of  friendship.  Among  your  enemies  you 
may  depend  upon  it  there  are  some  of  the  worst  kind 
of  men.  I  cannot  help  entertaining  a  violent  suspi 
cion  that  they  are  the  enemies  of  their  country.  I  am 
sure  they  cannot  at  present  do  a  more  vital  injury  to 
the  great  cause  of  America  than  by  raising  the  popu 
lar  jealousy  and  clamour  against  its  earliest,  most  able, 
and  persevering  friends.  This  they  are  endeavouring 
to  do  not  only  with  regard  to  you  but  others ;  and 
they  are  masters  of  so  much  sophistry  as  to  deceive 
some  who,  as  I  think,  are  not  so  wary  and  suspicious 
of  them  as  they  ought  to  be.  Mr. in  the  opin 
ion  of  some  of  his  own  party,  was  injudicious  in  his 
publication  of  the  5th  Dec.  last.  They  are  at  least 


ARTHUR    LEE.  227 

constrained  to  say  it,  whether  they  think  so  or  notr 
It  is  the  opinion  of  the  best  men,  I  know,  that  he  has- 
done  more  mischief  than  it  will  ever  be  in  his  power 
to  atone  for.  I  never  had  but  one  opinion  of  this 
man  since  the  year  1774,  when  I  first  knew  him,  and 
that  is,  that  he  is  commercial  and  interested.  I  be 
lieve  he  has  for  a  twelvemonth  past,  thought  it  his 
interest  to  throw  us  into  divisions  and  parties,  and 
that  he  has  been  as  influential  in  effecting  it  as  any 
man  in  America.  Interested  men,  men  who  are 
united  in  politics  and  commercial  combinations  are 
and  must  be  his  advocates.  Perhaps  the  persons  whose 
names  you  mention  in  the  last  part  of  your  letter,  may  be 
his  secret  but  powerful  supporters  ;  I  do  not  pretend  to 
affirm  it.  These  men  most  certainly,  should  preserve 
their  minds  free  from  prejudice  in  disputes  of  this 
kind.  They  should  stand  totally  unconnected  with 
any  party,  as  they  would  avoid  doing  injury  to  the 
joint  cause  of  France  and  America,  and  lessening  that 
strong  attachment  and  mutual  confidence  between  the 
two  nations,  which  every  true  friend  and  subject  of 
both  wishes  may  long  subsist. 

Your  letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Leyden  Gazette, 

written  upon  your  seeing  Mr. 's  first  publication, 

fell  into  my  hands  about  a  fortnight  ago.  I  published 
it  with  a  few  loose  observations  in  one  of  our  news 
papers.  I  have  since  had  the  pleasure  of  being  in 
formed,  that  you  have  sent  to  congress  a  reply  to 
Deane's  accusations,  which  has  given  great  satisfac 
tion  to  impartial  men.  I  foresaw  soon  after  his  arri 
val,  that  your  lot  would  be  to  suffer  persecution  for  a 
while.  This  is  frequently  the  portion  of  good  men, 
but  they  are  never  substantially  injured  by  it.  Our 
friend  and  your  late  colleague,*  in  his  letter  to  me, 
has  mentioned  you  in  the  most  honourable  as  well  as 

*  John  Adams. 


228  LIFE   OF 

the  most  friendly  terms.  I  should  have  written  to 
him  by  this  opportunity,  but  I  am  led  by  yours  to  be 
lieve  that  my  letter  would  not  reach  him.  But  if  he 
should  be  in  France  when  you  receive  this  letter,  pray 
mention  my  friendly  regards  to  him,  and  let  him  know 
that  his  lady  and  family  are  in  health. 

The  young  gentleman  who  carries  this  letter  is 
Mr.  William  Knox,  brother  to  the  general,  and  has  the 
character  of  an  honest  friend  to  the  liberties  of  his 
country ;  your  kind  notice  of  him  as  such,  will  oblige 
me. 

I  have  many  things  to  say  to  you;  but  the  short 
notice  I  have  had  of  the  sailing  of  this  packet,  leaves 
me  no  time  to  add  more  than  to  assure  you  that  1  am, 
with  perfect  sentiments  of  friendship,  yours,  &c. 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  26th,  1777. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Your  several  letters,  with  their  en 
closures,  came  to  my  hand.  And  although  I  have  not 
hitherto  acknowledged  to  you  the  receipt  of  them,  I 
assure  you  I  have  been  and  am  still  improving  the  in 
telligence  you  have  given  me  to  the  best  of  my  pow 
er,  for  the  advantage  of  this  country.  From  our  for 
mer  correspondence  you  have  known  my  sentiments. 
I  have  not  altered  them  in  a  single  point,  either  with 
regard  to  the  great  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  or  to 
you,  who  have  been  an  early,  vigilant,  and  active  sup 
porter  of  it.  While  you  honour  me  with  your  confi 
dential  letters,  I  feel  and  will  freely  express  to  you 
my  obligation.  To  have  answered  them  severally, 
would  have  led  me  to  subjects  of  great  delicacy;  and 
the  miscarriage  of  my  letters  might  have  proved  de 
trimental  to  our  important  affairs.  It  was  needless 
for  me  to  run  the  risk  for  the  sake  of  writing ;  for  I 


ARTHUR    LEE.  229 

presume  you  have  been  made  fully  acquainted  with 
the  state  of  our  public  affairs  by  the  committee.  And 
as  I  have  constantly  communicated  to  your  brother 
R.  H.  the  contents  of  your  letters  to  me,  it  was  suffi 
cient  on  that  score  for  him  only  to  write,  for  he  thinks 
as  1  do. 

The  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  does  me  the  ho 
nour  to  take  this  letter,  is  this  moment  going;  which 
leaves  me  time  only  to  add,  that  I  am  and  will  be 
your  friend,  because  I  know  you  love  our  country 
and  mankind. 

I  beg  you  to  write  to  me  by  every  opportunity. 
Adieu,  my  dear  sir, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"BOSTON,  Nov. 21st,  1782. 

My  Dear  Sir, — In  the  late  session  of  our  general 
court,  and  in  the  hurry  of  important  business,  a  peti 
tion  was  presented  signed  William  Burgess,  praying 
to  be  naturalized.  This  gentleman  very  lately  arriv 
ed  from  England,  by  way  of  Holland.  The  senate 
declined  sustaining  his  petition,  and  gave  him  leave 
to  withdraw  it.  A  few  clays  after,  an  authenticated 
resolution  of  congress  came  to  hand,  recommending 
it  to  the  states  not  to  admit  any  British  subject  what 
ever.  Yet  this  man  has  had  interest  enough  to  pre 
vail  on  the  assembly  to  permit  him  to  go  to  congress, 
to  have  it  decided  there  whether  he  comes  within  the 
meaning  of  their  resolution,  because  his  arrival  here 
was  prior  to  the  reception  of  the  resolution  by  this 
government.  If  it  should  be  thought  there  was  in 
this  instance  a  want  of  attention,  it  must  be  imputed 
to  the*  circumstance  I  first  mentioned.  The  general 
court  had  before  directed  his  departure  from  the  state  ; 

VOL.  ii.  29 


230  LIFE    OP 

requesting  the  governor  however,  to  allow  him  conve 
nient  time  to  prepare  for  his  voyage,  which  appeared 
to  me  a  sufficient  indulgence.  Some  of  our  good 
citizens  are  disgusted  at  the  favour  shown  to  Mr.  B. 
They  say  that  being  a  partner  with  Messrs.  Cham 
pion  and  Dickinson,  the  latter  of  whom  is  reported  to 
have  been  always  inimical  to  America  by  his  residence 
here,  he  will  probably  be  instrumental  in  the  importa 
tion  of  as  many  English  goods  as  he  will  be  able  to 
vend;  or  in  other  words,  that  the  new  house  in  Bos 
ton  will  be  nearly  if  not  quite  as  convenient  in  the 
time  of  war,  as  the  old  house  in  London  was  in  time 
of  peace.  Whether  there  will  be  any  danger,  con 
gress  will  judge.  Jealousy  is  a  necessary  political 
virtue,  especially  in  times  like  these.  Such  a  plan 
would  gratify  those  among  us  who  are  still  hankering 
after  the  onions  of  Egypt,  and  would  sacrifice  our 
great  cause  to  the  desire  of  gain.  What  need  is  there 
of  our  admitting  (to  use  the  language  of  congress) 
any  British  subject  whatever?  Congress  surely  had 
some  good  reason  when  they  so  earnestly  cautioned  us 
against  it.  Our  citizens  are  in  more  danger  of  being 
seduced  by  art,  than  subjugated  by  arms.  I  give  you 
this  notice  that  you  may  have  an  opportunity  of  con 
versing  on  the  subject  in  your  patriotic  circles  (if  you 
think  it  worth  while)  in  season.  Mr.  B.  will  set  off 
next  week  in  company  with  one  of  our  new  delegates, 
who  I  am  satisfied  will  favour  his  cause.  My  friend 
ly  regards  to  Dr.  Shippen,  and  my  old  friends  in  con 
gress,  if  any  such  are  there.  Adieu. 

Believe  me  to  be  very  affectionately  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Hon.  Doct.  Lee." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  231 


"  BOSTON,  Nov.  21st,  1782. 

My  Dear  Sir, — The  bearer,  General  Whipple,  just 
called  on  me  in  his  way  from  Portsmouth  to  Philadel 
phia.  He  was  formerly  a  member  of  congress.  Give 
me  leave  to  introduce  him  to  you  as  ours  and  our 
country's  friend. 

I  am  very  affectionately  yours, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Arthur  Lee^  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  Dec.  2d,  1782. 

My  Dear  Sir, — A  friend  of  mine  to  whom  I  give 
entire  credit,  who  lived  many  years  in  Canada,  and 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  bearer  of  this  letter,  re 
quests  me  to  introduce  him  to  you.  After  a  long 
confinement  in  prison  in  Quebec,  where  he  was  used 
with  great  severity,  he  found  means  to  make  his  es 
cape,  and  came  to  this  town.  He  is  a  Frenchman  by 
birth,  and  was  a  very  respectable  merchant  in  Cana 
da.  When  the  attempt  was  made  to  gain  that  coun 
try  in  1775,  he  privately  aided  our  forces;  the  suspi 
cion  of  which  rendered  him  obnoxious  to  the  British 
government,  and  was  the  real  cause  of  his  suffering. 
He  will  inform  you  of  the  state  and  circumstances  of 
British  affairs  there,  and  will  tell  you  it  is  an  easy 
thing  to  unite  that  province  with  these  states.  Possi 
bly  he  may  be  influenced  in  some  degree  by  a  just  re 
sentment  of  the  ill-treatment  he  has  received;  but 
other  intelligent  persons  acquainted  with  the  people 
of  Canada,  have  zealously  affirmed  the  same  to  me. 
If  it  be  so,  it  is  hoped  that  a  favourable  opportunity 
to  effect  it  will  be  embraced,  if  any  such  should  of- 


232  LIFE  OF 

fer.     I  need  not  hint  to  you  the  importance  of  that 
object.     Adieu, 

Your  friend, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq," 


"BOSTON,  Feb.  10th,  1783. 

My  Dear  Sir, — It  is  a  long  time  since  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  a  letter  from  you.  I  hope  you  have  not 
struck  my  name  from  the  list  of  your  correspondents. 
Mr.  Stephen  Higginson,  who  will  deliver  you  this  let 
ter,  is  appointed  a  delegate  of  this  state.  He  is  a 
sensible  and  very  worthy  man,  and  I  think  entertains 
sentiments  like  yours.  I  am  persuaded  you  will  find 
him  a  valuable  member,  if  his  great  modesty  and 
diffidence  of  himself  will  allow  him  to  step  for 
ward  as  far  as  his  good  understanding  would  lead 
him. 

I  feel  myself  constrained  to  mention  to  you  the 
present  situation  of  Capt.  Landais,  though  not  at  his 
request,  or  the  smallest  intimation  from  him.  He  re 
sides  in  this  town,  and  sometimes  calls  to  see  me. 
As  he  appears  to  be  an  injured  man,  I  wish  that  jus 
tice  may  be  done  to  him  ;  and  I  am  the  more  solicitous 
about  it,  as  I  was,  with  your  worthy  brother  Mr.  R.  H. 
instrumental  in  his  first  appointment  in  the  American 
navy.  Congress  granted  him  12,000  livres  as  a  com 
pensation  for  services  he  had  performed,  and  ordered 
that  he  should  be  paid  by  Dr.  F.  in  France;  but  for 
some  reason  which  is  or  ought  to  be  known,  he  has 
never  received  that  sum.  Much  the  greater  part  of 
his  wages  as  commander  of  the  Alliance  remains  un 
paid.  A  large  sum  due  to  him  for  prize-money  is 
stopped  in  the  hands  of  some  person  or  persons  in 
France ;  which  indeed  is  too  common  a  complaint 


ARTHUR   LEE.  23$ 

among  those  continental    officers  and   seamen  who 
have  carried  prizes  into  ports  in  Europe.     He  made  a 
journey  to  Philadelphia  to  obtain  a  settlement  of  his 
accounts,  and  was  offered  by  Mr.  M.  three  months' 
pay,  and  a  certificate  for  the  balance,  which  he  would 
not  accept,  because  he  really  wanted  the  whole  of  his 
wages  to  supply  him  with  the  necessaries  of  life.     I 
am  sure  that  your  own  feelings  of  justice  and  huma 
nity  will  plead  an  excuse  for  my  troubling  you  with 
this  detail.     Perhaps  his  court-martial,  by  whose  de 
cree  he  was  broken,  were  too  severe.     If  his  conduct 
in  his  last  passage  from  France  was  blameable,  was 
not  his  mind  to  the  greatest  degree  irritated  by  the 
treatment  he  met  writh  there?  and  shoulrl  not  reason 
able  allowances  have  been  made?     He  thinks  it  was 
an  unrighteous  decree.     He   may  judge  partially;  I 
know  nothing  of  the  matter.     If  it  was,  is   not  the 
wound  given  to  his  honour  sufficiently  severe?     But 
even  if  it  was  just,  should  not  a  discarded  officer  be 
immediately  paid  ?       Should    not   congress    demand 
the  reason  why  the  prize-money  has  not  been  paid  to 
those  to  whom  it  has  been  long  due?     Complaints  of 
this  kind  have  to  my  knowledge  spread  from  Phila 
delphia  to  Boston.      I  am  concerned  for  the  honour  of 
congress.     These  complaints  may  appear  of  little  con 
sequence;  but  I  am  afraid  if  they  continue  unattend 
ed  to,  they  will  cast  a  dark  shade  over  the  public 
character.     The  state  of  Landais'  affairs  will  appear 
in   his  own    memorial    to    congress,  which    was    re 
jected,  and  perhaps  may  be  on  the  files.     You  will 
oblige  me  if  you  will  interest  yourself  (if  leisure  will 
admit  of  it)  as  far  as  you  may  think  just,  in  his  fa 
vour. 

I  have  been  applied  to  by  some  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  island  of  Nantucket,  and  have  promised  them 
to  write  to  my  friend  respecting  the  whale  fishery. 
These  people  have  been  usually  employed  in  that 


234  LIFE    OF 

branch  of  business  chiefly.  They  have  greatly  reduced 
the  number  of  their  vessels,  since  the  commencement 
of  the  war,  by  which  means  they  say  they  are  reduced 
to  great  distress  and  wish  for  some  indulgence  from 
congress.  Whether  this  can  be  consistently  granted, 
and  in  what  manner,  you  will  judge.  The  delegates 
of  this  state,  I  believe,  can  inform  you  more  particu 
larly  of  this  matter.  You  are  sensible  of  the  absolute 
dependence  of  this  state  upon  the  fishery  for  its  trade, 
and  how  great  an  advantage  will  accrue  from  it  to 
the  United  States,  if  they  intend  ever  to  have  a  navy. 
I  hope  our  peacemakers  are  instructed  by  all  means 
to  secure  a  common  ri^ht  in  it. 

O 

My  respects  to  the  Hon.  Mr.  Izard,  if  at  Phila 
delphia,  and  other  friends.  Adieu,  and  believe  me 
very  affectionately  yours, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 


"  BOSTON,  April  22nd,  1773. 

Sir, — It  is  sometime  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
any  of  your  favours;  I  embrace  this  opportunity  to 
transmit  you  a  number  of  pamphlets  containing  the 
governor's  speeches,  and  answers  of  both  houses  to 
the  same,  upon  the  supreme  authority  of  parliament. 
The  two  houses  were  forced  into  this  dispute,  and 
could  not  avoid  it,  without  tacitly  giving  in  to  senti 
ments  and  opinions  that  they  held  to  be  erroneous 
and  false.  If  this  is  a  question  that  the  ministry 
would  have  preferred  not  to  agitate  at  this  time, 
they  must  clear  the  house  of  any  blame.  However  if 
any  high  measures  should  be  taken  with  respect  to 
this  province,  in  consequence  of  it,  it  ought  well  to 
be  considered  that  it  is  a  question  that  nearly  and 
equally  affects  all  the  colonies,  and  what  is  done  by 
way  of  punishment  to  any  particular  colony,  will  be 


ARTHUR    LEE. 

considered  as  if  done  to  all,  and  consequently  will,  it 
is  probable  be  resented  by  all ;  and  will  as  firmly  unite 
us  in  measures  to  obtain  redress,  as  any  one  thing  I 
can  well  conceive  of.  The  house  of  burgesses  of  the 
government  of  Virginia,  as  you  will  find  by  the  en 
closed  paper,  have  upon  this  occasion  passed  a  num 
ber  of  resolves,  appointing  a  standing  committee  of 
correspondence  and  enquiry,  to  correspond  and  commu 
nicate  with  their  sister  colonies  in  America,  respect 
ing  the  acts  and  resolutions  of  the  British  parliament ; 
and  have  directed  their  speaker  to  transmit  them 
to  the  speakers  of  the  different  assemblies  through 
the  continent,  and  request  them  to  appoint  similar 
committees.  There  is  no  doubt  that  most  of  the  colo 
nies  if  not  all.  will  come  into  the  like  resolutions;  and 
some  imagine  if  the  colonies  are  not  soon  relieved,  a 
congress  will  grow  out  of  this  measure.  The  ques 
tion  that  the  governor  has  lately  started  and  been  so 
open  and  explicit  upon,  has  arrested  the  attention  of 
the  whole  continent ;  we  are  continually  receiving 
letters  from  some  principal  gentlemen  in  the  other 
governments,  highly  approbating  the  answers  of  both 
houses,  so  that  we  have  the  happiness  to  find  that  we 
are  not  alone  in  our  sentiments  upon  this  important 
subject. 

I  remain  with  respect  your  most  humble  servant, 

THOMAS  GUSHING. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

P.  S. — 1  write  in  confidence,  and  should  not  choose 
to  have  my  name  mentioned  with  respect  to  what  I 
have  now  written. 
Yours, 

T.  GUSHING." 


236  LIFE    OF 

"  BOSTON,  Sept.  20th,  1773. 

Sir, — The  latter  end  of  June  last  I  wrote  you  that 
the  house  of  representatives  had  directed  Dr.  Frank 
lin  to  employ  you  as  council  in  support  of  their  peti 
tion  to  the  king  for  the  removal  of  the  governor  and 
lieutenant  governor, 

THOMAS  GUSHING." 

"  PROVINCE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY,  June  25th,  1773. 

Sir, — I  have  received  the  commands  of  the  house 
of  representatives  of  this  province  to  inform  you  that 
they  have  lately  had  divers  letters  signed  Thomas 
Hutchinson,  And.  Oliver,  &c.  laid  before  them,  and 
that  they  have  voted  as  their  sense,  that  the  tendency 
and  design  of  said  letters  appear  to  have  been  to  over 
throw  the  constitution  of  this  government  and  to  in 
troduce  arbitrary  power  into  this  province.  They 
have  also  agreed  upon  and  passed  an  address  to  his 
majesty,  praying  that  his  excellency  Thomas  Hutch 
inson,  governor,  and  the  Hon.  Andrew  Oliver,  lieu 
tenant  governor  of  this  province,  may  be  removed 
from  the  posts  they  hold  within  this  government, 
which  they  have  directed  Dr.  Franklin  to  lay  before 
his  majesty  ;  and  have  also  directed  him  to  employ 
you  as  counsel  upon  this  occasion,  and  as  the  persons 
afore-mentioned  have  by  this  their  conduct  rendered 
themselves  very  obnoxious  to  the  people  and  have 
entirely  lost  their  confidence,  they  doubt  not  you  will 
employ  your  interest  and  influence  to  support  the 
petition  above-mentioned,  and  do  all  in  your  power 
that  it  may  have  the  desired  effects. 

I  am  with  great  respect  your  humble  servant, 

THOMAS  GUSHING,  Speaker. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  237 

P.  S. — Enclosed  you  have  a  news-paper,  contain 
ing  the  house's  resolves  on  your  letter  above  referred 
to." 


"BOSTON,  Sept,  20th,  1773. 

Sir, — The  latter  end  of  June  last  I  wrote  you  that 
the  house  of  representatives  had  directed  Franklin 
to  employ  you  as  their  counsel  in  support  of  their  pe 
tition  to  the  king,  for  the  removal  of  the  governor  and 
lieutenant  governor,  since  which  I  have  received  your 
favour  of  the  10th  June.  I  observe  the  governor  by 
reviving  the  late  dispute,  has  lost  credit  on  your  side 
of  the  water,  as  well  as  on  ours.  The  ministry,  I 
understand,  are  greatly  chagrined  at  his  officiousness, 
their  intention  having  been  to  let  all  controversy  sub 
side,  and  by  degrees  to  suffer  things  to  return  to  their 
old  channels.  This  dispute,  though  it  may  in  some1 
measure  retard  the  redress  of  our  grievances,  has 
upon  the  whole  been  of  advantage  to  America.  We 
have  gained  ground  by  it.  However,  I  entirely  agree 
with  you  in  sentiment,  that  it  is  not  worth  our  while 
to  press  this  matter  too  far  at  this  time.  You  possi- 
hly  observe  that  the  government  at  home  are  daily 
growing  weaker,  while  we  in  America  are  continual 
ly  growing  stronger.  Our  natural  increase  in  wealth 
and  population  will  in  a  course  of  years  effectually 
settle  this  dispute  in  our  favour  ;  whereas,  if  we  per 
sist  in  strenuously  denying  the  right  of  parliament 
to  legislate  for  us  in  any  case  whatever,  and  insist 
upon  their  yielding  up  this  right,  they  may  think  us 
very  extravagant  in  our  demands,  and  hence  there 
will  be  great  danger  of  bringing  on  a  rupture  fatal  to 
both  countries  ;  whereas,  if  these  high  points  about 
the  supreme  authority  of  parliament,  were  to  fall 
asleep,  and  administration  would  desist  from  the  ex 
ercise  of  this  right,  and  the  present  system  of  Ame- 

VOL.  n.  30 


238  LIFE   pF 

rican  laws  and  regulations  adopted  on  the  idea  of  rais 
ing  a  revenue  in  America,  were  abolished,  I  should 
think  Great  Britain  would  regain  the  affection  of  the 
people  of  America,  retrieve  her  commerce,  and  recall 
that  confidence  in  her  wisdom  and  justice,  which  is 
so  necessary  for  the  mutual  interests  of  both  coun 
tries.  I  cannot  agree  with in  the  sentiment 

that  Lord  Dartmouth  is  the  kind  of  man  that  will 
never  do  any  good.  I  have  lately  been  favoured  with 
a  letter  from  his  lordship.  His  sentiments  are  truly 
noble  and  generous.  They  well  comport  with  his 
high  station,  and  fully  justify  that  confidence  which 
his  majesty's  subjects  in  America  repose  in  his  wis 
dom  and  justice.  He  seems  disposed  and  desirous  of 
having  union  and  harmony  between  both  countries 
restored  upon  a  fair,  candid,  and  equitable  footing. 
At  the  same  time  I  am  fully  of  opinion  that  it  is  to 
ourselves  we  ought  to  trust,  and  not  to  the  persons 
who  may  be  in  power  on  your  side  the  water,  and  I 
hope  we  shall  always  act  with  prudence  and  firmness. 
Notwithstanding  it  may  have  been  represented  to 
his  majesty  that  the  doctrines  contained  in  the  house's 
answer  to  the  governor's  speech,  were  to  be  imputed 
to  a  few  men  of  artifice  who  mislead  it,  administra 
tion  ought  to  know  the  men  who  made  and  passed 
those  answers,  are  not  men  of  artifice,  but  as  Lord 
Coke  says  of  the  ancient  commons,  they  were  ' grave 
and  sad  men,'  and  men  of  property  ;  that  they  and  the 
present  house  were  and  are  willing  that  these  points 
should  fall  asleep  ;  but  when  the  governor  put  them 
in  such  a  situation  that  either  they  must  speak  out  or 
by  their  silence  concede  and  give  up  their  rights,  they 
judged  and  will  always  judge  it  their  duty,  respect 
fully  and  modestly,  yet  plainly  to  assert  them.  This 
province  will  not  be  judged  by  pensioned  judges,  and 
look  upon  it  an  intolerable  grievance  and  infraction 
of  our  charter  to  have  an  independent  governor. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  239 

Please  enquire  how  this  matter  stands  with  respect 
to  our  judges.  Some  time  ago  it  seems  the  king  in 
council  passed  an  order  for  their  being  allowed  certain 
salaries,  but  it  was  uncertain  then  and  is  now  whether 
ever  the  warrants  lor  their  payment  were  issued.  I 
believe  this  matter  was  suspended  upon  Lord  Dart 
mouth's  appointment. 

Please  enquire  and  let  me  know  by  the  first  oppor 
tunity  how  this  matter  is  situated ;  whether  warrants 
are  likely  to  issue  for  their  payment. 

In  great  haste  I  conclude,  with  respect  your  most 
humble  servant, 

THOMAS  GUSHING." 


"  BOSTON,  Oct.  28th,  1773. 

Sir, — Since  my  last  I  have  not  been  favoured  with 
any  of  yours.  Dr.  Franklin  writes  me  he  thinks  of 
leaving  England  very  soon;  and  informs  me  that 
some  time  before  his  departure  he  shall  put  the  pro 
vince  papers  in  your  hands,  where  I  doubt  not  they 
will  be  advantageously  placed  for  the  province.  He 
speaks  very  handsomely  of  Dr.  Lee,  from  whence  I 
conclude  there  is  a  good  understanding  between  you 
and  the  Dr.,  which  gives  me  great  pleasure. 

He  has  discovered  himself  to  be  an  able,  disin 
terested  defender  of  the  rights  of  the  Americans ; 
and  I  believe  has  been  sincerely  attached  to  the  in 
terests  and  prosperity  of  the  province. 

I  now  transmit  you  a  journal  of  the  house  of 
representatives  of  the  last  sessions,  as  also  a  ser 
mon  preached  before  the  general  assembly  by  a  Mr. 
Turner  the  last  May,  of  which  I  crave  your  ac 
ceptance. 

The  parliament  it  seems  at  their  last  session  did 
nothing  for  the  relief  of  America.  I  hope  the  ad- 


240  LIFE    OF 

ministration  will  advise  to  it  the  next  session.  A 
war  it  is  apprehended  is  near  at  hand.  Our  aids  will 
then  be  wanted,  consequently  our  friendship  will  be 
wanted,  and  our  claims  attended  to.  It  is  against 
this  event,  as  you  very  justly  observe,  we  should  be 
prepared  ;  that  the  opportunity  of  vindicating  our 
rights  may  not  pass  away  unimproved.  But  I  am  not 
without  my  fears  that  when  this  crisis  arrives,  the  co 
lonies,  considering  how  differently  they  are  constitut 
ed,  will  widely  differ  about  their  rights.  It  would  be 
well,  if  whenever  requisitions  are  made  for  men  and 
money,  they  could  all  agree  upon  one  and  the  same  an 
swer,  and  on  insisting  upon  the  same  rights.  Some 
have  thought  that  if  the  several  assemblies  through 
the  continent  should  firmly  agree  with  each  other  not 
to  grant  any  aids  to  the  crown  in  a  general  war,  until 
the  whole  system  of  American  laws  and  regulations 
adopted  upon  the  idea  of  raising  a  revenue  in  Ame 
rica,  is  abolished,  it  would  fully  answer  the  purpose 
of  the  colonies,  and  would  be  doing  as  much  as  it 
could  rationally  be  expected  they  would  unite  in,  and 
would  be  demanding  as  much  as  could  rationally  be 
expected  Great  Britain  would  at  present  grant.  They 
further  agree  that  if  the  administration  could  once  be 
brought  to  renounce  and  desist  from  the  present  sys 
tem,  which  has  occasioned  so  much  trouble  to  both 
countries,  they  would  never  attempt  its  resumption. 
Others  have  thought  that  the  colonies  ought  to  go 
further,  and  not  to  grant  any  aids  until  the  declara 
tory  act,  passed  immediately  after  the  stamp  act,  was 
repealed,  and  Great  Britain  agree  that  she  has  not  a 
right  to  make  laws  to  bind  America  in  any  case  what 
ever.  But  these  terms  it  is  thought  by  many  would 
not  be  insisted  upon  by  all  the  colonies,  if  by  any ;  and 
if  they  should,  it  is  pretty  certain  they  W7ould  never 
be  complied  with  by  Great  Britain,  but  would  rather 
be  considered  as  a  plain  indication  that  the  colonies 


ARTHUR    LEE.  241 

were  not  disposed  to  come  to  any  settlement  with 
Great  Britain,  but  chose  to  be  entirely  independent 
of  her,  and  that  there  would  be  great  danger  of  a  fa 
tal  rupture,  and  of  prematurely  bringing  on  a  contest, 
to  which,  if  the  Americans  were  not  found  equal,  that 
authority  thus  disputed,  would  by  the  event  be  more 
strongly  established  ;  and  if  they  should  prove  supe 
rior,  yet  by  the  division,  the  general  strength  of  the 
British  nation  would  be  greatly  diminished  ;  whereas 
the  daily  increasing  strength  in  wealth  and  numbers, 
and  the  growing  importance  of  America  to  Great 
Britain  would  in  a  little  time  secure  us  all  we  want, 
in  peace  and  safety  to  both  countries. 

I  should  be  glad  of  your  free  and  candid  sentiments 
on  these  subjects.  You  are  on  the  spot,  and  can  get 
acquainted  with  the  prejudices,  opinions,  and  senti 
ments  of  those,  who  it  is  probable  will  be  the  princi 
pal  hands  in  settling  the  dispute  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  the  colonies;  and  therefore  must  be  best  able 
to  judge  what  terms  it  will  be  best  and  most  expedient 
for  the  Americans  to  propose,  and  insist  upon  ;  what 
it  is  most  likely  they  will  obtain;  and  what  it  is  most 
probable  Great  Britain  will  concede.  A  connexion 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies  is  what  every 
good  man  must  ardently  wish  may  be  obtained  and 
preserved;  but  then  it  ought  to  be  upon  just  and  equi 
table  terms. 

I  conclude,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  ser 
vant, 

THOMAS  GUSHING." 


242  LIFE    OF 


LETTERS    OF   JOHN    ADAMS. 

"  BREST,  March  24th,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  this  moment  the  honour  of  yours 
of  the  loth.  I  am  perfectly  of  your  opinion,  that  we 
have  yet  a  hard  battle  to  fight.  The  struggle  will  yet 
be  long  and  painful ;  and  the  difficulty  of  it  will  arise 
from  nothing  more  than  the  weak  disposition  in  our 
countrymen,  as  well  as  our  allies,  to  think  it  will  be 
short.  Long  before  this  war  began  I  expected  a  se 
vere  trial;  but  I  never  foresaw  so  much  embarrass 
ment  from  selfishness,  vanity,  and  corruption,  as  I  find. 
If  these  proceed  much  longer  in  their  career,  it  will 
not  be  worth  the  while  of  men  of  virtue  to  make 
themselves  miserable  by  continuing  in  the  service.  If 
they  leave  it,  the  American  system  of  flattery  and  cor 
ruption  will  still  prevail  over  the  British.  But  there 
will  be  an  end  of  our  virtuous  visions  of  a  kingdom  of 
the  just. 

I  wrote  Mr.  Israel  from  Nantes.  My  regards  to 
him  and  your  brother.  I  am  no  hand  at  a  cypher, 
but  will  endeavour  to  unriddle  if  you  write  in  it. 

With  much  esteem,  your  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Hon.  A.  Lee." 


"  PARIS,  May  25th,  1780. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  kind  favour  of  April  12th  is  yet 
unanswered.  With  nothing  at  all  to  do,  I  am  as  busy 
as  ever  I  was  in  my  life.  Whether  any  good  will  re 
sult  from  it,  time  must  discover.  I  have  undertaken 
to  inform  congress  a  little  more  particularly  than  they 
are  wont  to  be  informed,  of  some  things  that  have 
passed  in  Europe  which  may  ultimately  affect  them ; 
but  I  find  it  is  in  vain  to  put  my  eyes  out  by  writing, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  243 

for  when  letters  are  written  we  can't  get  them  across 
the  water.  I  have  however  sworn,  and  I  will  per 
form,  if  it  is  possible  to  get  letters  to  them  by  the  way 
of  Spain,  or  Holland,  or  any  other  way ;  let  the  ex 
pense  be  what  it  will,  they  shall  go. 

I  have  a  very  good  opinion  of  Count  Sarsefeild, 
and  have  the  honour  to  see  him  sometimes,  though  not 
so  often  as  I  wish.  Too  many  unsuitable  characters 
it  is  very  certain  have  been  permitted  to  meddle  in 
our  affairs ;  but  when  or  how  it  will  be  remedied, 
God  only  knows.  In  a  country  where  every  thing 
goes  and  is  done  by  protection,  and  where  the  motives 
of  government  are  the  direct  opposites  of  ours,  I 
see  no  prospect  of  having  it  otherwise,  let  who  will 
be  in  or  out. 

As  to  jobs,  I  never  had  and  never  will  have  any 
thing  to  do  in  any,  let  the  consequence  to  me  and  my 
family  be  what  it  will.  The  trusts  with  which  you 
and  I  have  been  honoured  by  our  country,  are  too  sa 
cred  to  be  tarnished  by  the  little  selfish  intrigues,  in 
which  the  little  insects  about  a  court  are  eternally 
buzzing.  If  I  had  neither  a  sense  of  duty,  nor  the 
pride  of  virtue,  nor  any  other  pride,  if  I  had  no  high 
er  principle  or  quality  than  vanity,  it  would  mortify 
this,  in  an  extreme  degree,  to  sully  and  debase  so 
pure  a  cause  by  any  such  practices. 

On  the  characters  you  mention  I  shall  never  con 
descend  to  bestow  my  confidence,  nor  my  resentment, 
nor  contempt.  They  have  ever  been  treated  by  me, 
and  ever  will  be,  with  justice  and  civility,  but  they 
will  never  be  my  friends. 

I  have  received  a  letter  by  the  way  of  for 

you,  which  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  enclose. 

I  was  in  hopes  you  would  have  been  at  congress 
before  now.  Your  situation  must  be  disagreeable, 
but  I  know  by  experience  it  can  be  borne.  Pray  how 
do  you  relish  Clinton's  letter?  I  think  the  policy  of 


244  LIFE    OF 

France  and  Spain  is  pointed  out  by  it  in  sun-beams. 
I  hope  they  will  profit  by  it.  They  seemed  to  be  con 
vinced  of  it  before  the  letter  arrived.  They  have 
now  the  testimony  of  our  enemy  to  the  truth  and 
justice  of  what  you  and  I  had  the  honour  to  repre 
sent  to  them,  in  conjunction  with  our  colleague,  last 
January  was  twelve  months. 

I  am,  with  much  esteem,  &c.,  yours, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Hon.  A.  Lee." 


"  THE  HAGUE,  Aug.  29,  1782. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  a  great  mind  to  envy  your  situa 
tion,  or  to  wish  myself  with  you  in  congress,  where 
I  should  have  less  anxiety,  and  more  health,  if  not  an 
opportunity  to  do  more  good. 

The  mynheers  have  overcome  most  of  their  terrors, 
and  are  now  well  fixed  in  the  good  system.  They 
will  hearken  to  no  separate  proposals,  and  therefore 
will  make  an  important  diversion  in  our  favour,  al 
though  they  should  not  succeed  in  their  endeavours 
to  excite  the  court  to  more  strenuous  exertions. 

We  have  succeeded  to  obtain  a  small  loan.  There 
is  nearly  a  million  and  a  half  of  guilders  obtained,  to 
be  paid  upon  the  receipt  of  the  ratification  of  the  con 
tract. 

The  deputies  of  the  provinces  have  generally  re 
ceived  their  instructions  concerning  the  treaty  of  com 
merce,  and  I  am  daily  in  conference  upon  the  subject. 
It  is  slow  work,  but  in  time  it  will  be  finished  to  mu 
tual  satisfaction,  as  I  believe. 

Fitzherbert's  powers  are  to  treat  with  France,  the 
States  General,  and  the  ministers  of  all  other  princi- 
pum  et  statuum  quorum  inter esse  poterit. 

Mr.  Brantzon's  powers  are  to  treat  in  concert  with 


ARTHUR    LEE.  245 

France,  and  all  the  other  powers  at  war  with  Eng 
land,  but  to  agree  to  no  peace  or  truce  but  in  concur 
rence  with  them. 

I  don't  like  very  well  the  idea  of  our  conferences 
before  a  British  minister  had  powers  to  treat  with  the 
ministers  of  the  United  States  in  so  many  words;  and 
think  that  if  we  had  refused  to  treat  till  that  time, 
Shelburne  would  have  been  forced  to  come  into  Fox's 
plan.  Possibly  however  they  may  agree  upon  pre 
liminaries,  but  I  have  not  very  sanguine  hopes  of  it. 

I  should  be  very  glad  to  hear  from  you  as  often  as 
your  important  engagements  will  permit.  Meantime 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  esteem,  your  most 
obedient, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Mr.  Lee" 


"THE  HAGUE,  Oct.  10th,  1782. 

Dear  Sir, — I  had  the  honour  of  yours  of  August 
7th  yesterday.  The  letters  enclosed  are  sent  to  their 
destinations. 

I  have  long  since  taken  such  measures  as  depended 
on  me,  and  shall  continue  to  do  all  that  decency  will 
permit,  to  induce  the  states  to  send  ministers  to  con 
gress.  I  am  convinced  it  will  not  be  done  before  the 
next  spring.  To  give  you  a  complete  detail  of  the 
reasons  of  this,  would  be  a  tedious  labour,  without 
use.  It  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  every  thing  is  done 
against  the  inclination  cf  the  court,  and  they  cannot 
agree  upon  the  man  to  send.  All  the  patriots  fix  upon 
Vander  Capellan  de  Poll,  or  Van  Berchel,  who  is  the 
fittest;  but  both  are  obnoxious  to  the  court,  who  are 
disposed  to  delay  and  retard  every  thing  which  tends 
to  cement  the  two  republics. 

It  is  not  an  easy  thing  to  ascertain  with  precision 

VOL.  n.  31 


246  LIFE    OF 

the  true  boundary  between  independence  and  uncom- 
plaisance;  but  in  this  I  feel  in  myself,  and  I  see  in 
every  body  else,  quite  as  much  disposition  to  be  un- 
complaisant,  as  is  reconcilable  with  independence ;  it 
is  however  of  more  importance  to  be  one,  than  the 
other.     It  gives  me  infinite  pleasure  to  learn,  that  Mr. 
Jay  is  of  this  sentiment.     Mr.  Dana's  sentiments  may 
be  learnt  from  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  him  to  me 
of  the  16th  Sept.    He  says: — 'In  my  letter  of  the 
30th  August  I  told  you  I  was  no  longer  at  liberty  to 
pursue  a  course  like  that  you  pointed  out  to  me  in 
yours  of  the  7th  of  the  said  month;  that  my  late  in 
structions  were  clear  and  decided,  and  that  I  was  glad 
of  it ;  for  had  the  matter  been  left  to  my  discretion,  I 
should  have  taken  a  course  not  wholly  unlike  that  you 
mention  to  me.     I  had  prepared  every  thing  for  the 
decisive  step,  and  should  have  taken  it  against  the 
opinion  of,  you  know  whom;  because  my  sentiments 
fully  coincide  with  yours,  so  far  as  they  respect  the 
dignity  of  the  United  States;  which  I  have  all  along 
thought  would  suffer  nothing   from  an  open  and  firm 
policy,  and  that  their  views  and  interests  would  be 
promoted  and  established  much  earlier  by  means  of  it. 
I  venture  to  assert,  that  had  you  hearkened  to  the  ad 
vice  that  was  given  you  when  I  was  in  Holland,  not 
one  of  the  United  Provinces  would  at  this  time  have 
acknowledged  our  independence;  nay  more,  the  mi 
nor  party  would  have  been  the  prevailing  one,  and  in 
all  probability  affairs  would   have   worn   a   different 
countenance  in  Europe,  and  we  should  have   seen, 
through  the  aid  of  mediation,  &,c.,  a  separate  peace 
concluded  between  Great  Britain  and  Holland.     I  am 
sensible,  as  I  told  you  before,  of  the  difference  of  our 
situations;  yet  this  difference  does  not  in  my  opinion 
necessarily  require  a  system  absolutely  the  reverse- 
The  same    engines  indeed  icannot  be   set  at  work 
here.5 


ARTHUR    LEE.  247 

The  instruction  that  you  say  subjects  us  to  the 
French  ministry,  has  never  been  communicated  to  rne. 
I  cannot  believe  that  any  such  has  been  given.  I  sus 
pect  you  put  too  strong  a  construction  on  it.  Con 
gress  would  have  a  very  modest  unconsciousness  of 
their  own  abilities,  to  subject  themselves  or  their  mi 
nisters  to  any  body.  There  is  not  in  my  opinion  a 
body  of  men  in  Europe  more  enlightened  than  con 
gress,  nor  a  minister  in  Europe  superior  to  three  of 
theirs,  viz: — Mr.  Jay,  Mr.  Laurens,  and  Mr.  Dana; 
at  least  1  have  not  yet  had  the  honour  of  finding  him 
out,  if  there  is  such  a  minister.  The  abilities  of 
ministers  which  produce  events,  do  not  consist  in 
dress,  horses,  balls,  nor  cards. 

I  was  never  in  my  life  clearer  in  any  opinion  than 
I  am  in  this,  that  it  would  serve  our  cause  for  Mr. 
Dana  to  communicate  his  mission  to  the  minister  of 
the  empress  of  Russia,  and  to  the  ministers  of  the 
several  courts  of  neutral  powers  at  Petersburg.  I 
think  he  would  not  be  refused.  The  matter  would 
be  taken  into  consideration,  and  might  be  long  de 
layed.  But  if  he  were  refused,  it  would  be  upon  the 
principle  of  neutrality  ;  and  even  this  refusal  would 
be  infinitely  less  hurtful  to  our  reputation,  than  to 
have  a  minister  in  Europe  with  a  commission  in  his 
pocket,  and  prohibited  to  make  use  of  it.  It  is  now 
known  that  he  has  such  a  commission,  as  much  as  if 
he  communicated  it,  which  he  might  do  in  confidence. 
It  is  not  consistent  in  congress,  as  I  humblyfappre- 
hend,  to  send  ministers  to  Europe,  and  then  tie  their 
hands,  subjecting  them  to  the  French  ministry.  I 
say  it  freely,  chaining  them  hand  and  foot.  These 
chains  I  will  never  wear ;  they  would  be  so  galling 
to  me,  that  I  could  never  bear  them.  I  will  never 
however  be  wanting  in  civility  or  complaisance  to 
those  ministers  knowingly. 

I  shall  ever  esteem  it  an  honour  and  a  happiness,  to 


248  LIFE    OF 

receive  the  news  and  the  politics  of  the  times  from 
you.  Give  me  leave  to  assure  you,  that  I  have  the 
honour  of  being  your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 


"PARIS,  April  12lh,  1783. 

Dear  Sir, — We  have  had  a  very  dull  pause  since 
the  peace ;  no  news  from  America,  and  a  stagnation 
in  England,  which  has  left  us  in  a  painful  state  of 
uncertainty.  Now  indeed  the  ministry  are  arranged 
for  a  little  while,  and  Mr.  Hartley  is  expected  over  to 
finish  the  negotiation.  You  know  him,  he  is  talka 
tive  and  disputatious,  and  not  always  intelligible  ;  so 
that  I  expect  we  shall  be  longer  about  the  business 
than  is  necessary. 

I  am  not  able  to  conceive  how  a  ministry  composed 
of  parts  so  heterogeneous,  can  go  on  with  business. 
It  cannot  be  expected  to  be  solid  and  durable.  Mr. 
Fox  professes  to  mean  to  finish  soon  and  liberally,  but 
I  know  not  what  opposition  and  contradiction  he  may 
meet  in  the  cabinet.  I  confess  I  don't  like  the  change 
at  all.  Shelburne  and  his  set  would  have  gone 
through  well.  Mr.  Laurens,  who  is  in  London, 
seems  pleased  with  the  change ;  at  least  he  was  with 
the  prospect  a  few  days  before  it  took  place ;  and  he 
seems  to  think  the  tories  are  not  so  much  regarded  as 
we  feared.  Shelburne  did  the  best  thing  of  his  whole 
life  when  he  made  peace,  and  the  vote  against  him 
does  no  honour  to  his  opponents.  The  peace  is  really 
much  better  for  England  than  she  had  a  right  to  ex 
pect  ;  and  the  continuance  of  the  war  would  have 
been  ruin.  This  the  present  set  are  sensible  of;  but 
truth  is  a  small  sacrifice  to  faction.  The  vote  of  dis 
satisfaction  with  the  peace  is  a  disagreeable  event, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  249 

and  one  knows  not  what  effect  it  may  have.     I  don't 
believe  it  could  ever  have  been  carried,  if  a  treaty  of 
commerce  had  been  signed  on  the  30th  Nov.     Why 
the  commission  for  making  such  a  treaty  was  revoked 
without  issuing  another,  you  must  ask  Mr.  Marbois. 
I  know  not.     I  think  however  you  cannot  too  soon 
send  a  minister  to  London,  to  arrange  finally  a  system 
of  commerce,  and  to  watch  over  all  your  interests  in 
that  country.     French  politics  are  now  incessantly  at 
work  in  England,  and  we  may  depend  upon  it,  they 
labour  less  for  our  good  than  their  own.     If  our  in 
terests  were  the  same  with  theirs,  we  might  better 
trust  them ;  yet  not  entirely,  for  they  do  not  under 
stand  their  own  interests  so  well  as  we  do  ours.     Con 
gress  will  never  adopt  a  right  system  of  foreign  affairs, 
until  they  consider  their  interests  as  distinct,  and  keep 
them  separate  from  those  of  all  other  nations.     One 
essential  part  of  the  business  and  duty  of  their  minis 
ters  is,  to  watch  French  politicians  as  well  as  English, 
to  co-operate  with   them  where  they  coincide  with 
our  system,  and  to  counteract  them  where  they  inter 
fere  with  it.     Albeit  this  has  ever  been  my  opinion; 
it  was  so  when  I  was  in  congress  in  1775,  1776,  and 
1777,  and  every  day's  experience  in  Europe,  in  every 
country,  in  every  department,  has  afforded  something 
in  confirmation  of   it.     I   have   acted  in    conformity 
to  it  at  every  risk;  and  considering  the  furious  wrath 
it  has  occasioned,  and  the  violent  efforts  to  demolish 
me,  with  wonderful  success.     But  the  success  would 
have  been  much  more  complete,  if  congress  had  ad 
hered  to  the  system  as  steadily  as  I  did. 

With  great  esteem  and  respect  sir,  your  most  obe 
dient  and  most  humble  servant, 

JOHN  AD^MS. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


250  LIFE    OF 


"  THE  HAGUE,  April  6th,  1784. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favour  of  the  J4th  January  was 
brought  me  yesterday.  I  have  been  obliged  to  come 
here  in  order  to  raise  money  for  the  payment  of  bills 
to  a  large  amount,  which  Mr.  Morris  drew  at  a  ven 
ture,  and  have  at  length  succeeded,  but  it  is  so  lately 
that  I  have  not  yet  joined  my  colleagues  in  Paris,  and 
I  am  undetermined  whether  I  shall  go  there  before 
the  commission  you  mention  arrives,  to  treat  with 
such  nations  as  desire  it,  which  are  indeed  all  mari 
time  nations ;  at  present  we  have  no  power  to  treat. 
I  wish  a  secretary  of  foreign  affairs  appointed,  and 
that  you  may  be  the  man.  There  is  no  man  in  Ame 
rica,  so  well  acquainted  with  our  foreign  affairs,  and 
surely  they  require  a  man  of  some  experience.  Mr. 
Jay  merits  every  thing  you  meditate  for  him,  and  his 
country  merits  to  have  him  placed  where  his  abilities 
and  fortitude  may  be  a  barrier  to  her  whenever  she  is 
in  danger. 

The  new  order  of  chivalry  has  given  me  many  a 
melancholy  hour.  It  is  a  deep  design  to  overturn  the 
whole  edifice  of  our  republican  liberty,  but  as  I  know 
the  officers  do  not  mean  this,  and  were  not  aware  of 
it,  I  hope  they  will  lay  it  voluntarily  aside ;  if  they 
do  not,  knights  will  make  barons,  earls,  viscounts, 
marquises,  and  dukes  ;  and  these,  princes  and  kings 
in  a  very  short  time.  I  have  heretofore  expressed 
your  regards  to  Mr.  Jay,  and  will  do  it  again  as  you 
desire  ;  they  have  been  and  will  be  very  acceptable 
to  him.  A  friend  of  mine  in  Massachusetts,  in  a  let 
ter  some  months  ago,  gave  me  a  confused  hint  that 
Franklin  had  written  to  somebody,  at  me,  or  towards 
me,  or  against  me,  or  about  me ;  but  I  could  make 
nothing  of  it,  and  did  not  know  until  I  received  your 
letter  that  he  had  written  against  me  to  congress. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  251 

What  he  can  have  said,  after  allowing  me  to  be  sen 
sible  and  honest,  as  you  say  he  does,  I  am  curious  to 
know.  Mr.  Dana's  arrival  in  Boston  is  to  me  a  most 
joyful  event.  He  has  been  cruelly  treated.  No  man 
has  a  clearer  insight  into  the  secret  springs  of  our 
foreign  affairs  ;  no  man  is  more  honestly  attached  to 
his  country  ;  few  men  more  judicious  arid  able.  But 
in  all  our  foreign  affairs  honos  pro  crimine  et  ob  virtutes 
certissimum  vitium.  The  times  for  the  future  will  be 
better  ;  but  no  man  employed  abroad  will  ever  enjoy 
that  sweet  security  which  you  have  in  perfection  in 
America.  Let  me  say  one  word  in  fav7our  of  Sir 
James  Idy,  to  whom  as  a  physician  I  am  under  obli 
gations  for  his  kind,  faithful,  and  able  assistance  in  a 
violent  fever,  which  the  putrid  streets  of  Paris,  added 
to  a  long  journey  in  very  hot  weather,  and  too  close 
an  application  to  writing,  brought  upon  me  last  fall. 
I  have  every  reason  to  think  that  he  has  been  a  faith 
ful  American  throughout,  and  not  the  smallest  reason 
to  suspect  him.  I  say  this  because  I  am  informed  he 
has  been  suspected  by  the  ***  of  the  state  ***  of 
New-York.  You  will  oblige  me  by  writing  as  often 
as  you  can  ,•  I  have  suffered  much  for  want  of  intelli 
gence  from  congress.  It  is  a  long  time  since  we  re 
ceived  any  of  the  journals.  The  arts,  which  have 
been  practised  to  embroil  American  ministers,  secre 
taries,  &c.  have  been  more  black,  more  wicked,  and 
more  deep  ***  since  you  left  Europe,  than  I  ever 
knew  them  while  you  were  here.  The  vilest  *** 
have  been  employed  to  write  anonymous  letters  con 
taining  the  wickedest  lies.  Spies  have  been  set ;  the 
most  private  conversations  betrayed  and  misrepre 
sented,  in  short  we  have  all  been  in  an  inquisition. 
All  have  not  had  sufficient  caution  and  sagacity  to 
avoid  the  snares.  It  was  never  a  pleasant  service. 


252  LIFE    OF 

But  all    these  attempts    have    failed  of  their  final 
object." 

JOHN  ADAMS." 


"  AUTEUIL,  near  Paris,  Jan.  31, 1785. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  12th 
of  August  from  New- York,  and  by  the  Marquis  de  la 
Fayette,  who  visited   me  last  night,  I  have  the  plea 
sure  to  learn  that  you  have  finished  your  negotiations 
with  the  Indians,  to  the  satisfaction  and  advantage  of 
the  public.     I  learn  too  with  great  pleasure  that  your 
brother  has  accepted  a  seat  in  congress  and  in   the 
chair  ;    permit  me    to  congratulate   you  upon    both 
events.     I  am  apprehensive  that  the  Indian  trade  will 
suffer,  the  posts  upon  the  frontiers  be  withheld  from 
us,  and   every  interest  we   have   in  dispute  with  the 
English  will  suffer  from  the  unalterable  resolution  of 
congress   not    to   send  a  minister   to   London.     The 
British  court  will  never  treat  with  us  here,  and  every 
American  who  expects  it  deceives  himself.     I  am  not 
well  enough  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  late 
financier  to  know  whether  1  agree  with  you  in  opin 
ion  of  him  or  not.     Has  he  settled  or  produced  his 
accounts  of  the  commercial  committee  or  not  ?    Has 
he  produced    his  accounts  of  his    administration  of 
financier  ?    I  cannot  guess  the  reason  why  he  should 
be  so  attached  to  the  French  and  Franklinian  interest 
as  you  think  he  is.     He  certainly  has  received  little 
or  no  aid  from  either.     The  bills  he  drew  upon  Mr. 
Grand  would  have  gone  back  protested,  if  I  had  not 
procured  the  money   to   pay  them.     More  than   six 
hundred  thousand   pounds  sterling  have  I  furnished 
him,  in  the  most  profitable   manner  possible,  not  in 
soldiers'  clothes,  or  arms,  but  in  dollars  from  the  Ha- 
vannah,  and  in  cash  received  at  Philadelphia  for  bills 


ARTHUR    LEE.  253 

of  exchange  sold  at  a  handsome  profit,  and  another 
hundred  thousand  pounds  is  ready  for  him,  if  he  has 
not  already  drawn  for  it,  as  it  is  probable  he  has.  In 
short  his  whole  operations  for  two  years  past  have 
been  supported  by  me,  and  nothing  at  all  has  been 
done  towards  it  by  French  or  Franklin.  I  am  happy 
to  learn  that  Mr.  Jay  will  probably  accept  the  foreign 
affairs,  which  he  understands  well  and  can  conduct 
wisely.  My  new  partner  is  an  old  friend  and  coad 
jutor,  whose  character  I  studied  nine  or  ten  years 
ago,  and  which  I  do  not  perceive  to  be  altered  ;  the 
same  industry,  integrity,  and  talents  remain  without 
diminution.  1  am  very  happy  in  him.  But  whether 
we.  shall  be  able  to  accomplish  any  thing  here  I 
know  not,  any  thing  I  mean  which  may  make  it 
worth  while  to  keep  us  together.  But  if  congress 
order  us  to  separate,  there  will  be  the  same  good  un 
derstanding  and  correspondence  between  us. 

I  shall  be   happy  to   hear  from  you  as  you  have 
leisure.     Your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  GROSVENOR  SQUARE,  WESTMINSTER,  Sept.  6,  1785. 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  yesterday  your  favour  of  the 
27th  of  July,  and  wish  it  were  in  my  power  to  relieve 
your  anxiety  by  giving  you  any  comfortable  hopes 
from  this  country.  The  national  sense  and  public 
voice  is  decidedly  against  us  in  the  whale  trade  and 
ship  trade,  and  there  are  as  yet  but  feeble  parties  for 
us  in  the  West  India  trade  and  colony  trade.  I  may 
say  to  you  that  if  Ireland  had  not  escaped  from  the 
snare  we  should  have  had  a  very  dull  prospect.  I  see 
no  resource  for  us  but  in  a  navigation  act.  and  this 
will  not  relieve  us  soon.  Our  merchants  have  en- 

VOL.  ii.  32 


254  LIFE    OF 

slaved   themselves  to  this  country  by  the  debts  they 
have  contracted.     They  are   afraid   to   explore  new 
channels   of  commerce,  lest  they  should   offend  the 
British   merchants,  and   be  sued.      But   there  is   no 
choice  left  us.     Our  country  must  not  be  ruined  in 
tenderness  to  those  who  have  run  imprudently  too  far 
into  debt.    As  far  as  I  can  penetrate  the  hearts  of  the 
ministers,  they  are  very  far  from  being  as  they  should 
be  relative  to  us.     Those  of  them  who  have  acquired 
immense  popularity,  reputation,  and  influence  by  for 
mer  professions  of  attachment  to  the  American  cause, 
as  Cambden  and  Richmond,  are    much  changed  ;   in 
short  we   have   no  party  with  us  here.     Yet  indeed 
there  is  no  party  at  present  that  dares  declare  very  ex 
plicitly  against  us.     All  sides  are  as  silent  and  myste 
rious  as  you  can  conceive  them  to  be,  and  when  I  shall 
get  any  answer  I  cannot  guess  ;   but  I  can  confident 
ly  guess  that  when  it  does  come  it  will  not  be  what  it 
must  finally  be,  in  order  to  relieve  us,  and  bring  the 
two  countries  together  in  good  humour.      Ireland  I 
think    stands  between  us  and  evil.      Her  indocility 
may  have  changed  the  plans  of  the  cabinet  in  many 
particulars.     In  short  I  do   not  believe  there  is  any 
fixed  plan,  or  will  be  any  until  the  next  budget  shall 
be  opened.     The  debt  stands  between  Ireland   and 
harm.     This  country  is  in  a  more  critical  situation 
than  ours  ;    yet  it  may  take  two  years  to  decide  its 
fate.     Many  persons  express  anxious  fears  of  distrac 
tions  and   anarchy  ;  others   think  they  cannot  stand 
under  the  burthen  of  the  debt,  but  must  lower   the 
interest.     The    policy  of  our  country  is  not   perfect 
neither.     The  most  fatal  and  egregious  fault  of  all  is 
leaving  their  debt  in   Holland  and   France  unfunded. 
This  error  is  so  easily  rectified  that  it  is  astonishing 
it  is  not  done.     This  single  step  may  protect  us  from 
a  war,  and  confute  forever  the  numberless  calumnies 
which  circulate  now,  and  will  never  cease  until  that 


ARTHUR    LEE.  255 

is  done.  I  have  hitherto  paid  the  interest  in  Holland 
out  of  the  principal  ;  but  this  will  be  by  and  by  im 
practicable,  and  then  such  a  clamour  and  obloquy 
will  succeed  as  will  make  us  all  ashamed  of  our 
selves.  How  will  it  be  possible  to  vindicate  the 
faith  or  the  honour  of  our  country  ? 

You  gave  me  great  pleasure  by  your  approbation  of 
my  son's  conduct,  and  I  am  under  great  obligations  to 
your  brother  for  the  notice  he  took  of  him.  Count 
Sarsefeild,  who  has  just  now  left  me,  is  rejoiced  at 
your  appointment  to  the  treasury,  and  desires  me  to 
present  his  regards  to  you.  He  leads  the  life  of  a 
peripatetic  philosopher  here,  has  done  so  since  May, 
and  will  stay  till  October.  He  rambles  with  Lord 
Shelburne  and  Lord  Harcourt,  and  is  the  happiest 
man  I  know.  I  have  seen  him  two  summers  in  Hol 
land.  Observation  and  reflection  are  all  his  business, 
and  his  dinner  and  his  friend,  all  his  pleasure.  If  a 
man  was  born  for  himself  alone,  I  should  take  him 
for  a  model. 

I  am  dear  sir  with  great  esteem  your  friend  and 
servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS, 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee," 


"  THE  HAGUE,  Sept.  4th,  1785. 

Sir, — A  few  days  before  leaving  Paris  I  had  the 
honour  to  receive  your  letter.  Since  that  I  have 
passed  through  London  on  my  way  to  this  place. 
The  cause  of  my  coming  has  been  communicated  to 
you  some  time  ago,  and  I  have  nothing  to  say  on  that 
subject.  Learning  that  a  vessel  is  about  to  sail  from 
Amsterdam  for  New-York  in  a  few  days,  I  profit  of 
that  occasion  to  send  you  a  little  of  the  reigning  poli 
tics  of  this  quarter  of  the  globe.  Three  objects  at 


256  LIFE    OP 

present  occupy  the  minds  of  all  here.  I  say  all,  be 
cause  every  one  is  deeply  interested,  and  takes  an 
active  part  in  one  or  the  other  of  the  three.  The 
first  is  the  affair  of  the  Scheld,  which  is  now  negoti 
ating,  and  in  very  fair  train  at  Paris.  1  have  here 
the  most  unquestionable  information  sir,  that  the 
matter  will  be  accommodated  in  a  very  few  days, 
and  that  an  ultimate  treaty  with  France  will  imme 
diately  follow  ;  perhaps  the  last  hand  is  this  last  mo 
ment  putting  to  it.  The  conditions  of  this  accom 
modation  with  the  emperor  cannot  be  known  ;  yet 
there  is  no  douht  I  believe  that  the  Scheld  will  not 
be  opened  in  its  greatest  latitude,  and  in  the  manner 
the  emperor  wished  it.  It  was  to  be  wished  for 
America,  (I  think)  that  he  had  succeeded.  We 
should  have  been  able  then  to  have  quoted  this  ex 
ample  when  we  come  to  claim  as  we  shall  do,  the 
free  use  of  the  Mississippi.  The  best  claim  however 
in  these  cases  is  that  of  force  ;  and  this  we  shall 
probably  have  on  our  side. 

The  second  object  consists  in  the  internal  commo 
tions  of  these  provinces,  occasioned  by  the  two  par 
ties,  of  patriots  and  ********.  The  design  of  the 
former  is  to  clip  what  they  think  the  unconstitutional 
exuberances  of  the  princes'  power,  of  the  latter  to  op 
pose  them  in  every  instance.  The  former  are  com 
posed  of  the  middle  rank  of  citizens,  the  latter  of  the 
higher  and  lower  classes.  The  patriots  are  at  pre 
sent  the  unquestionably  predominant  party,  consisting 
however  of  a  great  variety  of  powers  and  characters 
opposed  in  principle  and  interest;  their  operations  are 
slow,  yet  they  form  at  present  a  powerful  column  that 
must  be  irresistible,  if  it  can  be  kept  firm  and  un 
broken.  They  have  lately  succeeded  in  abolishing 
the  high  council  of  war,  and  commissioners  who  are 
to  enquire  into  the  illegal  growth  of  prerogative  seem 
to  promise  a  finishing  stroke  to  overgrown  power. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  257 

Yet  history  has  furnished  us  with  so  many  instances 
of  the  difficulty  of  wresting  power  from  hands  which 
have  once  possessed  it,  that  we  might  be  inclined  to 
doubt  the  success  of  the  patriotic  party,  as  they  are 
termed,  if  every  day  did  not  give  some  proof  of  their 
decided  determination  to  persevere.     At  the  head  of 
them  is  Mr.  Van  Berkel,  the  brother  of  the  minister 
in  America  ;  he  is  aided  by  the   pensionary  of  Dort, 
a  gentleman  of  shining  talents,  and  though  young,  of 
the  most  promising  expectations.     The  most  pene 
trating  of  the  party  consider  themselves  as  indebted 
to  the  American  war  for  opening  their  eyes  and  rous 
ing  them  from  a  lethargy  into  which  they  had  fallen. 
A  spirit  of  opposition  has  pervaded  this  middle  rank 
of  citizens  ;  volunteer  corps  are  formed  and  disciplin 
ing.     You  observe  their  children  even  going  through 
the  exercise  in  playing  about  the  streets,  and   every 
thing  among  them  makes  us  recollect  the  year  1775 
in  America.     This  party  views  America  with  a  vene 
rating  partiality,  and  so  much  attached  are  they  to  our 
opposition  that  thejr  seem  fond  of  imitating  us  where- 
ever  they  can,  and  of  drawing  parallels  between  the 
similar  circumstances  in  the  two  countries.    Not  long 
ago  an  officer  of  one  of  the  patriotic  corps  lost  the 
spirit  of  opposition,  and  went  over  to  the  opposite  in 
terest  ;    he  was  immediately  branded  with  the  oppro~ 
brious  name  of  the  American  Arnold. 

The  Hague  itself  is  not  free  from  the  violence  of 
this  party  rage.  The  flame  seems  fanned  here  with 
additional  force  by  foreign  aid.  It  being  the  seat  of 
all  the  foreign  ministers,  and  they  are  forming  a  body 
which  bears  a  considerable  proportion  to  the  town  it 
self,  their  influence  seems  to  be  felt  on  the  modes  of 
thinking  here.  Thus  they  appear  ranged  in  oppo 
site  columns,  and  unite  with  this  or  that  party  as 
the  interest  of  their  court  dictates.  In  this  point  of 
view  the  delightful  seat  of  the  prince  and  their  high 


258  LIFE    OF 

mightinesses  here,  which  seems  formed  for  pleasure 
and  agreeable  society,  is  turned  into  a  kind  of  poli 
tical  field  of  battle,  where  the  foreign  troops  are 
headed  on  one  side  by  the  French,  and  on  the  other 
by  the  English  ambassador.  Yet  very  much  for  the 
honour  of  these  two  gentlemen,  notwithstanding  they 
are  thus  necessarily  opposed  and  forced  to  be  active 
against  each  other,  they  preserve  the  warmest  per 
sonal  friendship.  This  was  cultivated  during  their 
residence  at  Petersburgh,  and  seerns  to  have  lost 
nothing  of  its  sincerity  by  being  translated  to  the 
Hague.  It  is  really  a  pleasing  sight,  as  it  does  hon 
our  to  these  politicians  to  see  the  Marquis  de  Verce 
and  Sir  James  Harris  assembling  at  each  other's 
houses,  in  the  appearance  of  the  greatest  intimacy, 
on  the  evening  of  the  same  mornings  that  they  have 
been  exerting  all  their  talents  and  putting  every  en 
gine  of  intrigue  in  motion  to  destroy  the  plans  of 
each  other. 

It  will  be  of  great  importance  to  America  that  the 
minister  she  is  about  to  have  here  should  know  how 
to  ***  a  perfect  neutrality  between  these  violent  par 
ties  foreign  and  domestic  ;  and  from  the  character 
alone  of  the  gentleman  lately  appointed  we  have 
every  reason  to  hope  it  will  be  done. 

I  think  it  requires  little  foresight  to  see  that  if  Ame 
rica  is  represented  with  prudence  and  circumspection 
for  a  few  years  in  the  different  courts  of  Europe,  she 
will  necessarily  have  thrown  into  her  hands  such  a 
balancing  power  as  will  enable  her  to  secure  very 
great  advantage  for  herself  in  a  variety  of  commercial 
objects  ;  and  these  alone  seem  to  be  worthy  of  her 
attention. 

I  have  said  so  much  to  you  already,  that  I  fear  to 
add  more  on  the  third  head  of  which  I  spoke  above, 

than  to  say  it  is  what  is  called  the signed  on 

the  23d  of  last  month  by  the  king  of  Prussia,  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  259 

elector  of  Saxony,  and  the  elector  of  Brunswick  and 
Lunenburg.  This  has  been  explained  to  their  high 
mightinesses  a  few  days  ago  by  a  declaration  of  the 
king  of  Prussia. 

1  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  esteem  your 
most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

JOHN   ADAMS. 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BRAINTREE,  July  18,  1788. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  kind 
congratulations  on  my  arrival,  and  Mrs.  Adams  re 
turns  you  her  compliments  and  thanks. 

The  accession  of  Virginia  to  the  new  constitution 
is  a  great  event.  You  and  I  should  not  materially 
differ,  I  fancy,  if  we  were  to  compare  notes  of  a  per 
fect  commonwealth.  But  I  consider  the  present  pro 
ject,  as  a  commencement  of  a  national  government,  to 
be  a  valuable  acquisition.  What  would  Aristotle  and 
Plato  have  said  if  any  one  had  talked  to  them  of  a 
federative  republic  of  thirteen  states,  inhabiting  a 
country  of  five  hundred  leagues  in  extent  ? 

The  new  government  must  act  with  caution  and 
make  itself  felt  by  its  beneficence,  or  we  shall  have 
a  new  convention  for  amendments.  It  is  a  severe 
mortification  to  me  to  find  so  many  of  my  old  friends 
in  opposition.  But  this  should  not  surprise  me,  as  I 
have  always  differed  very  materially  from  them  in 
opinion,  on  the  best  plan  of  government. 

I  am  dear  sir  with  great  esteem  your  most  obedient 
servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


260  LIFE    OF 


"  PASSY,  Oct.  10,  1778. 


Dear  Sir, — I  have  sometimes  complained  that  hav 
ing  no  place  suited  for  the  public  papers,  nor  any  per 
son  to  keep  them  in  order,  was  a  great  inconvenience 
and  interruption  to  the  public  business ;  I  had  wished 
to  have  the  papers  in  my  chamber,  as  they  are  in  dis 
order,  and  several  going  to  them  at  pleasure,  taking 
out  some  and  removing  others,  was  as  making  me  in 
a  sort  responsible  for  the  order  which  I  could  not  pre 
serve,  and  for  papers  themselves,  which  I  could  not 
secure.  Besides  that  it  occasioned  continual  appli 
cations  to  me  alone,  and  necessitated  me  TO  spend  a 
great  part  of  my  time  writing  orders,  notes,  copies 
of  letters,  passports,  and  twenty  other  things,  which 
ought  at  all  times  to  be  written  by  our  clerks;  at 
least  as  long  as  it  is  thought  necessary  to  put  the 
public  to  the  expense  of  keeping  so  many.  I  have 
not  asked  Dr.  Franklin's  opinion  concerning  your  pro 
posal  of  a  room  in  your  house  for  the  papers,  and  an 
hour  to  meet  there,  because  I  know  it  would  be  in 
vain ;  for  I  think  it  must  appear  to  him  more  unequal 
still.  It  cannot  be  expected  that  two  should  go  to 
one,  when  it  is  as  easy  again  for  one  to  go  to  two ; 
not  to  mention  Dr.  Franklin's  age,  his  rank  in  the 
country  or  his  character  in  the  world  ;  nor  that  nine 
tenths  of  the  public  letters  are  constantly  brought  to 
this  house,  and  will  ever  be  carried  where  Dr.  Frank 
lin  is.  I  will  venture  to  make  a  proposition  in  my 
turn,  in  which  I  am  very  sincere  ;  it  is  that  you 
would  join  families  with  us.  There  is  room  enough 
in  this  house  to  accommodate  us  all.  You  shall  take 
the  apartments  which  belong  to  me  at  present,  and  I 
will  content  myself  with  the  library  room  and  the 
next  to  it.  Appoint  a  room  for  business,  any  that 
you  please,  mine  or  another,  a  person  to  keep  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  261 

papers,  and  certain  hours  to  do  business.  This  ar 
rangement  will  save  a  large  sum  of  money  to  the 
public,  and  as  it  would  give  us  a  thousand  opportuni 
ties  of  conversing  together,  which  now  we  have  not, 
and  by  having  but  one  place  for  our  countrymen  and 
others  to  go  to,  W7ho  have  occasion  to  visit  us,  would 
greatly  facilitate  the  public  business.  It  would  re 
move  the  reproach  we  lie  under,  of  which  I  confess 
myself  very  much  ashamed,  of  not  being  able  to  agree 
together,  and  would  make  the  commission  more  re 
spectable,  if  not  in  itself,  yet  in  the  estimation  of  the 
English,  the  French,  and  the  American  nations ;  and 
I  am  sure  if  we  judge  by  the  letters  we  receive,  it 
wants  to  be  made  more  respectable,  at  least  in  the 
eyes  of  many  persons  of  this  country.  If  it  is  any 
objection  to  this,  that  we  live  here  at  no  rent,  I  will 
agree  with  you  in  fixing  the  rent  or  leave  the  house. 
As  I  suppose  the  proposal  I  made  of  appointing  Mr. 
W.  F.  Franklin  to  take  care  of  the  papers,  occasioned 
your  letter  of  the  6th  instant,  I  cannot  conclude  this 
answer  to  it,  without  repeating  that  proposal.  This 
appointment  can  be  but  temporary,  as  a  secretary  will 
probably  arrive  from  congress  ere  long.  But  in  the 
mean  time  Mr.  Franklin,  who  keeps  papers  in  good 
order,  and  writes  very  well,  may  be  of  more  service 
to  us  than  he  is  at  present.  We  will  then  have  a 
right  to  call  upon  him  to  do  business,  and  we  shall 
know  what  situation  he  is  in,  and  what  reward  he  is 
to  have.  I  agree  perfectly  with  you  that  an  hour 
should  be  fixed  for  business,  and  1  beg  leave  to  pro 
pose  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  ;  to  which  hour,  and 
from  thence  to  any  other  hour  in  the  day  you  please, 
I  will  endeavour  to  be  punctual.  If  you  have  any 
objection  to  this  hour,  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  name 
another. 

I  am  dear  sir,  with  an  earnest  desire  and  settled 
determination  to  cultivate  an  harmony,  nay  more  a 

VOL.  u.  33 


262  LIFE  OF 

friendship,  with  both  my  colleagues,  as  far  as  I  can 
consistently  with  the  public  service,  and  with  great 
respect  and  esteem,  your  friend  and  colleague, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 


LETTERS    FROM    GENERAL    WARREN. 

"  BOSTON,  Dec.  21st,  1773. 

Sir, — My  respected  friend,  Mr.  Adams,  informs  me 
of  the  honour  he  has  done  me  by  mentioning  my  name 
to  you  in  his  letters.  I  can  by  no  means  lose  so  fair 
an  opportunity  of  opening  a  corrsepondence  with  one 
to  whom  America  is  under  such  great  obligations.  Be 
assured  sir,  we  are  not  insensible  to  your  merits.  The 
clear  manner  in  which  you  have  treated  the  dispute 
between  Great  Britain  and  this  country,  has  we  doubt 
not  enlightened  many  in  the  parent  state,  as  well  as 
in  this  country.  But  nothing  seems  able  to  penetrate 
the  Egyptian  darkness,  which  is  so  palpable  in  the 
court  atmosphere.  We  have  long  waited  for  some 
thing  wise  and  good  in  the  public  counsels  of  the  na 
tion;  at  least  we  hoped  that  chance  would  lead  to 
some  measures,  which  if  not  so  designed,  might  event 
ually  have  produced  some  agreeable  effects.  But 
hitherto  the  unpropitious  star  which  rules  unhappy 
Britain,  has  disappointed  our  wishes ;  every  step 
taken  by  the  administration  has  increased  the  distance 
between  her  and  the  colonies ;  and  I  fear  that  unless 
a  speedy  alteration  is  made  in  the  system  of  Ameri 
can  policy,  a  few  years  will  render  us  as  indifferent 
to  the  interest  of  the  mother-country,  as  to  that  of 
any  other  state  in  Europe.  However,  as  it  is  my 
firm  opinion  that  a  connexion  upon  constitutional 
principles  may  be  kept  up  between  the  two  countries, 


ARTHUR    LEE.  263 

at  least  for  centuries  to  come,  advantageous  andlho- 
nourable  to  both,  I  always  respect  the  man  who  en 
deavours  to  heal  the  wound,  by  pointing  out  proper 
remedies,  and  to  prevent  the  repetition  of  the  stroke, 
by  fixing  a  stigma  on  the  instrument  by  which  it  was 
inflicted.  This  country  is  inhabited  by  a  people  loy 
al  to  their  king,  and  faithful  to  themselves;  none  will 
more  cheerfully  venture  their  lives  and  fortunes  for 
the  honour  and  defence  of  the  prince  who  reigns  in 
their  hearts,  and  none  will  with  more  resolution  op 
pose  the  tyrant  who  dares  to  invade  their  rights. 
From  this  short  but  true  character  of  this  people,  it 
is  easy  to  see  in  what  manner  a  wise  king  or  a  saga 
cious  minister  would  treat  them.  But ! 

Mr.  Adams  will  give  you  a  full  account  of  the  tea 
shipped  by  the  East  India  company  for  this  place.  It 
is  now  in  the  power  of  that  company  to  make  the  use 
of  Dutch  tea  as  unpopular  in  this  country  as  they  can 
desire.  They  may  easily,  by  a  proper  application  to 
an  all  powerful  ministry,  lay  the  colonies  under  such 
obligations,  as  would  be  greatly  to  the  company's  ad 
vantage.  But  it  is  certain  that  the  whole  navy  of 
Britain  will  not  prevent  the  introduction  of  Dutch 
tea,  nor  will  her  armies  prevail  with  us  to  use  the 
English  tea,  while  the  act  imposing  a  duty  on  that  ar 
ticle  remains  unrepealed.  I  congratulate  you  on  the 
honour  conferred  on  your  brother  by  the  city  of 
London ;  in  distinguishing  merit,  they  honour  them 
selves. 

This  will  be  presented  to  you  by  Dr.  Williamson, 
who  has  laboured  abundantly  in  the  glorious  cause 
in  which  we  are  engaged.  I  hope  soon  to  be  con 
vinced  that  the  freedom  I  have  taken  in  writing  to 
you  is  not  disagreeable, 

I  am  sir,  with  great  esteem,  your  most  obedient 
humble  servant, 

Jos.  WARREN." 


264  LIFE    OF 


"  BOSTON,  Feb.  20th,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — My  friend,  Mr.  Adams,  favoured    me 
with  the  sight  of  your  last  letter.     I  am  sincerely  glad 
of  your  return  to  England,  as  I  think  your  assistance 
was  never  more  wanted  there  than  at  present.     It  is 
truly  astonishing  that  the  administration  should  have  a 
doubt  of  the  resolution  of  the  Americans  to  make  the 
last  appeal,  rather  than  submit  to  wear  the  yoke  pre 
pared  for  their  necks.     We  have  waited  with  a  de 
gree  of  patience  which  is  seldom  to  be  met  with;  but 
1  will  venture  to  assert  that  there  has  not  been  any 
great  allay   of   cowardice,  though  both  friends   and 
enemies  seem  to  suspect  us  of  want  of  courage.     I 
trust  the  event  which  I  confess  I  think  is  near  at  hand, 
will  confound  our  enemies,  and  rejoice  those  who  wish 
well  to  us.     It  is  time  for  Britain  to  take  some  seri 
ous  steps  towards  a  reconciliation  with  her  colonies. 
The  people  here  are  weary  of  watching  the  measures 
of  those  who  are  endeavouring  to  enslave  them  ;   they 
say  they  have  been  spending  their  time  for  ten  years 
in  counteracting  the  plans  of  their  adversaries,  and 
many  of  them  begin  to  think  that  the  difference  be 
tween  them  will  never  be  amicably  settled ;  but  that 
they  shall  always  be  subject  to  affronts  from  the  ca 
price  of  every  British  minister.     They  even  some 
times  speak  of  an  open  rupture  with  Great  Britain, 
as  a  state  preferable  to  the  present  uncertain  condi 
tion  of  affairs.     And  although  it  is  true  that  the  peo 
ple  have  yet  a  very  warm  affection  for  the  British  na 
tion,  yet  it  sensibly  decays.     They  are  loyal  subjects 
to  the  king ;  but  they  conceive  that  they  do  not  swerve 
from  their  allegiance  by  opposing  any  measures  taken 
by  any  man  or  set  of  men   to  deprive  them  of  their 
liberties.     They  conceive  that  they  are   the  king's 
enemies   who    would    destroy   the   constitution ;    for 


ARTHUR    LEE.  265 

the  jdng  is  annihilated  when  the  constitution  is  de 
stroyed. 

It  is  not  yet  too  late  to  accommodate  the  dispute 
amicably.  But  I  am  of  opinion  that  if  once  Gen. 
Gage  should  lead  his  troops  into  the  country  with  a  de 
sign  to  enforce  the  late  acts  of  parliament,  Great  Bri 
tain  may  take  her  leave,  at  least  of  the  New-England 
colonies ;  and  if  I  mistake  not,  of  all  America.  If 
there  is  any  wisdom  in  the  nation,  God  grant  it  may 
be  speedily  called  forth.  Every  day,  every  hour, 
widens  the  breach.  A  Richmond,  a  Chatham,  a  Shel- 
burne,  a  Cambden,  with  their  noble  associates,  may 
yet  repair  it;  and  it  is  a  work  which  none  but  the 
greatest  of  men  can  conduct.  May  you  be  success 
ful  and  happy  in  your  labours  for  the  public  safety. 

I  am  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  very  humble  ser 
vant, 

Jos.  WARREN." 


"  BOSTON,  April  3d,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favour  of  the  2 1st  of  December 
came  opportunely  to  hand,  as  it  enabled  me  to  give 
the  provincial  congress,  now  sitting  at  Concord,  a  just 
view  of  the  measures  pursued  by  the  tools  of  the  ad 
ministration  ;  and  effectually  to  guard  them  against 
that  state  of  security,  into  which  many  have  endea 
voured  to  lull  them.  If  we  ever  obtain  a  redress  of 
grievances  from  Great  Britain,  it  must  be  by  the  in 
fluence  of  those  illustrious  personages,  whose  virtue 
now  keeps  them  out  of  power.  The  king  never  will 
bring  them  into  power,  until  the  ignorance  and  phren- 
zy  of  the  present  administration  make  the  throne  on 
which  he  sits  shake  under  him.  If  America  is  an 
humble  instrument  of  the  salvation  of  Britain,  it  will 
give  us  the  sincerest  joy;  but  if  Britain  must  lose  her 


266,  LIFE    OF 

liberty,  she  must  lose  it  alone.  America  must  and  will 
be  free.  The  contest  may  be  severe,  the  end  will  be 
glorious.  We  would  not  boast,  but  we  think,  united 
and  prepared  as  we  are,  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt 
of  success,  if  we  should  be  compelled  to  the  last 
appeal ;  but  we  mean  not  to  make  that  appeal  until 
we  can  be  justified  in  doing  it  in  the  sight  of  God  and 
man.  Happy  shall  we  be  if  the  mother-country  will 
allow  us  the  free  enjoyment  of  our  rights,  and  in 
dulge  us  in  the  pleasing  employment  of  aggrandizing 
her. 

The  members  for  the  continental  congress  are  al 
most  all  chosen  by  the  several  colonies.  Indeed,  if 
any  colony  should  neglect  to  choose  members,  it 
would  be  ruinous  to  it;  as  all  intercourse  would  im 
mediately  cease  between  that  colony  and  the  whole 
continent. 

The  first  brigade  of  the  army  marched  about  four 
miles  out  of  town  three  days  ago,  under  the  command 
of  a  brigadier  general,  (Earl  Percy)  but  as  they 
marched  without  baggage  or  artillery,  they  did  not 
occasion  so  great  an  alarm  as  they  otherwise  would. 
Nevertheless  great  numbers,  completely  armed,  col 
lected  in  the  neighbouring  towns ;  and  it  is  the  opin 
ion  of  many,  that  had  they  marched  eight  or  ten 
miles,  and  attempted  to  destroy  any  magazines,  or 
abuse  the  people,  not  a  man  of  them  would  have  re 
turned  to  Boston.  The  congress  immediately  took 
proper  measures  for  restraining  any  unnecessary  effu 
sion  of  blood  ;  and  also  passed  proper  resolves  respect 
ing  the  army,  if  they  should  attempt  to  come  out  of 
town  with  baggage  and  artillery. 

I  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  your  notice  Mr.  Dana, 
the  bearer  hereof,  (a  gentleman  of  the  law)  a  man  of 
sense  and  probity,  a  true  friend  to  his  country,  of  a, 
respectable  family  and  fortune. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  267 

May  heaven  bless  you,  and  reward  your  labours 
with  success.  I  am  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  most 
obedient,  humble  servant, 

Jos.  WARREN. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  London." 


"CAMBRIDGE,  April  27th,  1775. 

My  Dear  Sir,— Our  friend  Quincy  just  lived  to 
come  on  shore,  to  die  in  his  own  country ;  he  expir 
ed  yesterday  morning.  His  virtues  rendered  him 
dear,  and  his  abilities  useful,  to  his  country.  The 
wicked  measures  of  the  administration  have  at  length 
brought  matters  to  a  crisis.  I  think  it  probable  that 
this  rage  of  the  people,  excited  by  the  most  clear 
view  of  the  cursed  designs  of  the  administration,  and 
the  barbarous  effusion  of  the  blood  of  their  country 
men,  will  lead  them  to  attack  Gen.  Gage,  and  burn 
the  ships  in  the  harbour.  Lord  Chatham  and  our 
friends  must  make  up  the  breach  immediately  or 
never.  If  any  thing  terrible  takes  place  it  will  not 
now  do  to  talk  of  calling  the  colonies  to  account  for 
it,  but  it  must  be  attributed  to  the  true  cause,  the  un 
heard  of  provocations  given  to  this  people. 

They  never  will  talk  of  accommodation  until  the 
present  ministry  are  entirely  removed.  You  may  de 
pend  the  colonies  will  sooner  suffer  depopulation  than 
come  into  any  measures  with  them. 

The  next  news  from  England  must  be  conciliatory, 
or  the  connexion  between  us  ends,  however  fatal  the 
consequences  may  be.  Prudence  may  yet  alleviate 
the  misfortunes,  and  calm  the  convulsions  into  which 
the  empire  is  thrown,  by  the  madness  of  the  present 
administration.  May  Almighty  God  direct  you.  If 
any  thing  is  proposed  which  may  be  for  the  honour 
and  safety  of  Great  Britain  and  these  colonies,  my 


268  LIFE    OF 

utmost  efforts  shall  not  be  wanting  to  effect  a  recon 
ciliation. 

I  am  in  the  utmost  haste,  surrounded  by  fifteen  or 
twenty  thousand  men.  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

Jos.  WARREN. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  London. 

P.  S. — The  narrative  sent  to  Dr.  Franklin  contains 
a  true  state  of  facts ;  but  it  was  difficult  to  make  the 
people  willing  that  any  notice  should  be  taken  of  the 
matter,  by  way  of  narrative,  unless  the  army  and  navy 
were  taken  or  driven  away. 

J.  W." 


"  CAMBRIDGE,  May  16,  1775. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Every  thing  here  continues  the  same, 
as  at  the  period  of  my  writing  a  short  time  ago.  Our 
military  operations  go  on  in  a  very  spirited  manner. 
Gen.  Gage  had  a  reinforcement  of  about  600  marines 
the  day  before  yesterday  ;  but  this  gives  very  little 
concern  here.  It  is  not  expected  that  he  will  sally 
out  of  Boston  at  present,  and  if  he  does,  he  will  but 
gratify  thousands  who  impatiently  wait  to  avenge  the 
blood  of  their  murdered  countrymen.  The  attempt 
he  has  made  to  throw  the  odium  of  the  first  com 
mencement  of  hostilities  on  the  people  here,  has  op 
erated  very  much  to  his  disadvantage,  as  so  many 
credible  people  were  eye  witnesses  of  the  whole  af 
fair,  whose  testimonies  are  justly  supposed  of  infinite 
ly  greater  weight  than  any  thing  he  has  brought  or 
can  bring  in  support  of  his  assertion.  My  private 
opinion  is  that  he  is  really  deceived  in  this  matter, 
and  is  led  (by  his  officers  and  some  other  of  the  most 
abandoned  villains  on  earth,  who  are  natives  of  this 
country,  and  who  are  now  shut  up  with  him  in  Bos- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  269 

ton)  to  believe  that  our  people  actually  began  the  fir 
ing  ;  but  my  opinion  is  only  for  myself;  most  people 
are  satisfied  not  only  that  he  knows  that  the  regulars 
began  the  fire,  but  also  that  he  gave  his  orders  to  the 
commanding  officer  to  do  it.  Thus  by  attempting  to 
clear  the  troops  from  what  every  one  is  sure  they 
were  guilty  of,  he  has  brought  on  strong  suspicions 
that  he  himself  is  guilty  of  having  preconcerted  the 
mischief  done  by  them.  Indeed  his  very  unmanly 
conduct,  relative  to  the  people  of  Boston,  in  detain 
ing  many  of  them,  and  contriving  new  excuses  for 
delaying  their  removal  after  they  had  given  up  their 
fire-arms,  upon  a  promise  of  being  suffered  to  leave 
town  and  carry  with  them  their  effects,  has  much  les 
sened  his  character  and  confirmed  formed  suspicions. 

The  continental  congress  is  now  sitting.  I  sup 
pose  before  I  hear  from  you  again,  a  new  form  of 
government  will  be  established  in  this  colony.  Great 
Britain  must  now  make  the  best  she  can  of  America. 
The  folly  of  her  minister  has  brought  her  into  this 
situation.  If  she  has  strength  sufficient  even  to  de 
populate  the  colonies,  she  has  not  strength  sufficient 
to  subjugate  them.  However,  we  can  yet  without 
injuring  ourselves  offer  much  to  her.  The  great  na 
tional  advantages  derived  from  the  colonies  may,  I 
hope,  yet  be  reaped  by  her  from  us.  The  plan  for 
enslaving  us,  if  it  had  succeeded,  would  only  have 
put  it  in  the  power  of  the  administration  to  provide  for 
a  number  of  their  unworthy  dependants,  whilst  the 
nation  would  have  been  deprived  of  the  most  essen 
tial  benefits  which  might  have  arisen  from  us  by  com 
merce;  and  the  taxes  raised  in  America  would  instead 
of  easing  the  mother  country  of  her  burdens,  only  have 
been  employed  to  bring  her  into  bondage. 

I  cannot  precisely  tell  you  what  will  become  of 
Gen.  Gage  ;  I  imagine  he  will  at  least  be  kept  closely 
shut  up  in  Boston ;  perhaps  you  will  very  soon  hear 

VOL.  ii.  34 


270  LIFE    OF 

something  further  relative  to  these  things.  One 
thing  I  can  assure  you  has  very  great  weight  with 
us ;  we  fear  if  we  push  this  matter  as  far  as  we  think 
we  are  able,  to  the  destruction  of  the  troops  and  ships 
of  war,  we  shall  expose  Great  Britain  to  those  inva 
sions  from  foreign  powers,  which  we  suppose  it  will 
be  difficult  for  her  to  repel. 

In  fact  you  must  have  a  change  in  men  and  mea 
sures  or  be  ruined.  The  truly  noble  Richmond, 
Rockingham,  Chatham,  Shelburne,  with  other  lords, 
and  the  virtuous  and  sensible  minority  in  the  house 
of  commons,  must  take  the  lead.  The  confidence 
we  have  in  them  will  go  a  great  way ;  but  I  must 
tell  you  that  those  terms  which  would  readily  have 
been  accepted  before  our  countrymen  were  murdered, 
and  we  in  consequence  compelled  to  take  arms,  will 
not  now  do. 

Every  thing  in  my  power  to  serve  the  united  in 
terest  of  Great  Britain,  shall  be  done ;  and  I  pray 
that  you,  your  brother,  and  Mr.  Sayer,  (to  whom  I 
beg  you  would  make  my  most  respectful  compli 
ments)  would  write  fully,  freely,  and  speedily  to  me, 
and  let  me  know  what  our  great  and  good  friends  in 
the  house  of  commons  think  expedient  and  practica 
ble  to  be  done. 

God  forbid  that  the  nation  should  be  so  infatuated 
as  to  do  any  thing  further  to  irritate  the  colonies  ;  if 
they  should,  the  colonies  will  sooner  throw  them 
selves  into  the  arms  of  any  other  power  on  earth, 
than  ever  consent  to  an  accommodation  with  Great 
Britain.  That  patience  which  I  frequently  told  you 
would  be  at  last  exhausted,  is  no  longer  to  be  ex 
pected  from  us.  Danger  and  war  are  become  plea 
sing  ;  and  injured  virtue  is  now  armed  to  avenge  her 
self. 

I  am  my  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

Jos.  WARREN. 
To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  London. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  271 

P.  S. — Please  to  let  Mr.  Sayer  and  Sheriff  Lee 
know  that  I  shall  write  to  them  by  the  first  opportu 
nity.  This  will  be  handed  you  by  our  good  friend  Mr. 
Barrell,  who  will  give  you  a  more  particular  account 
of  our  public  affairs." 


"  BOSTON,  Sept.  17th,  1776. 

Sir, — The  situation  of  the  enclosed,  directed  to  my 
care  by  our  good  friend  Mr.  Lovell,  makes  it  necessa 
ry  that  I  should  explain  to  you  by  what  means  it  has 
been  opened. 

Your  letter,  with  several  others  enclosed  to  me  by 
Mr.  Lovell,  was  intrusted  to  the  care  of  a  young 
gentleman  of  character  who  was  bound  to  this  place; 
but  neglecting  to  take  a  pass,  he  was  stopped  in  the 
Jerseys  by  a  justice  of  the  peace,  who  opened  most 
of  the  letters  before  he  would  suffer  him  to  pass,  and 
yours  among  the  rest.  I  am  extremely  sorry  for  this 
accident.  It  would  have  given  me  great  pleasure  to 
have  forwarded  them  to  you  in  the  state  they  left 
Philadelphia;  however,  I  conceive  no  bad  consequence 
will  arise  from  this  circumstance.  I  have  not  the  plea 
sure  of  being  personally  known  to  you,  but  I  have  the 
satisfaction  of  ranking  myself  with  those  who  respect 
your  character,  and  the  merit  of  your  services  to  this 
country ;  and  who,  while  they  detest  the  ingratitude 
of  others  who  have  injured  both,  wish  to  embrace 
every  opportunity  to  do  you  service,  and  to  testify 
their  esteem. 

I   am   sir,  with  great  respect  and  sincerity,  your 
friend  and  most  humble  servant, 

J.  WARREN.* 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  at  Paris." 

*  James  Warren,  of  Plymouth. 


272  LIFE    OF 


"  PLYMOUTH,  Dec.  18th,  1780. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  should  before  this  have  acknow 
ledged  the  receipt  of  your  favour  of  the  30th  of  Octo 
ber,  had  I  not  flattered  myself  with  an  expectation 
that  I  should  very  soon  have  been  able  to  have  ascer 
tained  (in  the  manner  you  desired)  the  several  facts 
you  mention.  I  immediately  applied  to  Mr.  Blodget 
for  that  purpose  ;  he  assured  me  that  the  business 
should  be  soon  done.  But  it  was,  notwithstanding 
my  repeated  applications,  delayed  till  I  left  the  town  ; 
from  which  I  have  been  detained  much  longer  than  I 
expected,  but  I  design  to  return  in  about  ten  days, 
and  shall  then  make  it  one  of  the  first  matters  of  my 
attention.  Mr.  Blodget  will  inform  you,  and  per 
haps  some  of  the  court-martial,  who  are  not  among 
your  best  friends,  may  inform  some  of  their  connex 
ions  at  Philadelphia,  of  the  discovery  made  in  the 
course  of  Blodget's  evidence,  of  your  having  goods 
on  board  the  Alliance  to  the  amount  of  500  guineas. 
This  they  will  endeavour  to  magnify  into  a  crime 
of  some  consequence,  but  with  very  little  effect  here, 
and  I  hope  with  as  little  at  Philadelphia. 

I  am  exceedingly  glad  that  you  find  congress  in  so 
good  a  disposition.  I  hope  matters  of  every  kind  will 
be  settled  to  your  mind ;  and  among  the  rest,  sooner 
or  later,  the  several  affairs  you  mention. 

You  will  have  heard  before  this,  into  what  hands  the 
administration  of  our  new  government  is  lodged.  The 
chief-magistrate  possesses  a  popularity  and  influence 
never  exceeded  if  known  in  any  other  country.  The 
tide  has  flowed  very  suddenly,  and  may  ebb  with 
equal  rapidity.  Violent  things  do  not  often  last  long. 
At  present  all  ranks  of  people  in  the  capital  are  in 
toxicated  with  the  glare  of  profession,  which  they  do 
not  distinguish  from  that  generosity  and  hospitality, 


ARTHUR   LEE.  273 

with  which  the  interest  of  a  state  may  be  connected. 
Balls,  public  and  private  entertainments,  and  feasts, 
more  suitable  to  the  effeminacy  and  ridiculous  man 
ners  of  Asiatic  slavery,  than  to  the  hardy  and  sober 
manners  of  a  New-England  republic,  have  marked 
this  era ;  and  ushered  in  the  execution  of  a  govern 
ment,  designed  to  establish  and  secure  public  liberty 
and  happiness.  But  I  hope  this  infection  will  not  ex 
tend  far  into  the  country. 

Public  virtue,  and  an  attention  to  the  security  of  pub 
lic  liberty,  are  seldom  found  in  cities  ;  they  must  be 
looked  for  in  the  sober  and  manly  retreats  of  husband 
men  and  shepherds,  where  frivolous  manners,  com 
merce,  and  high  stages  of  civilization,  have  not  de 
bauched  the  principles  and  reason  of  mankind. 

Mrs.  Warren  desires  her  compliments  to  Dr.  Lee, 
and  thinks  herself  honoured  by  his  esteem  and  friend 
ship.  You  will  please  to  remember  me  to  Mr.  Adams 
and  Mr.  Lovell,  and  give  my  compliments  to  Col.  Lee, 
if  present. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  with  great  esteem,  your 
friend  and  obedient  humble  servant, 

J.  WARREN. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  Philadelphia." 


"  BOSTON,  Jan.  10th,  1781. 

Dear  Sir, — I  did  myself  the  pleasure  to  write  you 
from  Plymouth  about  three  weeks  ago ;  when  I  in 
formed  you  that  I  had  not  then  been  able  to  ascer 
tain,  as  you  desired,  the  several  facts  into  which  you 
requested  me  to  enquire,  and  that  I  expected  to  do  it 
so  soon  as  I  returned. 

Upon  my  arrival  here  I  applied  to  Mr.  Blodget,  and 
am  informed  that  he,  supposing  you  would  wish  to 
have  them  soon,  had  transmitted  the  necessary  pa- 


274  LIFE    OF 

pers  to  you  before  I  returned.  I  hope  you  have  re 
ceived  them,  and  that  they  will  fully  answer  your 
wishes. 

We  have  no  news  here  but  what  comes  from  the 
southward.  The  general  court  are  getting  in  order, 
arranging  their  finances,  and  doing  every  thing  in 
their  power  to  complete  their  battalions,  and  to  sup 
ply  the  army. 

I  hear  they  are  publishing  in  New-York  the  letters 
they  purloined  from  our  posts,  among  which  is  said 
to  be  one  from  you  to  Dr.  Cooper.  I  hope  the  publi 
cation  of  their  contents  will  prove  no  injury  to  you.  ! 

I  am  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  most  obedient 
humble  servant, 

J.  WARREN. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  BOSTON,  April  29th,  1781. 

Dear  Sir, — It  is  now  a  long  time  since  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  a  line  from  you.     I  did  hope  before  this 
time  I  might  address  you  as  the  secretary  of  foreign 
affairs.     When  I  heard  the  measure   for  appointing 
one  was  adopted,  I  had  no  difficulty  in  my  own  mind 
in  fixing  on  the  proper  person.     I  hoped  that  the  de 
cision  of   congress  would  be  agreeable   to  my  own 
wishes.     Is  any  thing  done  about  that  matter,  or  on 
the  report  of  a  committee  for  recalling  Dr.  Franklin? 
You  can't  conceive  how  little  we  know  here  of  the 
affairs  in  Europe,  or  even  of  transactions  at  Phila 
delphia.     Such  depredations  have  been  made  on  the 
mails,  that  our  friends  seem  to  be  very  cautious  of 
writing;  but  as  no  instances  have  lately  taken  place, 
I  hope  they  will  resume  their  usual  freedom  of  com 
munication.     I  think  they  may  do  it  with  safety.    We 
have  no  news  here.     Our  internal  affairs  are  in  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  275 

same  way  as  when  you  left  us.  An  established  popu 
larity  has  decided  our  elections,  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  last  year.  It  is  difficult  to  say  how  long  this 
may  last.  Streams  of  all  kinds  will  have  their  run 
for  a  time,  but  they  often  form  their  own  bars,  and 
stop  their  own  sluices;  perhaps  this  may  be  the  case 
here.  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  procure  a  survey 
and  plan  of  your  grant  of  lands,  but  am  not  inatten 
tive  to  it.  You  will  please  to  make  my  compliments 
to  Gen.  Ward  and  Mr.  Lovell.  I  suppose  our  friend 
Adams  is  on  the  road.  The  purser  of  the  Alliance 
certainly  deceived  you;  he  never  had  any  such  license 
from  the  navy  board  here,  but  that  is  no  fault  of  yours ; 
besides,  who  could  suppose  that  a  public  minister 
might  not  bring  a  small  quantity  of  goods  in  a  public 
ship,  without  any  reflections  or  demands  on  him? 
Certainly  the  navy  board  would  have  conceived  it 
their  duty  to  have  given  orders  for  it.  Mrs.  Warren 
desires  her  compliments  to  Dr.  Lee.  I  hope  in  his 
next  tour  to  Boston  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
him  at  my  house,  without  the  trouble  of  riding  forty- 
two  miles  in  the  rain. 

My  compliments  to  Col.  Lee.  Is  he  now  a  mem 
ber  of  congress  ?  I  am  sir,  with  great  respect,  your 
sincere  friend  and  humble  servant, 

Jos.  WARREN. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"BOSTON,  July  4th,  1781. 

Dear  Sir, — Two  days  ago  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
receiving  yours  of  the  15th  ultimo.  I  began  to  sus 
pect  that  all  my  letters  to  you  had  miscarried ;  had 
you  received  those  of  a  more  recent  date  you  would 
have  been  informed  that  every  attention  had  been 
paid  by  me  to  get  the  land  laid  out.  Some  acci- 


276  LIFE    OF 

dents  prevented  it  last  fall ;  after  which  it  could  not 
be  done  until  late  in  the  spring,  or  the  beginning  of 
summer.  I  believe  the  gentlemen  are  now  on  the 
business.  The  next  session  I  hope  will  finish  the 
whole.  Blodget  undoubtedly  did  wrong.  The  to- 
ries  will  never  miss  an  opportunity  to  injure  you;  but 
they  can  avail  themselves  of  so  little  advantage  from 
the  discovery  that  all  their  movements  will  only  ex 
pose  their  own  malice  without  hurting  you.  I  think 
the  whole  matter  too  trifling  to  give  you  any  un 
easiness. 

Your  observations  on  the  political  state  of  our  af 
fairs  I  believe  are  just,  and  therefore  painful  to  a 
man  who  never  had  any  thing  in  view  but  the  in 
terest  and  happiness  of  his  country.  I  own  that  it 
would  have  cooled  my  ardour  if  I  could  have  fore 
seen  that  the  conduct  of  our  affairs  would  have  fallen 
into  such  hands,  or  that  such  an  influence  would  have 
prevailed  at  so  early  a  period.  But  what  is  to  be 
done  ?  Must  not  the  same  virtuous  exertions  be  made 
to  counteract  them  that  were  at  first  made  to  set  the 
wheels  agoing  ?  If  this  country  is  finally  saved,  I 
shall  be  more  convinced  than  ever  that  a  few  are  en 
titled  to  the  honour,  which  perhaps  neither  gratitude 
nor  justice  will  ever  ensure  to  them.  I  hope  my 
friends  in  Virginia  will  escape  the  calamities  they  are 
threatened  with.  You  will  please  make  my  com 
pliments  to  them  and  all  the  staunch  friends  to  the 
cause  of  America. 

Continue  to  write  to  me,  and  be  assured  that  1  am 
your  friend  and  most  humble  servant, 

Jos.  WARREN. 

Dr.  Lee" 


ARTHUR    LEE.  277 


"  MILTON,  July  1st,  1782. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  postponed  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  8th  of  April,  in  full  ex 
pectation  that  I  should  be  able  to  receive  the  interest 
on  your  money  enclosed,  and  to  have  sent  it  to  you 
at  the  same  time ;  but  such  is  the  situation  of  our 
treasury  that  I  have  yet  no  more  than  the  assurances 
of  the  treasurer  that  it  shall  be  paid  as  soon  as  possi 
ble.  I  hope  it  will  not  be  a  great  while  before  I 
shall  receive  it.  I  think  there  were  a  few  dollars 
more  in  your  bundle  than  the  list  expressed.  The 
grant  made  you  by  our  assembly  has  not  been  locat 
ed.  You  have  been  unlucky.  We  once  had  an  ex 
cellent  committee  for  that  purpose,  having  upon 
that  committee  the  man  of  all  others,  I  wished  for  ; 
he  set  out  to  perform  the  business,  but  was  seized 
unhappily  with  a  disorder  that  has  rendered  him  for 
ever  incapable  of  that  and  other  public  business.  My 
friends  in  the  assembly  have  obtained  another  com 
mittee.  I  shall  do  what  I  can  to  have  the  business 
completed  soon. 

Mr.  Deane's  election  has  operated  as  such  an  event 
would  in  an  old  state  in  the  highest  stages  of  corrup 
tion.  Those  who  have  countenanced  and  profited 
by  his  wickedness,  instead  of  incurring  punishment 
or  odium,  are  distinguished  by  an  accumulation  of 
confidence  and  honours.  What  are  we  next  to  ex 
pect  ?  Every  appearance  indicates  that  the  follies 
and  vices  of  America  will  equal  her  rapid  progress  in 
population  and  empire.  If  the  genuine  patriots  of 
1774  could  have  foreseen  the  events  of  1781  and 
1782,  the  prospect  would  have  damped  their  ardour. 
They  certainly  would  have  lamented  that  one  man 
more  had  not  been  created,  capable  of  relieving  Mr. 

VOL.  ii.  35 


278  LIFE    OF 

from  the  burthen  of  holding  two  great  offices, 

connected  neither  in  nature  or  policy. 

For  my  own  part,  I  fear  the  loss  of  the  fishery.  I 
fear  the  effects  of  foreign  influence  and  domestic  in 
trigue.  I  fear  the  effects  of  the  total  extinction  of 
patriotism,  and  the  introduction  of  selfish  and  sordid 
views.  I  think  I  see  the  foundation  of  an  aristocracy 
laid,  that  will  bring  upon  us  the  same  curses  and  ca 
lamities  it  has  brought  on  every  other  country  where 
it  has  prevailed.  I  wish  I  may  be  mistaken. 

Mrs.  Warren  desires  her  compliments  to  you.  It 
would  add  greatly  to  the  pleasure  of  our  present  situ 
ation  if-  we  could  see  you  at  Milton.  As  it  is  we 
have  the  satisfaction  of  enjoying  the  good  wishes  of 
a  man  of  virtue  and  honour. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  esteem  dear  sir,  your  friend 
and  humble  servant, 

J.  WARREN. 

Hon.  Dr.  Lee." 


"  MILTON,  March  14th,  1783. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  received  yours  of  the  19th  of 
Feb.  a  few  days  ago,  and  upon  my  first  going  to 
town  procured  an  attested  copy  of  the  resolve  you 
desired,  which  is  herewith  enclosed.  If  you  ever  re 
quested  it  before  it  must  have  been  in  a  missing  let 
ter,  as  I  do  not  recollect  your  ever  expressing  a  wish 
to  have  it  before  now.  The  committee  for  laying  out 
the  lands  have  not  yet  done  the  business.  The  de 
lays  that  have  taken  place  are  to  be  sure  very  ex 
traordinary  ;  I  do  not  wonder  if  they  appear  suspicious 
to  you ;  they  did  so  to  me,  at  a  certain  period  ;  but 
I  am  inclined  to  think  they  are  more  owing  to  a 
spirit  of  indolence  or  procrastination  than  to  any  other 
cause.  Yesterday  the  matter  was  called  up  in  the 
assembly,  and  another  gentleman  added  to  the  com- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  279 

mittee.  Whether  this  will  expedite  the  business  time 
will  discover.  I  shall  watch  and  push  it  as  fast  as  I 
can. 

I  wish  for  peace,  but  I  suspect  no  great  progress  is 
yet  made  in  that  business  ;  what  the  obstacles  are, 
and  indeed  every  thing  relating  to  the  matter  seems 
to  be  strangely  concealed,  even  from  those  who  ought 
to  be  informed  minutely.  A  packet  for  congress  ar 
rived  here  a  week  ago,  and  I  am  informed  was  not 
sent  off  by  the  governor  until  yesterday.  Whether 
his  great  sagacity  suggested  to  him  that  it  contained 
nothing  important,  or  whether  he  was  prevented  by 
want  of  public  money,  which  I  hear  is  the  reason 
given,  I  cannot  say.  I  hope  it  will  arrive  safely,  and 
give  you  some  intelligence  agreeable  to  your  own 
wishes ;  but  I  rather  suspect  that  your  expectations 
from  that  quarter  are  not  very  flattering. 

You  will  probably  receive  Mr.  Adams'  resignation 
before  this  reaches  you,  and  be  at  no  loss  to  account 
for  the  cause  of  it.  You  know  the  instructions  of 
congress  to  the  commissioners  for  making  peace,  and 
from  them  and  this  resignation  can  judge  what  may 
be  the  apprehensions  of  New-England.  If  we  lose 
our  fishery,  or  have  the  territory  to  which  we  have  a 
decisive  right  curtailed,  we  shall  not  set  very  easy 
under  it.  We  shall  at  least  execrate  as  wretched 
that  policy  which  gave  them  up,  even  if  it  originated 
at  Versailles  or  Philadelphia.  And  as  we  have  not 
virtue  enough  to  live  without  commerce,  while  we 
see  the  southern  states  extending  theirs  upon  staples 
which  they  are  not  deprived  of,  we  may  possibly 
have  recourse  to  measures  I  never  wish  to  see  taken. 

I  wrote  you  by  Gen.  Lincoln,  which  I  hope  you 
have  received  before  now. 

I  am,  with  my  regards  to  all  friends,  your  most  obe 
dient  humble  servant, 

J.  WARREN. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


280  LIFE  OF 

A    LETTER    FROM    GENERAL    WHIPPLE. 

"  PORTSMOUTH,  Sept.  15th,  1783. 

Dear  Sir, — When  your  highly  esteemed  favour  of 
the  23d  of  July  arrived  here,  I  was  on  a  long  journey, 
which  deprived  me  of  the  pleasure  of  receiving  it  un 
til  very  lately. 

Not  meeting  you  in  Philadelphia  last  winter  was  a 
very  great  disappointment  to  me,  as  I  ardently  wish 
ed  for  an  interview  with  a  gentleman,  for  whom  I 
have  long  entertained  the  highest  esteem. 

No  true  friend  to  the  union,  who  has  had  an  oppor 
tunity  of  seeing  the  baneful  influence  of  Philadelphia, 
can  regret  the  removal  of  congress  from  that  city;  but 
I  wish  some  other  cause  had  effected  it.  Is  there  not 
reason  to  apprehend,  that  when  that  passion  which 
seems  to  have  been  the  immediate  cause  of  the  re 
moval  subsides,  the  same  influence  which  held  con 
gress  so  long  there,  will  draw  it  back?  I  must  con 
fess  I  have  my  fears  that  this  will  be  the  case,  and 
deprecate  the  consequences. 

Your  observation  that  the  people  of  America  do  not 
read  the  journals  of  congress,  is  very  just.  They  are 
rarely  to  be  met  with  at  this  distance,  which  I  think 
is  to  be  regretted,  as  I  have  no  doubt  much  good 
would  arise  from  a  more  general  knowledge  of  the 
doings  of  congress. 

I  must  request  the  favour  of  you  sir,  to  forward  the 
enclosed  letter  to  your  excellent  brother;  and  have 
the  honour  to  be,  with  very  great  esteem  and  respect, 
sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

WM.  WHIPPLE." 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


ARTHUR  LEE.  281 

LETTERS  FROM  THE  HON.  MR.  DANA. 

«  AMSTERDAM,  May  17th,  1781. 

Dear  Sir, — At  the  same  time  I  received  my  de 
spatches  for  a  certain  court,  I  had  the  honour  of  your 
very  ohliging  favour  of  the  28th  of  December  last,  in 
tended  to  introduce  me  to  the  acquaintance  of  the 
Baron  de  Breteuil,  ambassador  of  France  at  Vienna, 
supposing  that  city  to  lay  in  my  route ;  but  as  I  do 
not  take  my  departure  from  Paris,  but  from  this  place, 
I  shall  not  have  it  in  my  power  to  reap  any  benefit 
from  it.  I  am  nevertheless  exceedingly  obliged  to 
you  for  your  friendly  and  polite  attention  to  me.  I 
am  happy  that  it  was  made  my  duty  to  come  here, 
and  to  consult  before  my  departure  '  him  who  negoti 
ates  the  peace.'  Between  us  there  is  a  real  friend 
ship,  and  a  most  perfect  confidence,  from  which  I  de 
rive  much  satisfaction;  and  I  think  it  cannot  but  be 
attended  with  a  happy  influence  upon  our  respective  ne 
gotiations.  They  are  certainly  intimately  connected, 
and  ought  therefore  to  be  conducted  upon  a  thorough 
good  understanding  of  each  other's  systems.  I  mean 
our  present  negotiations.  As  to  the  former  business 
of  peace,  which  is  still  at  a  distance,  I  know  not  into 
whose  hands  that  may  fall,  but  I  hope  the  principal 
may  not  be  changed.  I  know  there  are  attempts  mak 
ing  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  to  shift  it  into  the 
hands  of  another.  You  are  too  well  acquainted  with 
men  and  things  here,  to  be  in  much  doubt  about  place 
or  persons.  I  thank  you  for  your  wishes  for  the  suc 
cess  of  my  particular  business.  I  am  sensible  '  my 
mission  is  not  without  its  difficulties;'  and  when  I 
contemplate  these,  and  the  real  importance  of  the  mis 
sion,  I  feel  that  I  have  undertaken  a  task  too  great 
for  my  abilities.  However,  I  must  attempt  the  exe- 


LIFE  OF 

cution  of  it,  or  it  must  be  left  wholly  unattempted  for 
a  length  of  time,  when  perhaps  much  greater  abilities 
might  fail  of  success,  through  a  change  of  circumstan 
ces.  I  have  some  reason  to  think  that  court  favoura 
bly  disposed  towards  us  at  present ;  though  upon  this 
point  I  shall  be  better  able  to  form  a  judgment,  when 
I  am  upon  the  ground.  It  is  my  present  sentiment, 
that  the  maritime  powers  want  nothing  but  good  in 
formation,  to  convince  them  that  it  is  for  their  sub 
stantial  interest  to  form  the  most  intimate  connexions 
with  our  country,  and  that  speedily.  If  they  have  rid 
themselves  of  their  fearful  apprehensions,  and  will 
dare  to  communicate  freely  with  our  ministers,  our 
business  may  be  brought  to  a  happy  issue  in  good  sea 
son;  but  if  a  shyness  and  timidity  still  have  place 
among  them,  the  wished  for  event  will  be  prolonged, 
to  the  vexation  of  those  whose  lot  it  is  to  be  immedi 
ately  connected  with  them. 

I  have  given  an  invitation  to  Mr.  Edmund  Jenings 
to  accompany  me  in  my  mission ;  he  has  accepted  it, 
and  is  now  with  me.  I  have  acquainted  congress  of 
it ;  and  wish  you  to  inform  such  members  of  congress 
as  are  ignorant  of  his  character,  what  that  is,  and  of 
the  propriety  of  the  measure;  as  you  must  clearly  see 
the  necessity  of  having  some  confidential  person  about 
me  in  case  of  accidents. 

I  congratulate  you  upon  the  general  success  of  Col. 
Laurens's  negotiation  at  the  court  of  Versailles.  I 
should  be  exceedingly  happy  to  find  all  our  negotiations 
succeed  as  well.  Yet  the  gentleman  has  been  calum 
niated  in  one  of  the  English  papers  in  a  gross  man 
ner.  His  real  character  has  been  denied  in  the  face 
of  Europe,  and  he  has  been  held  up  in  a  very  inferior 
one.  They  have  been  told  that  he  is  deficient  in  ex 
perience  and  abilities  ;  and  that  therefore  congress 
supplied  this  deficiency,  by  putting  him  under  the  pa 
tronage  of  Mr.  Payne.  From  this  scandal  he  has  not 


ARTHUR    LEE.  283 

wanted  a  vindication.      He  will  need  none  in  our 
country. 

I  am  much  gratified  by  the  naval  exertions  of  our 
allies  in  America.  Mons.  le  M.  Pignet  has  happily 
succeeded  in  his  plan  of  intercepting  the  Dutch  ships 
sent  from  St.  Eustatia  for  England,  under  convoy  of 
two  ships  of  the  line  and  two  frigates.  He  has 
captured  twenty-one  sail  of  merchantmen.  The  rest, 
with  the  ships  of  war,  have  escaped.  This  will  be  a 
mortifying  blow  to  that  piratical  nation,  as  well  as  to 
the  chiefs  of  their  plundering  gang.  I  rejoice  like 
wise  in  the  action  between  Gen.  Green,  and  Lord 
Cornwallis ;  though  we  lost  the  field,  yet  we  shall 
reap  an  essential  benefit  from  the  action.  The  ene 
my  did  not  pursue  Gen.  Green  to  his  halting  ground, 
only  at  the  distance  of  three  miles  from  the  field;  the 
reason  is  plain,  they  gained  the  field  at  too  dear  a 
rate.  Another  such  victory  will  ruin  the  British 
there.  We  have  only  to  fight  them  in  order  to  con 
quer  them. 

My  dear  sir,  may  I  hope  in  my  separate  and  very 
distant  station,  for  the  honour  and  benefit  of  your  cor 
respondence.  You  must  know  the  worth,  because 
you  have  experienced  the  want  of  early  and  good  in 
formation  from  our  country.  Its  interests  I  need  not 
tell  you  are  deeply  affected  in  this.  I  wish  it  was  in 
my  power  to  lay  any  inducement  before  you  to  grati 
fy  me  in  my  request ;  I  mean  of  a  valuable  return  in 
the  same  line.  But  the  persuasion  that  you  will  be 
rendering  very  essential  service  to  our  country,  will 
alone  be  an  irresistible  inducement  to  you. 

I  am  dear  sir,  with  sentiments  of  the  highest  re 
spect  and  esteem,  your  friend  and  most  obedient  hum 
ble  servant, 

F.  DANA. 

P.  S. — I  beg  you  to  present  my  best  regards  to 


284  LIFE    OF 

your  brothers  R.  H.  Lee,  and  F.  L.  Lee,  with  whom 
I  had,  when  in  congress,  the  honour  of  an  acquaint 
ance.  You  may  address  your  letters  to  the  care  of 
Messrs.  Sigourney  &  Co.,  Amsterdam.  You  may  fre 
quently  write  to  this  country  by  way  of  Boston. 
France  or  Spain  is  too  distant. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq," 


"  October  25th,  1782. 

Dear  Sir, — The  last  post  brought  me  your  favour 
of  the  6th  of  July  last,  in  which  you  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  my  letter  of  the  17th  of  June  1781,  which 
it  seems  had  been  more  than  a  year  on  its  way  to  you, 
having  been  about  the  world  in  the  South  Carolina 
frigate.  I  am  much  gratified  by  your  readiness  to 
enter  into  a  friendly  correspondence  with  me.  I 
have  been  in  much  want  of  a  particular  private  cor 
respondent  in  your  quarter.  There  are  many  things 
to  be  learnt  through  such  a  channel  only,  which  it  is  of 
importance  for  me  to  know.  I  have  been  long  enough 
in  your  residence  to  feel  the  full  force  of  your  observ 
ations  respecting  it.  Your  account  of  the  unchange 
able  nature  of  a  real  tory  is  such  as  I  have  not  yet 
found  an  exception  to ;  but  those  radical  enemies  of 
our  cause,  of  public  liberty  and  of  the  rights  of  hu 
manity,  too  often  find  advocates  among  those  whom 
we  should  perhaps  injure,  if  we  should  suspect  them 
to  be  wanting  in  the  soundness  and  purity  of  their 
own  principles  ;  and,  under  the  notion  of  manifesting 
a  liberal  and  forgiving  spirit  of  conciliation,  those  ar 
tificial  penitents  are  sometimes  introduced  into  office 
to  the  exclusion  of  others,  whose  integrity  in  the  true 
political  faith,  and  whose  misfortunes,  not  unfrequent- 
ly  occasioned  by  that  very  integrity,  should  recom 
mend  them  to  the  first  notice  of  their  country.  But 


ARTHUR    LEE.  285 

in  great  revolutions  like  ours  we  must  expect  to  find 
some  wrong  men  and  wrong  things. 

Touching  one  character  you  have  mentioned,  the 
same  general  opinion  will  prevail ;  and  as  to  another 
I  know  nothing  personally  about  him,  but  if  he  is  the 
man  you  describe,  some  folks  should  be  on  their 
guard.  It  may  be  advisable,  when  you  have  occa 
sion  to  speak  of  such  persons,  to  describe  them  by 
certain  allusions  which  I  shall  understand  ;  because 
if  your  letters  should  be  intercepted,  a  thing  not  im 
probable  here,  they  might  create  some  difficulties. 
As  to  Mr.  A.,  whose  political  conduct  has  been  cen 
sured  by  some,  had  he  not  pursued  his  own  plans 
with  that  independence  and  boldness  of  spirit  which 
strongly  mark  his  character,  and  which,  regulated  by 
his  good  sense,  never  degenerates  into  rashness,  in 
my  opinion,  the  affairs  of  Europe  would  have  worn  a 
very  different  face  at  this  day.  I  shall  not  perhaps 
be  thought  to  attribute  too  much  to  him,  by  those 
who  have  attended  to  the  progress  of  affairs  in  Hol 
land,  when  I  explain  myself  by  saying  that  in  all  pro 
bability  had  he  not  taken  the  decided  measures  that 
he  did,  without  suffering  himself  to  be  dissuaded  or 
deterred  from  them  by  certain  apprehensions  of  ex 
posing  the  honour  and  dignity  of  the  United  States, 
not  only  not  one  of  the  united  provinces  would  at  this 
time  have  acknowledged  our  independence,  but,  by 
the  aid  of  mediation  and  some  other  influences  we 
should  have  seen  a  separate  peace  concluded  between 
Britain  and  Holland  ;  and  perhaps  Holland  in  the 
other  scale,  where  her  weight  would  have  been  more 
sensibly  seen  and  felt  than  it  is  at  present.  I  need 
not  explain  myself  further  to  you.  Not  having  re 
ceived  a  list  of  the  elections  for  congress,  and  you 
being  perfectly  silent  on  the  subject,  I  am  at  a  loss 
to  know  whether  or  not  you  are  a  member  of  it.  If 
I  was  certain  you  were,  I  should  write  you  with  much 

VOL.  ii.  36 


286  LIFE    OF 

freedom  upon  the  subject  contained  in  the  first  para 
graph  of  your   letter.      It  would   otherwise,  you  are 
sensible,  be   improper  for  me  to  do  it.     That  the  in 
dependent  spirit  you  speak  of  should  not  please  some, 
or  that  it  should  startle  others,  does  not  at  all  surprise 
me.     But  pray  if  you  are  not  a  member,  how  happens 
it  that  you  should  know  any  thing  about  it  ?    Answer 
me  this  question  if  you  please.     If  you  are  a  member 
you  will   know  what  treatment  he  who  manifested 
such  spirit,  when  he  thought  the  interests  of  his  coun 
try  required  it,  has  received  on  that  account.     If  the 
4  hackneyed  path3  must  be  invariably  pursued  in  all 
places  and  under  all  circumstances,  a  certain  station 
is  very  safe,  as  all  responsibility  must  cease  together 
with  the  liberty  of  action.     But  at  the  same  time  it 
is  not  very  pleasing  nor  honourable.     I  think  there  is 
not  the  least  danger  of  the  change  you  seem  to  ap 
prehend,  in  the  political   system  of  a  certain  court. 
Their  principal  views,  which  the  next  year  will  open 
fully,  are  towards  another  quarter  of  the  world  ;   and 
in  such  a  case  their  political  interests,  if  I  do  not  mis 
take  them,  will  dictate   another  system  of  measures, 
and  point  out  the  necessity  of  preserving  appearances 
of  friendly  disposition   (for  there  is  in  fact  nothing 
more,)  towards  a  power    which    might  render  their 
plans  abortive,  or  at  least  the  execution  of  them  very 
difficult.    Neither  have  I  any  fears  of  the  accomplish 
ment  of  the  aim  you  speak  of  (if  it  exist.)    For  in  my 
opinion  America  alone,  if  she  does  not  sacrifice  the 
necessary  foundation  for  it,  (you  will  understand  me) 
may,  shortly  after  this  war,  be  in  a  condition  to  pre 
vent  any  such   plan.      I   already  in  prospect  behold 
our  country  putting  a  check  upon  all  such  ambitious 
designs.     The  balance  is  in  her  hand,  if  she  is  wise 
for  herself  in  time.     I  confide  the  sentiments  of  this 
letter  to  your  prudence  and  friendship  ;  you  will  be 
cautious  to  whom  you  may  disclose  them. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  287 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  dear  sir,  with  much  es 
teem  and  respect,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

F.  DANA. 
Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"CAMBRIDGE, Feb.  3d,  1784. 

Dear  Sir, — Yesterday  I  was  honoured  with  your 
most  obliging  favour  of  the  3d  of  January,  and  I  beg 
your  acceptance  of  my  most  sincere  thanks  for  the 
fresh  instance  of  your  friendship.  You  may  depend 
upon  my  seconding  your  views,  and  those  of  my  other 
friends,  by  coming  on  to  congress  as  soon  as  possible. 
The  interests  of  our  country  may  require  this  of  me. 
I  think  it  absolutely  necessary,  if  congress  have  it  in 
contemplation,  to  send  another  minister  to  the  court 
of  St.  Petersburg.  It  seems  impossible  for  them  to 
give  him  instructions  adapted  to  the  state  of  affairs 
there,  without  receiving  more  particular  information 
than  they  have  yet  had.  Perhaps  the  honour  of  our 
country  also  requires  that  a  measure  of  that  sort  should 
not  be  precipitated.  These  sentiments  I  confide  to 
your  discretion  ;  and  will  not  at  this  time  enter  more 
particularly  upon  that  subject. 

I  am  much  pleased  to  learn  that  it  was  your  opinion 
that  no  one  in  congress  is,  in  any  manner,  dissatisfied 
with  my  conduct.  This  is  much  more  than  I  had 
reason  to  expect,  considering  the  means  that  have 
been  practised  to  injure  me  most  essentially  in  that 
assembly.  I  hope  to  have  the  happiness  of  finding 
you  in  congress  on  my  arrival  there.  I  thank  you  for 
your  congratulations  upon  my  safe  arrival. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obliged  friend,  &c. 

F.  DANA. 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


288  LIFE    OF 


LETTERS    FROM    MR.  WILLIAM    GORDON. 

s 

"JAMAICA  PLAIN,  Oct.  2d,  1782. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  venture  to  write  by  the  post,  as 
mail-robbing,  I  suppose,  will  be  at  an  end  for  the  pre 
sent  ;  besides  I  shall  not  hazard  any  important  secrets 
by  the  conveyance.  When  I  had  the  pleasure  of  talk 
ing  personally  with  you,  I  was  induced  by  what  you 
said  to  entertain  a  favourable  opinion  of  Mr.  John 
Temple,  in  which  I  have  been  confirmed  by  finding 
that  Dr.  Price  confided  in  him.  It  pains  me  there 
fore  to  observe  with  what  eagerness  some  individuals 
are  endeavouring  to  hunt  him  down  as  a  British  spy  ; 
the  foremost  of  whom  that  appear  in  view  is  Mr.  J*** 
S****,  brother  to  a  Hampshire  delegate  of  that  name. 
The  assault  is  carried  on  upon  the  ground  of  a  letter 
from  the  president  of  congress  to  the  governor,  dated 
the  first  of  last  March.  That  letter  is  I  conceive  no 
credit  to  congress.  I  suspect  there  has  been  under 
hand  management,  what  we  should  call  in  B****  foul 
play ;  and  I  wish,  if  you  believe  Temple  innocent, 
that  you  would  assist  in  searching  it  out.  There  is 
an  allusion  in  the  president's  letter,  of  one's  having 
been  received  from  Mr.  John  Adams  concerning  him ; 
but  instead  of  telling  W7hat  Mr.  Adams  writes  concern 
ing  him,  we  are  put  off  with  the  tale  of  what  he  doth 
not  say  (I  use  the  term  we,  the  letter  having  been 
made  public.)  Can  you  not  send  me  a  copy  of  what 
Adams  did  write  ?  I  am  also  desirous  of  knowing  how 
it  came  about  that  congress  was  roused  out  of  their 
slumber,  after  having  dozed  so  long,  from  the  know 
ledge  of  Temple's  arrival  in  October,  to  attend  to  a 
matter  of  so  great  magnitude,  as  the  president  respects 
it,  towards  the  last  of  February.  Who  was  it  that 
first  cried  out  in  that  honourable  body  (who,  while 


ARTHUR    LEE.  289 

they  employ  Franklin  in  France  and  Adams  in  Hol 
land  to  obtain  intelligence,  build  their  suspicions 
upon  rumours  and  publications  in  England)  a  spy  !  a 
spy !  a  traitor  !  Could  I  learn  by  your  means  who 
first  set  forward  the  business  in  congress,  and  whe 
ther  he  did  it  of  his  own  proper  motion,  or  was  push 
ed  on  by  a  concealed  principal,  I  might  possibly  trace 
out  the  important  movements.  Let  me  have  your  as 
sistance,  and  information  whether  I  am  at  liberty  to 
mention  your  having  communicated  the  intelligence 
when  I  shall  have  received  it.  We  have  been  mak 
ing  a  loud  noise  about  liberty,  let  us  not  act  then  in 
defiance  of  it.  If  what  should  be  the  first  body  in 
America  raise  an  outcry  against  any  person  upon 
mere  suspicions  without  evidence,  and  then  set  this 
or  the  other  state  to  which  he  may  belong  to  hunt 
him  down,  where  are  we?  Who  is  safe  from  the  con 
cealed  attacks  and  artful  contrivances  of  the  dark 
assassin  ? 

By  a  private  hand,  I  think  Mr.  Clarkson  of  Phila 
delphia,  I  answered  your  letter  that  I  received  some 
time  before.  In  being  speedy,  you  will  add  to  the 
obligations  laid  upon  your  very  humble  servant  and 
sincere  friend, 

WILLIAM  GORDON. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


"  JAMAICA  PLAIN,  April  2d,  1783. 

Dear  Sir, — Hearty  congratulations  on  an  honour 
able  peace,  in  a  most  critical  season  of  American 
affairs,  must  first  be  mentioned ;  and  then  I  may  add, 
that  to  two  letters  I  have  received  no  answers ;  to 
morrow  I  may  not  be  able  to  say  so,  when  I  shall 
have  been  at  the  post-office.  To  the  last  I  can  ex 
pect  no  answer  till  the  next  week,  it  having  been  sent 


290  LIFE    OF 

only  a  fortnight ;  one  side  of  the  sheet  contained  a 
curious  extract  from  the  London  Courant  of  January 
the  10th,  being  a  letter  of  commendation  to  President 
Laurens,  in  favour  of  Silas  Deane,  when  the  latter 
returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  a  certificate  signed  the 
middle  of  last  December  by  Dr.  Franklin,  in  behalf 
of  the  said  Deane's  honesty  in  his  mercantile  transac 
tions  for  congress,  to  remove  impressions  that  might 
be  made  upon  the  public  by  some  charges  printed 
against  him;  the  other  side,  a  plan  of  an  impost  that 
should  not  interfere  with  the  rights  and  sovereignties 
of  individual  states,  and  form  the  ground  work  for  en 
slaving  the  continent. 

What  may  have  been  sent  you  from  France  I  know 
not,  but  you  may  depend  upon  the  following  informa 
tion. 

The  British  would  not  allow  the  boundaries  of 
Nova  Scotia  to  terminate  at  St.  Croix,  but  demanded 
Kennebeck  at  first,  and  afterwards  insisted  upon  Pe- 
nobscot  as  their  ultimatum,  until  Mr.  Adams  produced 
the  records  of  the  Massachusetts,  and  the  authorities  of 
Shirley,  Pownal,  Bernard,  and  Hutchinson,  as  well  as 
the  original  grant  of  Nova  Scotia  by  James  the  First 
to  William  Alexander,  and  invited  the  British  minis 
ter  to  state  a  written  claim  of  Kennebec  or  Penobscot 
as  the  boundary  of  Nova  Scotia,  that  it  might  be  an 
swered  in  writing,  which  brought  him  to  reason.  The 
fishery  cost  more  trouble;  and  satisfaction  could  not 
be  obtained  on  that  point,  until  Mr.  Laurens  and  Mr. 
Adams  told  the  British  negotiators,  what  their  col 
leagues  assented  to,  by  their  silence  at  least,  that 
they  never  would  put  their  hands  to  any  articles,  with 
out  an  express  acknowledgment  of  right  to  the  fish 
ery,  and  tolerable  satisfaction  upon  all  other  points  re 
specting  it.  They  were  obliged  to  do  a  great  deal 
for  British  creditors,  and  even  for  the  refugees ;  but 
they  hoped  this  would  be  of  no  lasting  detriment  to 


ARTHUR    LEE.  29! 

our  country.  They  had  indeed  a  great  deal  of  dan 
ger  and  trouble  from  the  quarter  whence  I  suspected 
it,  but  by  a  judicious  manoeuvre  got  fairly  to  the  wind 
ward. 

Mr.  Jay  has  done  himself  great  honour,  by  his  wise 
conduct  throughout  the  whole  business.  Mr.  Laurens 
was  present  only  the  two  last  days,  the  29th  and  30th 
of  November,  and  his  behaviour  wras  consistent  with 
himself.  Dr.  Franklin,  from  the  time  of  Mr.  Ad 
ams's  arrival,  went  on  with  them  in  perfect  unison. 

Virginia  I  trust  will  watch  the  motions  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  prevent  our  becoming  provinces  to  that  pow 
er.  Methinks  congress  should  be  removed.  Would 
not  New-York  be  as  eligible  a  situation  for  a  while  ? 
It  is  central;  it  is  healthy  in  summer;  it  is  an  open 
port  both  summer  and  winter;  it  is  easy  to  get  at  by 
yachts  from  the  most  distant  state.  There  are  too 
many  of  that  state  indeed  that  are  for  lording  it  over 
their  brothers ;  but  when  Pennsylvania  finds  that  the 
seat  of  continental  government  is  removed,  it  will 
probably  become  a  staunch  advocate  for  the  universal 
liberty  of  America,  and  be  a  counterpoise  to  the  York 
patrones.  Having  happily  finished  the  game  with 
Great  Britain,  never  let  us  suffer  ourselves  to  be  bilk 
ed  out  of  the  stakes  by  any  single  state  whatsoever, 
lest  we  become  the  laughing-stock  instead  of  the  ad 
miration  of  the  world. 

The  confederation  must  be  adhered  to,  or  else  the 
union  will  be  of  no  long  continuance.  The  spirits  of 
the  bay  men  will  rise,  now  they  are  in  no  danger  from 
a  foreign  enemy,  and  they  will  soon  be  as  zealous  for 
their  state  rights  and  privileges,  as  any  others,  the 
Rhode  Islanders  not  excepted.  I  wish  disagreeable 
difficulties  may  not  be  produced  by  the  military. 
Something  handsome  ought  to  be  done  for  the  offi 
cers  ;  but  it  must  be  left  to  the  states  to  ^adjust  the 
consideration  with  their  own  corps.  The  wise  and 


292  LIFE    OF 

honest  among  you  will  have  full  employment.  It  may 
be  our  happiness  that  we  have  no  treasury,  or  it  might 
prove  an  engine  in  the  hands  of  individuals  to  destroy 
our  liberties.  I  was  pleased  to  hear  that  Col.  B.  was 
opposed  to  any  place's  being  a  vortex. 

I  have  written  under  disadvantages,  not  being  so 
well  as  usual,  but  was  desirous  of  writing,  and  I  trust 
to  your  candour  to  excuse  faults.  Had  Mr.  Adams 
arrived  three  weeks  ago,  (not  that  he  is  arrived)  I 
could  have  told  you  who  would  be  governor;  but  who 
will  be  chosen  next  Monday,  is  somewhat  uncertain. 
When  leisure  admits,  let  me  have  an  answer,  with  all 
that  secret  history  which  may  be  communicated  with 
propriety,  accompanied  with  directions  whether  to 
conceal  it  or  to  spread  it  in  conversation ;  and  you 
will  oblige  your  very  humble  servant  and  sincere  friend, 

WILLIAM  GORDON." 


A   LETTER    FROM    MR.  LOVELL. 

"  YORK-TOWN,  May  3d,  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favour  of  Nov.  24th  was  yester 
day  delivered  to  me ;  and  I  feel  myself  greatly  oblig 
ed  by  the  affectionate  and  honorary  terms  in  which 
you  speak  of  my  sufferings,  my  regained  liberty,  and 
my  engagements  in  the  service  of  my  country. 

In  the  month  of  October  1775,  I  used  the  freedom 
of  writing  to  you  from  Boston  prison,  by  a  Mr.  Wil 
liam  Powell,  who  had  also  in  charge  some  papers  to 
enable  you  to  stigmatize  the  mean  cruelties  of  Gage, 
who  was  then  exulting  in  his  command ;  but  the  pa 
pers  which  I  afterwards  sent  you  from  Halifax  jail, 
by  an  amiable  lady,  afforded  proofs  of  scientific  bar 
barity  in  Howe,  which  tended  to  obliterate  the  memo 
ry  of  what  I  had  endured  under  his  predecessor.  I 


ARTHUR    LEE.  293 

had  the  imagination  at  that  time  of  pursuing  those 
men  personally  to  Europe ;  but  when  I  heard  my 
countrymen  had  wisely  declared  independence,  I  felt 
myself  instantly  repaid  for  all  my  losses  and  bodily 
injuries. 

I  will  not  endeavour  to  constrain  you  to  believe, 
that  I  am  governed  at  this  day  by  feelings  and  mo 
tives  of  the  most  laudable  patriotism.  I  am  not  anx 
ious  to  disavow  a  degree  of  the  spirit  of  retaliation, 
which  our  enemies  seem  to  have  been  industrious  to 
excite  in  us.  It  would  be  false  affectation  of  univer 
sal  benevolence  to  say,  I  lament  the  present  disgrace 
of  Britain.  Whether  she  mends  upon  it  or  not,  I 
must  rejoice  at  it,  though  upon  different  principles. 

As  your  worthy  brother  will  be  particular  to  you  in 
addition  to  public  letters,  I  will  only  add  my  congratu 
lations  upon  the  present  alliance  with  France,  and 
close  by  assuring  you  of  my  most  sincere  wishes  for 
your  personal  felicity ;  being  sir,  your  obliged  humble 
servant, 

JAMES  LOVELL* 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


LETTERS    FROM    THE    HON.  J.  DICKINSON    TO    A.  LEEr 

"PHILADELPHIA,  April  20,  1769. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  your 
favour  of  the  31st  of  December,  and  am  extremely 
glad  to  receive  such  a  proof  of  your  remembering  me 
with  esteem  at  so  great  a  distance. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  unfavourable  circumstances 
operating  against  these  colonies,  yet  I  hope  that  a  few 
months  will  demonstrate  the  truth  of  your  observa 
tion,  that  nothing  will  more  effectually  frustrate  the 
VOL.  ii.  37 


294  LIFE    OF 

pernicious   purposes   of  the    ministers  against  them 
than  an  inviolable  union. 

This  union  seems  to  be  now  formed,  as  I  believe 
every  colony  has  now  joined  in  the  common  cause. 
Some  indeed,  but  let  it  be  spoken  in  whispers,  very 
slowly,  very  awkwardly.  However,  at  length  spirit, 
patriotism,  shame,  and  fear,  all  speak  the  same  lan 
guage. 

Can  you  believe  it,  my  dear  sir,  that  there  are 
Americans,  who  discouraged  to  the  utmost  of  their 
power  the  first  struggles  against  the  present  oppres 
sion  of  their  country,  yet  afterwards  being  forced 
from  their  subterfuges,  pretend  to  act  the  part  of 
Catos  ? 

A  just  resentment  against  these  men  makes  me  al 
most  pardon  the  crimes  of  ministers,  as  being  of  an 
inferior  degree,  and  in  some  measure  produced  by  the 
folly  or  wickedness  of  my  countrymen.  I  think  with 
you  that  the  appointment  of  such  agents,  as  many  of 
the  colonies  choose,  plainly  has  this  tendency.  Men, 
who  are  either  totally  unconnected  with  the  colonies, 
or  whose  connexions  are  rendered  trifling  in  their 
own  view,  by  dependencies  on  ministerial  power. 

I  must  confess  that  the  choice  of  such  trustees  of 
their  rights  and  interests,  appears  to  me  one  of  the 
most  extraordinary  things  in  the  conduct  of  my  coun 
trymen.  Yet  I  am  not  surprised  at  it ;  for  nothing 
is  more  true  than  that  a  people  fond  of  liberty  and 
striving  for  it,  will  in  the  midst  of  their  efforts  do 
things  inconsistent  with  common  sense,  and  glaringly 
injurious  to  the  cause  they  are  asserting.  So  much 
am  I  persuaded  of  this,  that  I  am  positive  I  could 
mention  a  colony  that  would  be  pleased  to  have 
their  agent  become  more  dependent  than  he  is  upon 
administration. 

I  have  often  thought,  and  still  think,  that  so  great 
was  the  veneration  of  these  colonies  for  Great  Bri- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  295 

tain,  such  affection  was  impressed  on  our  bosoms  to 
wards  the  people  of  that  kingdom  from  our  infancy, 
and  so  unsuspecting  were  we  of  any  oppressive  de 
signs  on  her  part,  that,  if  the  least  policy  had  been 
used  in  executing  the  schemes  of  those  men  who 
were  anxious  of  innovating,  they  might  have  fixed 
indissoluble  shackles  upon  us,  before  we  were  warn 
ed  of  their  intentions.  But,  by  the  blessing  of  Pro 
vidence,  so  impudently  stupid  has  their  overweening 
conceit  made  them,  that  they  would  not  be  satisfied 
without  insulting  us  by  showing  us  the  chains  and 
rattling  them  before  they  attempted  to  put  them  on. 

I  do  not  believe  that  an  arbitrary  spirit  engaged  in 
such  great  projects,  ever  committed  so  many  rash, 
ridiculous  actions. 

What  temper,  what  prudence  can  we  expect  in  ad 
ministration,  when  we  find  the  house  of  lords  desir 
ing  his  majesty  that  offences  committed  in  America 
may  be  tried  -  within  the  realm,'  under  the  statute  of 
Henry  the  Bth's  time,  which  was  evidently  intended 
for  the  trial  of  offences  where  the  king  had  no  courts 
open,  and  where  the  king  could  not  be  supposed  to 
have  any  subjects  settled. 

What  American  could  vindicate  his  innocence 
when  torn  from  his  home,  from  all  those  acquainted 
with  his  character,  unable  to  compel  the  attendance 
of  his  witnesses  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  the  weight  of  government  thrown  into  the  pro 
secution  ? 

May  you  be  blest  with  the  health  to  assert  on  the 
spot,  against  the  weak  and  the  wicked,  the  cause  of 
your  country  and  of  that  liberty  which  I  know  you 
so  dearly  love,  and  are  so  capable  of  defending. 

That  every  happiness  may  attend  you  is  the  earnest 
wish  of,  dear  sir,  your  most  affectionate  friend  and 
humble  servant, 

JOHN  DICKINSON," 


296  LIFE    OF 


"PHILADELPHIA,  June  26,  1769. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  fa 
vour  of  the  26th  of  February,  and  hope  the  maxim 
you  lay  down  will  be  universally  adopted  on  this 
continent, '  that  from  the  justice  of  Great  Britain  no 
thing  is  to  be  expected ;  from  her  fears  and  interests 
every  thing.' 

I  think  this  sentiment  is  generally  taking  place; 
and  having  informed  ourselves  what  are  the  best 
measures  for  promoting  our  welfare,  I  hope  we  shall 
have  virtue  enough  to  persist  in  them.  Much  reli 
ance  I  doubt  not  is  placed  in  our  vanity  and  careless 
ness  ;  that  our  enemies  flatter  themselves  that  these 
will  engage  some  of  us  to  break  through  the  general 
resolutions  that  have  been  taken  against  importing 
British  manufactures ;  that  when  a  few  have  depart 
ed  from  this  resolution  others  will  follow  their  ex 
ample  ;  and  thus  individuals  and  colonies,  impatient 
to  be  on  a  footing  with  one  another,  will  dissolve 
their  noble  and  formidable  association. 

This  kind  of  reasoning  is  specious  enough;  but  our 
enemies  should  at  the  same  time  consider  that  an  op 
pressed  state  may  be  so  violently  irritated  by  the  in 
justice  done  to  them,  that  it  becomes  dangerous  for 
those  members  of  it  who  have  not  virtue  enough  to 
espouse  the  true  interests  of  their  country  through 
principle,  to  discover  the  want  of  this  virtue.  They 
are  bound  by  their  fears,  by  their  distresses,  to  co-op 
erate  with  the  society  in  the  means  used  for  obtain 
ing  relief.  Our  enemies  should  also  consider  that  by 
a  concurrence  of  events  it  happens  that  the  very  mea 
sure  pursued  by  the  people  of  this  continent  to  bring 
Great  Britain  to  reason,  is  extremely  suited  to  the 
present  circumstances  of  the  colonies,  even  if  the  im 
mediate  cause  of  disgust  was  taken  away.  These 


ARTHUR    LEE.  297 

circumstances  and  this  cause  together  operate  so 
powerfully  among  us,  that  I,  who  confess  that  I  have 
no  idea  of  our  happiness,  unless  we  are  dependent  on 
Great  Britain,  am  afflicted  at  the  prospect  that  some 
times  presents  itself  to  my  mind.  For  very  much  I 
fear  that  such  a  spirit  of  manufactory  and  economy 
will  irremoveably  settle  among  us,  as  may  affect  the 
vitals  of  that  country.  Never,  surely,  was  the  wel 
fare  of  a  country  played  with  by  such  despicable  po 
liticians.  They  are  teasing,  they  are  forcing  us  to 
injure  the  state  we  love  and  revere.  If  we  may  con 
sider  the  connexion  between  Great  Britain  and  this 
continent  as  a  marriage,  in  which  the  parties  are  al 
ways  happiest  when  they  never  dispute  about  their 
rights,  then  these  flattering  statesmen  may  justly  be 
called  political  adulterers,  who  utterly  poison  the 
peace  of  families.  I  always  hear  from  you  with 
pleasure,  but  I  shall  read  with  inexpressible  satisfac 
tion  those  lines  which  shall  inform  me  that  public  af» 
fairs  are  put  into  the  hands  of  men  possessed  of  some 
virtue  and  good  sense. 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  noble  conduct  of  Vir 
ginia.  The  particulars  you  will  see  in  the  papers. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  great  sincerity,  your  very  affec 
tionate  and  very  humble  servant, 

JOHN  DICKINSON. 

I  return  you  many  thanks  for  procuring  me  the  ho 
nour  of  your  brother's  correspondence.  I  cannot  tejl 
you  how  much  I  esteem  it." 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  25th,  1769. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  fa 
vour  of  the  2d  of  June,  and  the  26th  of  August,  which 


298  LIFE   OF 

j  should  have  answered  sooner,  but  that  they  were  a 
jQng  time  coming  to  my  hands. 

I  sincerely  thank  you  for  the  vigilant  zeal  with 
which  you  attend  to  the  interests  of  our  injured  coun 
try  ;  and  I  begin  to  hope  that  you  will  find  your  gene 
rous  efforts  rewarded  by  a  successful  issue  of  our  anx 
ious  and  painful  struggles  for  liberty.  Surely  nothing 
can  more  advance  this  cause  than  the  well  concert 
ed  plan  you  mention,  of  joining  our  force  to  that  of 
the  public  spirited  men  who  are  now  asserting  the  rights 
of  Englishmen,  against  those  degenerated  Englishmen 
who  would  destroy  them. 

I  am  extremely  pleased  with  your  enumeration  of 
our  grievances;  but  am  afraid  so  just  a  recapitulation 
of  them,  and  so  strong  a  remonstrance  as  is  made  in 
some  of  the  addresses,  may  effect  but  a  partial  relief. 

There  is  a  littleness  and  an  obstinacy  in  late  mea 
sures,  that  seem  to  threaten  great  and  dangerous  con 
sequences.  I  apprehend  that  the  magnanimity  and  wis 
dom,  to  do  perfect  justice,  and  to  conduct  affairs  with 
true  policy,  will  be  wanting.  Twists  and  turns  to 
answer  the  private  ends  of  ministers,  we  may  expect; 
but  an  adherence  to  the  grand  principles  of  govern 
ment,  tending  to  the  mutual  happiness  of  sovereign 
and  subject,  we  cannot  expect. 

Therefore,  as  we  cannot  in  the  slightest  manner 
confide  in  our  rulers,  we  must  take  care  of  ourselves; 
and  it  is  with  sincere  satisfaction  I  can  assure  you, 
that  a  resolution  to  pursue  such  measures  as  most  pro 
bably  will  effectually  vindicate  our  rights,  seems  to 
be  firmly  formed. 

The  merchants  of  this  city,  who  waited  a  long  time 
before  they  took  any  step,  are  now  exerting  them 
selves  to  prevent  the  importation  of  British  goods. 
The  people  of  Rhode  Island  did  not  enter  into  the 
agreement  till  lately;  and  perhaps  would  not  have 
done  it  yet,  if  our  merchants,  and  those  of  Boston 


ARTHUR    LEE.  299 

and  New- York,  had  not  begun  to  concert  measures 
that  would  have  proved  very  disagreeable  to  the  Rhode 
Islanders. 

Some  of  these  agreements  mention  'the  late  reve 
nue  acts;'  and  a  doubt  has  arisen  among  some  well 
disposed  persons,  whether  the  importation  of  goods 
should  be  prohibited  until  the  repeal  of  the  paper  and 
glass  act  only,  or  of  that  act  and  the  4th  of  Geo.  3d. 
ch.  18th,  the  preamble  of  which  shows  it  to  be  a  re 
venue  act. 

I  wish  sir,  you  would  be  so  good  as  to  have  this 
point  wrell  explained  to  administration  and  parliament. 
Certainly  the  two  acts  mentioned  should  be  repealed. 
So  should  any  other  of  the  same  nature ;  and  I  am 
told  there  is  such  a  one  in  the  sixth  year  of  the  pre 
sent  reign,  though  I  have  not  seen  it.  If  the  paper 
and  glass  act  alone  is  repealed,  heart-burnings  and 
economical  measures  will  still  prevail;  and  by  esta 
blishing  discontent  and  inventive  industry  among  us, 
Great  Britain  will  lose  solid  and  lasting  blessings,  in 
pursuit  of  empty  and  fleeting  advantages.  M;iy  di 
vine  goodness  inspire  her  with  a  right  understanding, 
both  for  her  sake  and  our  own. 

That  you,  dear  sir,  may  enjoy  every  happiness,  is 
the  sincere  wish  of  your  very  affectionate  and  very 
obedient  servant, 

JOHN  DICKINSON." 


"PHILADELPHIA,  March  31st,  1770. 

Dear  Sir. — Some  engagements  that  particularly 
called  upon  me,  have  prevented  me  from  writing  to 
you  so  frequently  as  my  esteem  for  you  inclined  me 
to  do;  but  the  intermission  has  afforded  me  one  plea 
sure,  in  finding  your  regard  for  me  is  so  sincere,  as 
to  pardon  the  seeming  neglect. 


300  LIFE  or 

Your  account  of  Lord  Shelburne's  and  Col.  Barre's 
sentiments,  give  great  satisfaction  here.  Your  high 
character  of  his  lordship  exactly  agrees  with  the  opi 
nion  I  entertain  of  him.  It  is  difficult  at  this  dis 
tance  to  judge  rightly  of  characters;  hut  from  a  view 
of  his  conduct,  I  am  persuaded  he  adds  such  integrity 
to  his  other  great  qualities,  that  I  heartily  wish  him 
possessed  of  power  that  would  enable  him  to  exer 
cise  his  virtue  and  knowledge  in  the  most  extensive 
manner. 

Our  countrymen  continue  firm.  They  know  that 
not  only  their  own  inestimable  interests,  but  'etfata 
nepotumj  depends  on  their  resolution.  Would  to 
Heaven  that  ministers  also  would  but  consider,  that 
their  conduct  may  decide  the  fortunes  of  their  coun 
try  to  the  latest  posterity. 

Accidents  and  expedients  may  serve  the  short  space 
of  one  or  two  administrations.  The  exports  to  Ger 
many,  Russia,  and  Turkey,  may  keep  the  people  qui 
et  for  a  while ;  but  when  these  demands  cease,  and 
the  nation  looks  among  her  despised,  insulted  colonies 
for  a  market,  she  may  find  their  resentment,  industry, 
and  frugality,  have  raised  impenetrable  obstructions 
to  her  former  most  profitable  commerce.  'JVihilvi 
nihil  secessione  opus  cst.'  No  force,  no  emigration,  is 
necessary  for  our  protection.  Divine  providence  has 
put  it  into  our  power,  properly  to  resent  the  indigni 
ties  offered  us,  the  injustice  done  us,  in  a  manner  suita 
ble  to  our  loyalty  for  our  prince,  our  affection  for  our 
parental  country.  Homespun  clothes  are  all  the 
armour,  spades  and  ploughshares  the  weapons  we 
shall  use  in  this  holy  war.  So  gentle  and  so  effectual 
are  the  means  we  shall  employ.  Yet,  to  speak  free 
ly,  my  heart  bleeds  at  the  prospect  of  our  success. 
How  mournful  a  reflection  is  it,  that  a  just  regard  for 
ourselves  must  wound  Great  Britain,  the  mother  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  301 

brave,  generous,  humane  spirit,  the  chief  bulwark  of 
liberty  on  this  globe,  and  the  blessed  seat  of  unspot^ 
ted  religion. 

To  this  fatal  extremity  however  are  we  driven  with 
all  the  united  fury  of  folly  and  wickedness.  Every 
wrong  measure  against  us  sets  us  more  and  more 
right  in  our  defence.  We  are  more  and  more  ex 
cited,  combined,  encouraged,  and  determined. 

While  rash  ministers  are  guided  by  the  false  re 
presentations  of  villainous  crown  officers  on  this  con 
tinent,  and  are  bouncing  about  dignity  and  authority, 
they  are  undermining  with  the  most  industrious  and 
reckless  stupidity  the  strongest  foundations  of  their 
sovereign's  and  their  country's  felicity. 

You  will  hear  too  soon  of  the  Bostonian  massacre. 
Perhaps  it  may  be  thought  at  home  that  the  other 
colonies  will  little  regard  what  immediately  relates  to 
that  province.  But  you  may  depend  on  it,  sir,  that 
they  will  think  and  act  as  they  ought  to  do.  It  is 
true  we  have  in  every  colony  men  of  some  note,  who 
would  sacrifice  the  best  rights  of  their  countrymen  to 
their  own  views  ;  but  these  are  drops  in  the  ocean. 
They  have  been  adorned  indeed  by  the  crown  offi 
cers  with  the  title  of  <  the  better  sort  of  people.'  But 
in  matters  of  importance  they  are  not  worth  mention 
ing.  The  body  is  sound  and  strong,  and  will  indubi 
tably  triumph  in  the  end  over  its  internal  and  exter 
nal  enemies. 

Please  to  present  my  compliments  with  the  utmost 
respect  to  Mrs.  Macauley.  I  have  taken  the  proper 
steps  to  permit  the  importation  of  her  valuable  his 
tory. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  the  most  sincere  esteem,  your 
affectionate  friend  and  humble  servant, 

JOHN  DICKINSON." 

VOL.  it.  33 


302  LIFE    OF 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  31,  1770. 

Dear  Sir, — I  very  gratefully  acknowledge  the  re 
ceipt  of  your  valuable  letters,  which  I  should  have 
answered  more  regularly,  had  I  not  been  particularly 
engaged  for  some  months  past. 

After  what  has  taken  place,  I  scarcely  know  how 
to  write  of  my  unfortunate  countrymen.  Your  ob 
servations  are  extremely  just.  We  must  owe  our  po 
litical  salvation  to  the  body  of  the  people.  I  believe 
a  great  deal  might  be  done  at  present  by  addressing 
them  to  engage  in  associations  for  controlling  the 
merchants.  But  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  proper 
for  me  to  undertake  that  office  noiv, — not  for  fear  of 
i  offending  ministers  or  great  men  in  asserting  the 
rights  of  the  injured.5  No  martyred  saint  ever  beheld 
his  butchers  with  more  despairing  pity,  than  I  do  the 
whole  apparatus  of  tyranny.  But  to  move  great  bo 
dies  strongly  and  permanently  there  must  be  the  ap 
pearance  of  deliberation  in  one's  conduct. 

I  am  truly  moderate.  I  wish  only  for  '  placidam 
sub  libertate  quietcm  ;'  and  I  am  for  attaining  the  bles 
sing  by  the  most  gentle  means. 

My  countrymen  have  been  provoked,  but  not  quite 
enough.  Thanks  to  the  excellent  spirit  of  adminis 
tration,  I  doubt  not  but  proper  measures  will  be  pur 
sued  for  provoking  them  still  more.  Some  future  op 
pression  will  render  them  more  attentive  to  what  is 
offered  to  them ;  and  the  calm  friend  of  freedom, 
who  faithfully  watches  and  calls  out  on  a  new  dan 
ger,  will  be  more  regarded  than  if  he  endeavours  to 
repeat  the  alarm  on  an  attack  that  is  thought  to  have 
been  in  some  measure  repelled.  I  do  not  despair. 
Our  mercenaries  have  been  defeated.  Our  native 
troops  are  firm.  Afflicted  I  am  and  ever  shall  be  that 
so  considerable  a  class  of  men  as  the  mercantile  should 


ARTHUR    LEE.  303 

have  failed.  But  there  is  a  spirit  and  a  strength  in 
the  land-holders  of  this  continent  sufficient  to  check 
the  insolence  of  any  infamously  corrupt  minister  ;  and 
so  the  most  daring  of  them,  perhaps  sooner  than  he 
expects,  may  find. 

Your  recommendation  of  Mr.  Sayre  has,  as  it  ought 
to  have,  the  greatest  weight  with  me.  But  the  affairs 
of  Massachusetts  are  so  much  out  of  my  way,  that  it 
is  not  in  my  power  to  serve  him. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  your  very 
affectionate  friend,  and  most  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  DICKINSON." 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  21,  1771. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  your 
favour  ;  and  I  cannot  but  acknowledge  that  your  sen 
timents  on  our  public  affairs  afford  me  the  greatest 
satisfaction.  I  heartily  wish  some  of  our  colonies 
would  put  it  into  your  power  more  effectually  to 
serve  us.  I  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  the  ap 
pointment  of  the  Massachusetts  assembly  ;  though, 
for  more  than  one  reason,  I  should  have  been  much 
more  pleased  if  it  had  been  made  in  another  manner. 

I  had  the  same  hopes  you  entertained,  sir,  that 
the  probability  of  a  rupture  with  Spain  might  be  fa 
vourable  to  the  rights  of  the  American  provinces. 
Having  been  put  into  our  house  of  assembly  by  this 
city  last  year,  contrary  to  my  inclination,  I  took  the 
opportunity  of  moving  for  an  address  to  the  king  for 
the  repeal  of  the  duty  on  tea,  in  order  that  we  might 
harmonize  with  Virginia,  and  encourage  the  other  co 
lonies  to  take  the  same  step.  I  was  desirous  of  some 
thing  spirited  on  the  occasion,  but  ministerial  influ 
ence  has  reached  even  to  our  stadt-house.  After 


304  LIFE    OF 

much  pruning,  the  address  was  modelled  to  the  form 
it  now  bears,  which  I  presume  you  will  see  in  our 
papers. 

The  more  I  observe  of  what  passes  among  us,  or 
hear  of  what  passes  in  Britain,  the  more  I  am  induced 
to  think  we  must  wait  for  a  cure  till  the  waters  are 
disturbed. 

We  may  be  provoked  some  other  way,  than  by  re 
newing  the  attempt  to  tax  us;  or  if  no  fresh  cause  of 
discontent  be  afforded,  a  better  opportunity  may  offer 
for  obtaining  redress.  One  thing  I  am  convinced  of, 
that  we  ought  never  to  intermit  our  applications  for 
relief.  We  should  convince  our  oppressors  that  the 
injury  'manet  alta  mente  reposition.' 

There  is  a  strong  spirit  of  liberty  subsisting  among 
us  yet,  notwithstanding  the  selfish  views  of  some  con 
siderable  men,  and  the  quietness  of  the  colonies  in 
general.  We  must  trust  to  that  spirit  for  favourable 
circumstances,  and  a  prudent  use  of  them  for  success  in 
our  designs.  As  to  our  British  friends,  we  ought  to 
expect  every  thing  from  them  but — assistance.  I  con 
fide  in  providence  that  we  shall  not  want  it. 

I  hope  sir,  though  you  should  fix  your  residence  in 
Great  Britain,  that  your  affection  and  politics  will  al 
ways  be  American;  and  that  your  attachment  to  your 
native  country  will  induce  you,  as  I  am  persuaded  it 
will,  to  communicate  by  means  of  your  extensive  ac 
quaintance,  such  intelligence  as  you  will  judge  to  be 
generally  beneficial. 

I  am,  with  the  greatest  sincerity,  dear  sir,  your 
very  affectionate  friend,  and  most  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  DICKINSON," 


ARTHUR    LEE.  305 


"August  20th,  1774. 

Dear  Sir, — A  general  congress  meets  in  Philadel 
phia  the  beginning  of  next  month.  These  colonies 
have  appointed  deputies: — Massachusetts  Bay,  New- 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New-York, 
New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  government  on  Dela 
ware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  South  Carolina.  North 
Carolina  it  is  said  is  to  appoint  on  this  day.  Georgia 
will  also  appoint,  as  we  are  assured. 

The  insanity  of  parliament  has  operated  like  in 
spiration  in  America.  They  are  mad  to  be  sure,  but 
in  their  phrenzy  they  have  discovered  invaluable 
truths. 

The  colonists  now  know  what  is  designed  against 
them.  All  classes  of  people  are  surprisingly  united 
in  sentiment.  The  first  step  in  all  probability  will  be 
a  general  non-importation  from  Great  Britain.  The 
next,  if  grievances  are  not  redressed,  a  general  non- 
exportation  to  that  kingdom.  If  severities  increase, 
events  will  inevitably  take  place,  which  a  man  so  con 
nected  with  this  continent  as  you  are,  must  view  with 
inexpressible  pain  of  mind. 

The  people  in  general  through  the  country  look  for 
ward  to  extremes  with  resolution.  Of  these  the  brave 
Germans,  many  of  whom  have  seen  service,  are  in 
every  sense  truly  respectable.  Is  it  possible  that  the 
people  of  our  mother  country,  so  beloved  and  rever 
ed  by  us,  can  seriously  think  of  sheathing  their  swords 
in  bosoms  so  affectionate  to  them?  Of  engaging  in  a 
war  that  must  instantly  produce  such  deficiencies  in 
her  revenues,  expose  her  to  her  natural  enemies,  and, 
if  she  conquers,  must  in  its  consequences  drag  her 
down  to  destruction  ;  and,  if  she  fails  of  success, 
as,  if  the  colonists  have  common  sense  she  certainly 
must,  will  involve  her  in  immediate  ruin? 


306  LIFE    OF 

Surely  sir,  you  may  render  your  native  country  emi 
nent  services,  by  publishing  your  sentiments  on  the 
present  mournful  prospect  of  affairs.  That  you  may 
undertake  the  employment,  is  the  hearty  wish  of,  dear 
sir,  your  affectionate  friend,  and  most  obedient  ser 
vant, 

JOHN  DICKINSON. 

I  have  just  heard  that  Georgia  has  appointed  depu 
ties  to  attend  the  congress." 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  27th,  1774. 

Dear  Sir, — Yesterday  the  congress  broke  up.  You 
will  immediately  know  their  proceedings  from  pub 
lications. 

The  colonists  have  now  taken  such  grounds,  that 
Great  Britain  must  relax,  or  inevitably  involve  herself 
in  a  civil  war,  likely  in  all  human  probability  to  over 
whelm  her  with  a  weight  of  calamities,  in  comparison 
of  which,  the  contentions  between  the  houses  of  York 
and  Lancaster,  or  the  distractions  of  the  last  century, 
were  gentle  misfortunes. 

A  determined  and  unanimous  resolution  animates 
this  continent,  firmly  and  faithfully  to  support  the 
common  cause,  to  the  utmost  extremity,  in  this  great 
struggle  for  the  blessing  of  liberty,  a  blessing  that  can 
alone  render  life  wrorth  holding. 

I  grieve  for  the  fate  of  a  brave  and  generous  na 
tion,  plunged  by  a  few  profligate  men  into  such  scenes 
of  unmerited  and  inglorious  distress.  Let  her  rouse 
her  noble  spirit,  be  true  to  herself,  and  she  cannot 
fail  of  being  true  to  us.  Let  her  not  so  far  adopt  the 
schemes  of  base  yet  visionary  men  and  knaves,  that 
she  may  think  her  dignity  concerned  to  maintain  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  307 

projects  of  those  whom  her  justice  commands  her  to 
punish. 

Give  up  the  Butes,  Mansfields,  Norths,  Bernards, 
and  Hutchinsons,  whose  falsehoods  and  misrepre 
sentations  have  inflamed  the  people ;  call  not  their 
cause  the  cause  of  Great  Britain,  throw  all  errors  and 
occasions  of  dissatisfaction  on  their  guilty  heads.  A 
new  ministry  of  such  a  character,  that  England  and 
America  both  can  trust,  may  do  great  things;  espe 
cially  if  a  considerable  change  be  made  at  the  next 
general  election.  Why  should  nations  meet  with  hos 
tile  eyes,  because  villains  and  ideots  have  acted  like 
villains  and  ideots  ? 

I  wish  for  peace  ardently ;  but  must  say,  delightful 
as  it  is,  it  will  come  more  grateful  by  being  unexpect 
ed.  The  first  act  of  violence  on  the  part  of  admin 
istration  in  America,  or  the  attempt  to  reinforce 
General  Gage  this  winter  or  next  year,  will  put  the 
whole  continent  in  arms  from  Nova  Scotia  to  Geor 
gia. 

May  God  of  his  infinite  mercy  grant  a  happy  event 
to  these  afflicting  agitations. 

Your  friend, 

JOHN  DICKINSON. 

It  is  suspected  here  that  a  design  is  regularly  pro 
secuted  by  the  ministry,  to  make  his  majesty  de 
throne  himself,  by  the  calamities  and  convulsions  his 
reign  is  likely  to  bring  on  his  whole  people.  Please 
to  inform  me  what  is  thought  on  this  point  in  Eng 
land." 


"  April  29th,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — The  '  immedicabile  vulnus*  is  at  length 
struck.  The  rescript  to  our  petition  is  written  in 
blood.  The  impious  war  of  tyranny  against  inno- 


308  LIFE    OF 

cence,  has  commenced  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bos 
ton. 

We  have  not  yet  received  any  authentic  accounts, 
but  I  will  briefly  mention  the  most  material  parts  of 
the  relations  that  have  reached  us. 

Gen.  Gage  having  lately  received  despatches  from 
England,  gave  orders  on  Saturday  the  Ifrth  of  this 
month,  that  the  grenadiers  and  light-infantry  should 
be  excused  from  duty  until  further  orders.  Some  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  town  being  alarmed  by  this 
circumstance,  observed  between  10  and  1 1  o'clock  on 
Tuesday  night  following,  those  bodies  to  be  moving 
with  great  silence  towards  that  water  which  is  usu 
ally  crossed  in  going  to  Cambridge.  Notice  of  this 
movement  was  immediately  conveyed  into  the  coun 
try.  The  troops  mentioned  embarked  in  boats,  and 
landed  at  Cambridge  about  four  or  five  miles  from 
Boston.  From  thence  they  marched  on  Wednesday 
the  19th  in  the  morning,  to  Lexington,  about  twelve 
miles  from  Boston.  At  this  place  they  found  some 
provincials  exercising.  The  commander  of  the  party 
ordered  them  to  disperse.  They  did  not.  One  of 
them  said  he  was  on  his  own  ground;  that  they  injur 
ed  no  person,  and  could  not  hurt  any  one,  for  they 
had  no  ammunition  with  them.  The  word  was  given, 
and  the  brave  Britons,  emulating  no  doubt  the  glori 
ous  achievements  of  their  ancestors,  gallantly  gave 
fire  upon  those  who  were  exercising,  killed  some,  and 
put  the  rest  to  flight.  This  victory  was  gained  by  the 
grenadiers  and  light-infantry,  without  the  assistance 
of  any  other  corps,  though  their  numbers  it  is  said 
did  not  exceed  a  thousand,  and  the  provincials  amount 
ed  to  at  least,  as  it  is  reported,  twenty-five  or  thirty 
men! 

From  Lexington  the  victors  pursued  their  march 
to  Concord,  about  twenty  miles  from  Boston,  where 


ARTHUR    LEE.  309 

they  destroyed  a  small  magazine,  and  set  fire  to  the 
court  house.  By  this  time  two  or  three  hundred  of 
the  inhabitants  were  collected,  and  an  engagement 
began.  The  troops  soon  retreated,  and  lost  two 
pieces  of  cannon  which  they  had  seized. 

General  Gage  receiving  intelligence  of  this  engage 
ment,  or  of  the  murder  at  Lexington,  between  eight 
and  nine  o'clock  on  Wednesday  morning  sent  out  a 
brigade  under  the  command  of  Lord  Percy,  consist 
ing  of  the  marines,  the  Welsh  fusiliers,  the  4th,  3tfth, 
and  47th  regiments,  with  two  field-pieces.  The  gre 
nadiers  and  light  infantry,  still  retreating,  met  his  lord 
ship  advancing  to  their  relief;  but  the  place  of  meet 
ing  is  uncertain,  supposed  to  be  about  five  or  six  miles 
from  Boston.  The  numbers  of  the  country  people 
being  also  now  increased,  a  very  warm  contest  ensu 
ed.  The  provincials  fought  as  desperate  men.  The 
regulars  bore  the  attack  awhile,  still  retreating,  but 
at  length  broke,  and  retired  in  the  utmost  contusion 
to  a  hill  called  Bunker's  hill,  not  far  from  Charles- 
town,  which  place  is  situated  opposite  Boston,  on 
the  other  side  of  Charles  River.  About  a  mile  from 
the  hill,  one  vessel  of  war,  if  not  more,  was  stationed 
to  cover  the  retreat  into  Charlestown  down  to  the 
water  side,  in  order  to  pass  over  to  Boston.  In  the 
retreat  of  this  one  mile,  it  is  said  the  regulars  lost 
twelve  officers  and  200  privates.  The  provincials, 
afraid  of  the  shipping's  firing  on  Charlestown,  and 
of  hurting  the  town's  people,  stopped  the  pursuit. 

On  the  whole,  the  accounts  say,  the  regulars  had 
about  500  men  killed,  and  many  are  wounded  and 
prisoners.  The  advices  by  several  expresses  are  po 
sitive  that  Lord  Percy  is  killed,  which  gives  great 
and  general  grief  here,  and  also  General  Haldimand, 
the  two  first  in  command  ;  that  a  wagon  loaded  with 
powder  and  ball,  another  with  provisions,  and  the  field 
pieces  attending  the  reinforcement  are  taken.  It  is 

VOL.   ii.  39 


310  LIFE    OF 

added  that  a  party  of  300  sent  out  to  Marshfield,  are 
cut  off  and  taken  to  a  man.  Several  letters  from 
Boston  mention  that  the  officers  returned  there,  sev 
eral  of  whom  are  wounded,  declare  they  never  were 
in  hotter  service.  The  whole  of  the  fight  lasted  about 
seven  hours.  Part  of  it  was  seen  from  the  hill  in 
Boston. 

I  cannot  say  I  am  convinced  of  the  truth  of  all  the 
particulars  above-mentioned,  though  some  of  them  are 
supported  by  many  probabilities.  But  these  facts  I 
believe  you  may  depend  on, — That  this  most  un 
natural  and  inexpressibly  cruel  war  began  with  the 
butchery  of  the  unarmed  Americans  at  Lexington ; 
that  the  provincials,  incredible  as  it  may  be  at  St. 
James  or  St.  Stephens,  fought  bravely  ;  that  the  re 
gulars  have  been  defeated  with  considerable  slaughter, 
though  they  behaved  resolutely  ;  that  a  tory  dare  not 
open  his  mouth  against  the  cause  of  America,  even 
at  New-York  ;  that  the  continent  is  preparing  most 
assiduously  for  a  vigorous  resistance  ;  and  that  free 
dom  or  an  honourable  death  are  the  only  objects  on 
which  their  souls  are  at  present  employed. 

What  human  policy  can  divine  the  prudence  of  pre 
cipitating  us  into  these  shocking  scenes  ?  Why  have 
we  rashly  been  declared  rebels  ?  Why  have  direc 
tions  been  sent  to  disarm  us  ?  Why  orders  to  com 
mence  hostilities?  Why  was  not  Gen.  Gage  at  least 
restrained  from  hostilities  until  the  sense  of  another 
congress  could  be  collected  ?  It  was  the  determined 
resolution  of  some,  already  appointed  delegates  for  it, 
to  have  strained  every  nerve  at  that  meeting  to  at 
tempt  bringing  the  unhappy  dispute  to  terms  of  ac 
commodation,  safe  for  the  colonies,  and  honourable 
and  advantageous  for  onr  mother  country,  in  whose 
prosperity  and  glory  our  hearts  take  as  large  a  share 
as  any  minister's  of  state,  and  from  as  just  and  as 
generous  motives,  to  say  no  more  of  them. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  311 

But  what  topics  of  reconciliation  are  now  left  for 
men  who  think  as  I  do,  to  address  our  countrymen  ? 
To  recommend  reverence  for  the  monarch,  or  affec 
tion  for  the  mother  country  ?  Will  the  distinctions 
between  the  prince  and  his  ministers,  between  the 
people  and  their  representatives,  wipe  out  the  stain  of 
blood  ?  Or  have  we  the  slightest  reason  to  hope  that 
those  ministers  and  representatives  will  not  be  support 
ed  throughout  the  tragedy,  as  they  have  been  through 
the  first  act  ?  No.  While  we  revere  and  love  our 
mother  country,  her  sword  is  opening  our  veins.  The 
same  delusions  will  still  prevail,  till  France  and  Spain, 
if  not  other  powers,  long  jealous  of  Britain's  force  and 
fame,  will  fall  upon  her,  embarrassed  with  an  exhaust 
ing  civil  war,  and  crush  or  at  least  depress  her ;  then 
turn  their  arms  on  these  provinces,  which  must  sub 
mit  to  wear  their  chains  or  wade  through  seas  of 
blood  to  a  dear-bought  and  at  best  a  frequently  con 
vulsed  and  precarious  independence. 

All  the  ministerial  intelligence  concerning  us  is 
false.  We  are  a  united,  resolved  people  ;  are,  or 
quickly  shall  be,  well  armed  and  disciplined  ;  our 
smith's  and  powder-mills  are  at  work  day  and  night ; 
our  supplies  from  foreign  parts  continually  arriving. 
Good  officers,  that  is,  well-experienced  ones,  we  shall 
soon  have,  and  the  navy  of  Great  Britain  cannot  stop 
our  whole  trade.  Our  towns  are  but  brick  and  stone, 
and  mortar  and  wood.  They,  perhaps,  may  be  de 
stroyed.  They  are  only  the  hairs  of  our  heads.  If 
sheared  ever  so  close,  they  will  grow  again.  We  com 
pare  them  not  with  our  rights  and  liberties.  We  wor 
ship  as  our  fathers  worshipped,  not  idols  which  our 
hands  have  made. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  sincerely  affectionate  friend, 

JOHN  DICKINSON." 


312  LIFE    OF 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  July  7,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — The  enclosed  will  convince  you  how 
affairs  stand  in  America. 

I  am,  sir,  your  affectionate  friend, 

J.  D. 

The  bearer,  Dr.  Hutchinson,  a  worthy  young  gen 
tleman  of  this  place,  can  give  you  a  detail  of  the  sev 
eral  engagements  at  Boston,  &c. 

As  several  copies  of  the  petition  are  gone  by  this 
ship  with  errors  in  them,  it  may  be  proper  to  have  the 
enclosed  put  to  the  press. 


"  NAIUHILL,  July  — ,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — Before  this  comes  to  hand  you  will  have 
received,  I  presume,  the  petition  to  the  king.  You 
will  perhaps  at  first  be  surprised  that  we  make  no 
claim,  and  mention  no  right.  But  I  hope,  on  con 
sidering  all  circumstances,  you  will  be  of  opinion  that 
this  humility,  in  an  address  to  the  throne,  is  at  pre 
sent  proper. 

Our  rights  have  been  already  stated,  our  claims 
made  ;  war  is  actually  begun,  and  we  are  carrying  it 
on  vigorously.  This  conduct,  and  our  other  publica 
tions  will  show  that  our  spirits  are  not  lowered.  If 
administration  be  desirous  of  stopping  the  effusion  of 
British  blood,  the  opportunity  is  now  offered  to  them 
by  an  unexceptionable  petition,  praying  for  an  accom 
modation.  If  they  reject  this  application  with  con 
tempt,  the  more  humble  it  is  the  more  such  treatment 
will  confirm  the  minds  of  our  countrymen  to  endure 
all  the  misfortunes  that  may  attend  the  contest. 

I  do  not  know  what  is  thought  in  London  of  the 
several  engagements  near  Boston  ;  but  this  you  may 


ARTHUR    LEE.  313 

be  assured  of,  that  every  one  of  them  has  been  favour 
able  to  us,  and  particularly  that  of  Bunker's  hill,  on 
the  17th  of  last  month,  when  a  mere  carnage  was 
made  of  the  royalists,  though  they  gained  our  re 
trenchments. 

I   am,  dear  sir,  your  very  affectionate  humble  ser 
vant, 

J.  D." 


"KENT,  March  30, 1780. 

Sir, — On  the  20th  of  this  month  I  received  your 
letter  of  the  19th  of  September  last,  forwarded  by 
Mr.  Lovell,  in  which  you  mention  a  former  let 
ter,  written  soon  after  your  arrival  in  Paris,  and  un 
answered  by  me.  I  do  not  recollect  the  receipt  of 
that  first  letter  ;  but  if  it  came  to  my  hands  I  beg 
you  will  permit  the  public  and  private  distresses  of 
that  time  to  be  the  excuses  for  my  inattention. 

As  to  the  subject  of  your  last,  I  count  it  a  sad  mis 
fortune  that  an  apprehension  of  duty  to  my  country 
in  discharging  a  trust  reposed  in  me,  should  compel 
me  to  act  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  pain  to  a  man 
I  sincerely  esteem,  and  to  draw  complaints  from  one 
I  affectionately  wish  to  oblige,  and,  to  the  utmost  of 
my  power,  to  honour. 

Do  not  imagine,  sir,  that  the  '  arts  of  your  <  ene 
mies'  have  erased  from  my  mind  those  favourable 
sentiments  I  have  ever  entertained  of  you,  since  I 
have  had  the  pleasure  of  your  acquaintance.  Your 
friends  can  witness  that  throughout  the  debates  in 
congress  relating  to  you,  I  always  bore  open  and 
faithful  testimony  to  the  ability,  zeal,  courage,  inte 
grity,  and  diligence  manifested  by  you  in  the  support 
of  our  cause  ;  and  that,  in  confirmation  of  what  I  said, 
I  mentioned  your  correspondence  with  me  in  very 


314  LIFE    OF 

dangerous  circumstances,  on  points  of  the  last  im 
portance. 

They  also  can  certify,  that  I  more  than  once  in 
congress  expressed  an  earnest  concern  that  the  ques 
tion  to  be  voted  on  was  so  worded,  that,  if  determin 
ed  on  one  side,  it  would  seem  to  injure  you,  and  actu 
ally  proposed  an  alteration  of  the  question. 

Your  brother,  Col.  R.  H.  Lee,  will  do  me  the  jus 
tice  to  acknowledge  that  I  laid  my  difficulties  before 
him  prior  to  the  decision,  and  desired  that  your 
friends  might  all  unite  in  procuring  you  some  other 
appointment  than  that  to  Spam  ;  that,  in  conse 
quence  of  former  intelligence  you  had  from  Holland, 
which  he  mentioned  to  me,  I  proposed  to  him  an 
employment  there  at  present ;  and  that  I  represented 
to  him  the  impossibility,  in  my  opinion,  of  supporting 
in  congress  the  commission  to  Spain. 

In  mentioning  these  things  I  cannot  forbear  saying 
that  it  appeared  plain  to  me  that  if  some  of  those 
who  truly  loved  you  had  not  mingled  too  refined  a 
policy  with  their  affection,  the  vote  would  not  have 
looked  so  severe  as  it  does.  When  they  perceived 
that  some  gentlemen,  who  thought  that  employing  you 
in  Spain  was  un advisable,  were  at  the  same  time 
averse  to  any  resolution  that  might,  though  only  by- 
implication,  reflect  on  your  honour,  they  seemed  to 
expect  some  advantage,  even  from  the  harshness  of 
the  question. 

But  while  I  thus  interested  myself  in  what  con 
cerned  my  friend,  the  conduct  you  object  to  was  in 
fluenced  by  two  reasons,  that,  leaving  the  qualities  of 
your  head  and  heart  unimpeached,  would  have  led 
me  to  the  same  conclusion  if  you  had  been  my  bro 
ther.  These  were,  a  coolness  in  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles  towards  you,  and  the  difference  with  Dr. 
Franklin.  When  it  was  considered  that  the  connex 
ion  between  the  branches  of  the  house  of  Bourbon 


ARTHUR    LEE.  Si  5 

is  so  intimate,  and  that  harmony  between  ministers 
who  are  to  negotiate  with  them,  especially  on  the 
same  subject,  and  those  most  momentous  ones,  is  so 
necessary,  all  private  regards  gave  way  to  the  superior 
force  of  public  obligations.  To  wound,  and  mourn, 
falls  to  the  lot  of  more  than  « Brutus.' 

1  am  with  the  greatest  esteem,  sir,  your  most  obe 
dient  servant, 

JOHN   DICKINSON." 


LETTER  OF  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE,  ESQ.   OF   S.  CAROLINA* 

"  March  27th,  1787. 

Dear  Sir, — I  was  occupied  by  a  very  important 
cause  when  Jenkin  last  sailed  ;  and  he  left  us  previ 
ous  to  my  closing  a  letter,  which  I  had  been  writing 
to  you  in  answer  to  your  obliging  favour.  I  have  re 
ceived  the  papers  to  which  you  allude,  and  will  write 
you  fully  on  the  subject  as  soon  as  I  am  at  leisure  to 
take  any  step  in  the  business.  At  present  almost 
every  moment  of  my  time  is  devoted  to  the  public. 

We  have  agreed  to  send  deputies  to  the  continental 
convention.  My  brother,  who  is  truly  federal,  is 
among  the  number  of  gentlemen,  none  of  whom  I  am 
convinced  will  yield  to  him  in  zeal  for  continental 
measures.  We  have  passed  a  law  to  stop  the  importa 
tion  of  negroes,  and  have  done  sundry  other  good 
things.  But  it  will  take  time  to  restore  order;  and 
this  government  in  particular  has  been  so  much  relax 
ed,  that  a  constant  attention  to  public  business,  and  a 
perpetual  eye  to  the  returning  virtue  of  our  country 
men,  are  required  from  those  who  hold  a  place  in  the 
confidence  of  our  citizens.  And  although  we  have 
been  forced  into  some  measures  that  are  not  to  be 


316  LIFE    OF 

justified,  and  hardly  excused,  yet  I  do  not  despond. 
We  are  in  fact  better  than  we  were. 

It  is  said  that  the  eastern  states  willnot  send  dele 
gates  to  the  convention.  If  this  be  their  determina 
tion,  they  must  change  it.  What,  although  they  have 
experienced  domestic  convulsions  from  their  state  con 
ventions,  can  they  not  foresee  that  a  restoration  of 
their  trade  will  afford  an  outlet  for  their  restless  spi 
rits,  and  remove,  with  the  poverty  of  their  situation, 
an  inclination  to  disturb  the  government  ?  They  of  all 
others  are  more  immediately  interested  in  vesting 
powers  in  the  united  council.  Animate  them,  my 
good  sir,  to  a  sense  of  their  duty,  and  of  their  interest. 
Adieu.  I  write  this  surrounded  by  politicians,  who 
call  me  off  from  a  more  pleasing  business  than  that 
in  which  they  are  about  to  engage  me.  William 
Rutledge  (who  is  not  in  the  house)  desired  me  when 
I  wrote  to  present  you  with  his  best  respects. 

I  am,  my  dear  sir,  as  ever,  yours  peculiarly, 

EDWARD  RUTLEDGE." 


ANSWER  TO  THE  PRECEDING  LETTER. 

"  NEW-YORK,  June  7th,  1787. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  received  yours  of  the  27th  inst. 
You  mention  receiving  the  papers  relative  to  the  de 
mand  of  my  brother  William  against  Mr.  Brailsford. 
I  have  been  informed  that  the  debts  due  him  in  South 
Carolina  are  very  considerable ;  and  therefore  I  hope 
you  will  be  able  to  recover  what  he  owes  my  brother 
on  the  judgment  I  transmitted  you. 

The  representation  of  the  United  States  in  conven 
tion,  is  much  more  complete  than  was  expected. 
Hitherto  nothing  has  transpired  touching  their  delib 
erations. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  317 

We  are  not  most  assuredly  ripe  for  such  a  consti 
tution  (I  mean  a  king,  lords,  and  commons,)  as  would 
at  once  support  the  national  honour,  dignity,  and  in 
terest.  Till  people  are  properly  impressed  with  this, 
and  there  is  a  body  of  sufficient  property  and  dignity 
to  form  the  second  estate,  such  a  system  cannot  be 
adopted,  without  a  convulsion  too  hazardous  for  those 
who  love  their  country  to  incur.  We  must  therefore 
I  suppose,  go  on  with  a  patched  confederation,  till 
time  shall  have  matured  us  for  something  more  con 
sonant  to  the  imperial  greatness  of  this  part  of  the 
globe.  (It  scarcely  need  be  suggested  to  the  reader 
that  the  above  paragraph  is  ironical. — Author.} 

I  am  very  desirous  of  engaging  Mr.  West  to  exert 
his  faculties  in  immortalizing  the  conduct  of  the  la 
dies  in  Charleston  on  canvas,  with  their  husbands  and 
friends,  when  they  were  sent  to  St.  Augustine.  It 
appears  to  me  that  a  conduct  so  noble,  so  virtuous, 
and  so  patriotic,  as  never  to  have  been  exceeded,  sel 
dom  equalled,  should  be  perpetuated  by  a  pencil  the 
most  powerful  that  the  present  age  has  produced. 
Such  is  the  pencil  of  Mr.  West.  You  will  oblige  me 
sir,  if  you  will  give  me  such  a  description  of  that 
event,  together  with  any  anecdotes  touching  it,  as 
you  may  think  will  aid  the  painter  in  expressing  it 
well.  Should  Mr.  West  enter  into  the  plan,  such  of 
the  ladies  and  gentlemen  as  were  present  at  that 
scene,  and  have  good  pictures  of  themselves,  would 
perhaps  take  the  trouble  of  sending  them  to  Mr.  West, 
in  order  that  from  the  resemblance  of  persons  the 
piece  may  be  more  interesting,  at  least  for  some  gene 
rations.  Your  nephew  sailed  in  the  French  packet 
on  Sunday  last,  in  good  health  and  spirits.  Please 
to  make  my  best  respects  acceptable  to  Mrs.  Rut- 
ledge. 

Adieu, 

ARTHUR  LEE. 

Edward  Rutledge,  Esq." 

VOL.   n.  40 


318  LIFE    OF 

LETTER  FROM  D.  DULANY,  JR.  ESQ. 

"  ANNAPOLIS,  1774. 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  your  favour,  which  I  made  it 
my  business  to  communicate  to  my  acquaintances,  who 
all  agreed  in  your  proposal.  It  would  give  me  the 
highest  satisfaction  to  continue  a  correspondence  with 
you.  Our  town  was  assembled  a  few  days  ago,  to 
consider  letters  sent  from  Boston  and  Philadelphia. 
The  subject  of  the  Boston  letter  was,  to  request  the 
colonies  to  join  in  a  non-importation  and  exportation 
scheme,  as  the  readiest  method  to  compel  the  parlia 
ment  to  restore  them  to  their  just  rights.  The  Phila- 
delphians  were  very  cool  indeed  upon  the  application. 
There  is  a  stroke  of  insulting  pity  in  their  answer, 
which  I  am  sure  will  raise  your  indignation  to  the 
highest  pitch. 

We  came  here  to  the  following  resolves. 

*  1st.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  meeting  that  the 
town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in  the  common  cause 
of  American  liberty. 

2d.  That  the  best  method  to  redress  the  evils  they 
now  labour  under  would  be,  to  put  a  total  stop  to 
imports  and  exports  to  and  from  Great  Britain. 

3d.  That  the  association  be  upon  oath  for  that 
purpose. 

4th.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  no 
lawyer  should  bring  an  action  for  any  merchant  in 
Great  Britain  against  an  inhabitant  till  this  act  be 
repealed. 

frth.  That  no  trade  be  carried  on  with  any  colony 
that  does  not  come  into  similar  resolutions.' 

These  are  not  to  be  obligatory  till  they  are  agreed 
to  by  a  majority  of  the  colonies  and  the  several  coun- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  319 

ties  of  this  province.  Every  thing  passed  unanimous 
ly  except  the  4th  resolution,  which  I  confess  I  oppos 
ed,  with  about  thirty  more.  It  seems  to  me  to  carry 
with  it  so  much  injustice  and  partiality,  that  I  am 
afraid  it  will  give  a  handle  to  our  enemies  to  hurt  the 
general  cause.  I  would  have  agreed  to  it  if  it  had 
extended  to  merchants  in  this  country  as  well  as  for 
eign  merchants. 

Every  just,  indeed  every  efficient  measure  should  be 
taken  against  the  British  parliament  in  their  designs 
to  tax  America  ;  for  I  am  convinced  that  if  once  the 
principle  of  taxing  were  established,  property  here 
would  not  be  worth  holding.  But  at  the  same  time 
let  us  never  give  them  an  opportunity  by  our  resolves 
to  accuse  us  of  injustice.  I  hope  you  will  agree 
with  me  in  this. 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  hear  that  our  friend 
Alleyne  succeeded  so  well  in  the  four  and  a  half  per 
cent  cause.  I  have  expected  to  hear  from  him  on 
business  for  some  time  past,  his  management  of  which 
I  requested,  but  I  have  not  had  the  pleasure.  Pre 
sent  my  compliments  to  him  and  inform  him  that  I 
should  be  glad  of  a  line  from  him.  Remember  me  to 
your  brother. 

I  am  with  great  esteem,  dear  sir,  your  most  hum 
ble  servant, 

D.  DULANY,  Jr. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


LETTER    FROM    GEORGE    MASON,  ESQ..  OF    VIRGINIA. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  21st,  1787. 

Dear  Sir, — I  take  the  opportunity  by  Col.  Car- 
rington  of  returning  the  papers  you  left  in  my  hands, 
when  I  had  the  pleasure  of  your  company  at  Gunston 
Hall. 


320  LIFE    OF 

I  arrived  in  this  city  on  Thursday  ovening  last,  but 
round  so  lew  of  the  deputies  here  from  the  several 
slates  that  I  am  unable  to  form  any  certain  opinion 
on  the  subject  of  our  mission.  'The  most  prevalent 
idea  I  think  at  present  is  a  total  change  of  tlie  federal 
system,  and  instituting  a  great  national  eouneil  or 
parliament  upon  the  principles  of  equal,  proportionate 
representation)  Consisting  <>f  two  branches  of  the  le 
gislature  invested  with  full  legislative  powers  upon 
tin;  objects  of  the  union;  and  make  tin;  state  legis 
latures  subordinate?  to  the  national  by  giving  to  the 
latter  a  negative  upon  all  such  laws  as  they  shall 
judge  contrary  to  the  principles  and  interests  of  the 
union;  to  establish  also  a  national  executive,  and  a 
judiciary  system  with  rogni/anee  of  all  such  matters 
as  depend  upon  the  laws  of  nations,  and  such  other 
objects  as  the  local  courts  of  justice  may  be  inade 
quate  to. 

I  shall  do  myself  the  honour  of  corresponding  with 
you  from  time  to  time,  and  shall  be  much  obliged  to 
you  for  \oiir  sentiments  upon  the  important  subjects 
that  will  be  agitated  in  this  convention,  upon  which 
the;  prosperity  and  safety  of  our  country  will  so  mate 
rially  depend. 

1  have  received  your  favour  by  Major  Jackson  ;  no 
thing  that  1  have  beard  has  yet  been  mentioned  on 
this  subject  among  the  deputies  now  here  ;  though  I 
understand  there  are  several  candidates,  which  I  am 
surprised  at,  as  the  office  will  be  of  so  short  dura 
tion,  and  merely  honorary,  or  possibly  introductory 
to  something  more  substantial. 

1  am,  with  great  esteem  and  regard,  dear  sir,  your 
most  obedient  servant, 

d'.  MASON.* 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  A 


*  The  Author  rogratu  the  loss  of  thu  n-siduw  of  the  vnluuhln  l«ib-i^  of  <•'. 
Mason. 


AUTIIUK    LEE. 


l.KTTKR    FliniU    .11  l»«;r.    M  \i:    u  \l.l,. 

••  RICHMOND,  March  5th,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Your  favour  of  (he  KMli  o!'  .lanuan  is 
now  before  me.  I  havo  not  sent  the  letter  yon  en 
closed  me  in  search  of  Mr.  1  inlay,  because  1  am  told 
by  my  brother,  who  is  much  better  acquainted  \\nli 
him  than  I  am,  that  ho  either  now  is,  or  will  very 
soon  be  in  New-  York. 

I  have  in  my  possession  the  notes  you  enquire  for 
I  very  much  fear  that  the  conduct  of  some  unthink 
ing  men  in  the  western  country  will  embroil  us  with 
Spain,  unless  there  be  some  more;  vigorous  inierposi 
tion  of  government  than  we  seem  disposed  to  make. 
A  memorial  signed  by  some  of  the  most  respectable 
persons  of  Kentucky  has  lately  been  presented  to  the 
governor  on  this  subject,  in  which  the  conduct  of 
Gen.  Clark,  I  am  told  is  a  good  deal  criminated. 
Whether  the;  cession  for  a  time  of  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi  would  conduce  to  the  interest  of  the 
western  country  or  not,  must  depend  on  facts  of 
which  I  have  but  litlle  information,  and  then-lorn 
have  never  formed  a  decided  opinion  on  the  suhj<  •<  i  ; 
l)ii  i  the  people  of  this  as  well  as  of  the  Kentucky 
country,  who  seem  to  form  no  adequate;  ideas  of  ihe 
magnitude  of  danger  while  at  a  distance,  have  pro 
nounced  upon  it  Without  hesitation.  Mr.  Jlenry, 
whose  opinions  have  their  usual  inilucncc,  ha  ,  )><  <  n 
heard  to  say  that  he  would  rather  pan  with  the  ton 
federation  than  relinquish  the  navigation  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  ;  but,  as  we  have  been  'fnrtilcr  in  muting  I 
dare  say  we  shall  be  *  suavitcr  in  re.' 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  prospects  of  re-establish* 
ing  order  and  good  government  in  Massachusetts.  I 


LIFE    OF 

think  their  government  will  now  stand  more  firmly 
than  before  the  insurrection,  provided  some  examples 
are  made,  in  order  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  the 
people  a  conviction  that  punishment  will  surely  fol 
low  an  attempt  to  subvert  the  laws  and  government 
of  the  commonwealth.  Our  attention  is  now  turned 
entirely  towards  the  next  elections.  The  debtors  as 
usual  are  endeavouring  to  come  into  the  assembly, 
and  as  usual  I  fear  they  will  succeed. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  the  highest  esteem,  your  obe 
dient  servant, 

J.  MARSHALL. 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


LETTER    FROM    MR.  JOHN    PAGE,    OF    VIRGINIA. 

"  WILLIAMSBURG,  March  12th,  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — My  former  acquaintance  with  you,  and 
a  knowledge  of  your  great  abilities,  constantly  exerted 
in  support  of  your  country's  cause  and  the  liberties 
of  mankind,  have  long  excited  in  me  a  desire  of  being 
admitted  into  the  number  of  your  correspondents; 
but  the  fear  of  interrupting  your  attention  to  the  im 
portant  affairs  you  are  engaged  in,  has  hitherto  pre 
vented  me  from  attempting  to  enjoy  that  happiness. 
However,  I  am  so  selfish  that  I  can  no  longer  refrain 
from  asking  you  to  permit  me  to  engage  a  part  of 
your  attention.  For  this  interruption  I  will  endea 
vour  to  make  some  amends,  by  writing  to  you  the 
best  accounts  I  can  collect  of  the  state  of  affairs  in 
America  in  general,  and  in  Virginia  in  particular,  as 
often  at  least  as  the  multiplicity  of  my  public  busi 
ness  will  admit  of.  You  will  have  heard  long  before 
this  reaches  you,  that  Howe  is  in  quiet  possession  of 
Philadelphia;  and  that  Burgoyne,  with  his  army,  is 


ARTHUR    LEE.  323 

detained  at  Cambridge,  till  the  convention  of  Saratoga 
shall  be  ratified  by  the  king  his  master. 

By  the  unhappy  error  congress  and  the  different 
states  fall  into,  of  raising  their  troops  upon  short  en 
listments,  and  from  the  wretched  accommodations  the 
clothiers  and  commissaries  afford  them  when  raised, 
we  have  not  been  able  to  keep  our  troops  long  enough 
together,  to  introduce  among  them  proper  discipline; 
nor  indeed  have  we  been  able  to  collect  one  third  of 
the  men  voted  by  congress.  Whereas,  had  it  been 
determined  at  first  that  they  should  be  enlisted  for 
the  war,  and  had  the  clothiers  and  commissaries  done 
their  duty,  and  been  properly  assisted  by  the  legisla 
ture  and  executive  of  each  state,  I  have  no  doubt  we 
should  have  had  our  quotas  of  men  complete;  and  by 
this  time  they  would  have  been  as  well  disciplined  as 
the  British  troops.  Indeed,  by  this  time  we  should 
have  had  no  occasion  for  troops ;  for  had  we  been  able 
to  produce  one  half  of  our  quota  in  the  field  when 
Gen.  Howe  landed  at  the  head  of  Elk,  it  is  certain 
his  whole  army  must  have  been  cut  off,  if  we  may 
judge  from  what  was  done  at  Brandy  wine  with  one 
eighth  part  of  that  number;  for  I  have  been  well  as 
sured  that  we  had  not  an  eighth  part  of  the  troops 
voted  by  congress  that  day  in  the  field.  We  are  now 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  draughting  the  militia,  to  fill 
the  vacancies  occasioned  by  the  expiration  of  enlist 
ments,  &c.  &:c.;  but,  although  this  seems  to  be  an 
expeditious  and  certain  method  of  raising  troops,  it 
is  by  no  means  so  good  as  that  by  voluntary  enlist 
ment.  Numbers  are  dissatisfied,  and  others  desert. 
However,  I  hope  we  shall  have  men  enough  in  the 
field  to  bring  Howe  to  a  capitulation,  or  a  convention 
at  least,  if  he  does  not  receive  considerable  reinforce 
ments  in  the  spring.  And  from  the  considerable  im 
portations  made  this  winter  on  public  account,  and  by 
private  adventures,  added  to  some  late  regulations  of 


324  LIFE    OF 

congress,  and  the  different  states,  we  may  expect 
to  see  our  troops  well  clothed  and  armed,  and  in 
a  more  comfortable  situation  than  they  have  ever 
been. 

The  enemy  have  left  Virginia  almost  in  a  state  of 
peace,  ever  since  Dunmore  was  driven  away,  till  this 
winter,  when  they  began  to  be  troublesome  on  the 
bay.  and  at  the  mouths  of  some  of  our  rivers.  Their 
frigates  seem  to  be  very  shy  of  our  galleys  and  batte 
ries,  and  before  the  summer  is  out  I  hope  they  will  be 
more  so. 

I  take  this  opportunity  sir,  of  informing  you  that 
you  were  elected  a  corresponding  member  of  our  So 
ciety  for  promoting  Useful  Knowledge,  at  one  of  our 
last  meetings  ;  which  have  been  for  some  time  past 
discontinued,  the  critical  situation  of  our  country  en 
grossing  the  attention  of  all  its  members.  However, 
we  have  made  some  progress  in  our  business;  having 
received  some  valuable  astronomical  observations,  me 
teorological  journals,  and  other  papers,  models  of  ma 
chines,  fcc.  and  ore;  collected  for  completing  the  natu 
ral  history  of  Virginia.  Not  only  the  arts  and  sci 
ences,  but  manufactures  and  agriculture,  are  objects 
of  our  attention.  By  the  next  opportunity  I  will 
send  you  some  extracts  from  some  of  our  papers. 
The  society  will  esteem  themselves  happy  to  receive 
any  thing  you  may  think  proper  to  communicate.  I 
have  engrossed  so  much  of  your  time,  and  intruded 
so  much  on  you,  that  I  must  beg  your  pardon;  and 
conclude,  after  desiring  you  to  present  my  compli 
ments  and  best  wishes  to  your  brother,  his  lady,  and 
family. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  affectionate  humble  servant, 

JOHN  PAGE. 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee" 


ARTHUR    LEE.  325 


"  WILLIAMSBURO,  Aug.  16th,  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  letter  of  the  14th  of  March,  with 
a  triplicate  of  another,  dated  November  the  5th,  the 
receipt  of  which  I  acknowledged  in  my  last,  is  just 
come  to  hand.  I  cannot  refrain  from  congratu 
lating  you  on  the  success  of  your  negotiations,  and 
on  having  had  the  glory  of  being  thus  capitally  instru 
mental  in  securing  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  your 
country.  Surely,  never  was  an  alliance  better  timed, 
or  more  honourable ;  and  never  did  an  ally  act  with 
more  decision,  activity,  and  vigilance,  than  ours  has. 
For  the  treaty  of  alliance  was  scarcely  concluded,  be 
fore  he  took  the  most  decisive  measures;  and  such 
was  his  vigilance,  activity,  and  vigour,  that  he  discov 
ered  the  moment  we  should  stand  in  need  of  assist 
ance,  and  sent  it  with  such  expedition,  that  we  receiv 
ed  it  before  we  heard  of  its  being  intended  for  us;  and  it 
swept  the  enemy's  privateers  off  our  coast,  and  drove 
into  the  harbour  of  New- York  their  whole  fleet,  block 
ing  it  up  with  their  whole  army ;  and  it  is  supposed 
that  before  this,  Rhode  Island  is  swept  of  its  nest  of 
pirates,  and  restored  to  its  rightful  owners. 

Gen.  Washington,  with  a  more  powerful  army  than 
he  has  before  had,  was,  when  we  heard  from  him  last, 
at  the  White  Plains,  preparing  to  advance  upon  Gen. 
Clinton,  who  was  strongly  posted  near  King's  Bridge; 
but  I  suppose  he  will  not  attack  him,  unless  a  Bri 
tish  fleet  should  arrive,  and  oblige  the  Count  d'Es- 
taing  to  quit  his  station  ;  for  he  is  playing  a  surer 
game,  without  any  risk  or  trouble.  Unless  provisions 
arrive  shortly,  the  British  army  must  capitulate ;  and 
there  is  no  prospect  of  getting  any  in  to  them,  as  the 
admiral  has  taken  a  great  number  of  vessels  bound  to 
New- York,  and  among  them  it  is  said  are  thirteen 
ships  from  Cork,  and  has  blocked  up  the  remainder 

VOL,  II.  41 


326  LIFE    OF 

of  the  provision  fleet  in  New- York,  which  will  proba 
bly  fall  into  our  hands. 

Morgan's  corps  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  were 
found  to  be  much  superior  to  the  British  grenadiers 
and  light-infantry.  This  is  the  third  time  he  has 
shown  that  superiority;  twice  before  (against  Bur- 
goyne)  he  fairly  beat  them.  I  suppose  long  before 
this  can  reach  you,  you  will  have  received  authentic 
accounts  of  the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  and  their  defeat 
on  their  route  through  the  Jerseys. 

Your  observations  on  the  situation  of  our  country, 
and  the  necessity  of  strengthening  our  naval  force, 
are  very  just.  If  my  opinion  had  been  adopted,  Vir 
ginia  would  ere  now  have  been  very  respectable  on 
the  water ;  but  according  to  the  plan  which  has  been 
received,  she  is  truly  despicable.  However,  I  per 
ceive  our  countrymen's  ideas  are  every  day  more  and 
more  enlarged,  and  I  hope  we  shall  do  better  here 
after. 

By  an  article  in  the  confederation,  no  state  is  to 
have  a  fleet  of  its  own,  but  there  is  to  be  one  for  the 
defence  of  the  whole,  under  the  direction  of  congress; 
which  I  confess  I  think  a  wise  regulation,  to  prevent 
any  one  state  from  becoming  too  powerful  by  water 
for  the  others.  I  think  it  must  prevent  jealousies. 
Without  some  such  regulation,  New-England  would 
soon  be  able  to  give  us  law  on  the  sea;  and  Virginia 
might  cut  off  the  trade  of  Maryland  and  North  Caro 
lina,  whenever  she  pleased.  However,  each  state  may 
build  galleys,  floating  batteries,  &c.  for  the  protection 
of  its  harbours  and  bays ;  so  that  I  think  no  inconve 
nience  can  happen  from  this  restraint ;  on  the  contra 
ry,  a  great  expense  will  be  saved.  But  as  it  is  possi 
ble  this  article  of  the  confederation  may  not  be  so 
faithfully  observed  by  some  states,  I  think  it  would 
be  wise  to  take  every  step  which  leads  towards  rais 
ing  up  seamen,  and  laying  the  foundation  of  a  power- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  827 

ful  navy.  The  hints  you  gave  on  this  head  are  wise, 
and  have  been  thought  of;  so  that  I  hope  they  will  be 
adopted. 

As  to  the  back  lands  you  mention,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  some  of  our  sister  states  would  wish  to  have  a 
share  in  them  ;  but  this  matter  is  settled  and  secured 
to  us,  as  you  wrill  see,  by  the  confederation.  The 
New-Englanders  made  no  objection  to  this  article, 
and  they  really  appear  to  me  to  be  the  most  virtuous 
people  on  the  continent. 

Several  large  French  ships  of  great  force  have 
been  trading  with  us,  the  merchants  or  supercargoes 
of  which  have  imposed  upon  us  most  shamefully  the 
vilest  goods  at  the  most  exorbitant  prices.  They 
take  great  liberties,  and  complain  even  here,  that 
they  have  met  with  hard  treatment.  These  people 
seem  to  think  that,  because  we  are  under  great  obli 
gations  to  their  court,  we  should  pay  court  to  them. 

An  unlucky  affair  happened  here  lately ;  one  of 
our  soldiers,  in  an  affray  with  some  French  sailors  of 
the  Fiere  Roderique,  shot  a  French  man  through  the 
arm,  and  has  rendered  him  a  cripple  for  life.  This 
created  great  uneasiness  and  discontent  among  all  the 
Frenchmen  in  this  state.  Government  thought  pro 
per  to  give  the  poor  fellow  six  hhds.  of  tobacco,  as 
some  recompense  for  the  loss  of  his  arm,  and  several 
gentlemen  gave  him  money,  so  that  the  affair  was 
hushed  among  the  Frenchmen  ;  but  I  suspect  they 
will  make  heavy  complaints  of  it,  when  they  have 
returned  home.  It;  certainly  was  one  of  those  acci 
dents  which  may  happen  any  where.  It  must  be 
confessed  that  it  looked  very  bad  here,  where  our  of 
ficers  do  not  speak  French,  and  have  not  of  course 
taken  so  much  notice  of  the  French  officers  as  they 
expected. 

Capt.  Montou  of  the  Fiere  Rodorique,  has  promis- 


328  LIFE    OF 

ed  to  carry  the  tobacco  freight-free,  for  the  unfortu 
nate  sailor. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  affectionate  and  obedi 
ent,  humble  servant, 

JOHN  PAGE. 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee. 

P.  S. — The  ship  Fiere  Rodorique  has  been  oblig 
ed  to  land  fourteen  most  excellent  eighteen-pounders, 
to  make  room  for  tobacco.  Her  officers  have  been  so 
unreasonable  as  to  ask  620  hhds.  of  tobacco  for  them ; 
but  we  refused  to  buy  them,  being  provoked  at  such 
a  demand,  when  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  carry 
them.  We  look  upon  them  as  the  king's  property, 
and  would  willingly  purchase  them,  or  replace  the  like 
sort  and  number  in  any  of  his  ports  or  arsenals. 

J.  P." 


LETTER    FROM    JAMES    MADISON. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  28,  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  your  favour  of  the  16th  inst. 
between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  last  night,  the  post  hav 
ing  been  delayed  by  sickness.  I  shall  pursue  your 
commands  with  respect  to  the  bill  enclosed  in  it. 

The  arrival  of  the  Alliance  frigate  at  Rhode-Island, 
and  the  subsequent  arrival  of  a  French  cutter  at  Sa 
lem,  have  furnished  congress  and  the  minister  of 
France  with  pretty  late  intelligence  from  Europe. 
The  latter  has  not  yet  communicated  the  contents  of 
his  despatches.  Those  from  our  ministers  at  Versailles 
and  at  the  Hague  inform  us  that  British  emissaries 
had  been  practising  every  address  to  each  of  them  to 
feel  the  pulse  of  their  constituents,  and  debauch  them 
from  their  engagements  with  France.  At  the  same 


ARTHUR    LEE.  329 

time  very  tempting  concessions  were  held  out  to  the 
latter  for  a  similar  purpose.  Proper  answers  were 
given  to  each  of  these  insidious  applications.  These 
circumstances  afford  a  seasonable  admonition  to  the 
credulous,  of  the  wickedness  of  Mr.  Cailton's  mission. 
We  have  heard  nothing  from  this  gentleman  since  the 
refusal  of  a  passport  for  his  secretary  to  visit  congress. 

Mr.  Adams  seems  to  be  making  considerable  pro 
gress  in  Holland  towards  an  acknowledgment  of  his 
public  character.  He  says  the  prince  had  declared 
his  inability  to  resist  the  torrent  in  favour  of  a  con 
nexion  with  the  United  States. 

We  have  received  no  letters  from  Mr.  Dana  very 
lately.  If  I  do  not  forget,  some  have  been  received 
since  you  left  us,  which  contained  little  more  than  a 
proof  that  he  had  not  become  sensible  of  the  error 
which  his  preceding  letter  displayed.  Despatches 
from  Mr.  Jay,  transmitted  by  Col.  Livingston,  have 
been  lost  to  us  by  the  capture  of  this  gentleman  by  a 
privateer  from  NewT-York.  They  were  not  however 
gained  by  the  enemy.  Col.  Livingston  is  now  here, 
but  restrained  by  his  parole  from  suggesting  the  con 
tents  of  his  despatches,  or  giving  any  other  intelli 
gence  from  that  quarter. 

I  have  written  more  fully  in  cypher  to  Mr.  Ran 
dolph,  on  foreign  subjects  and  some  others,  than  time 
or  prudence  will  permit  me  to  repeat  here.  For  what 
is  omitted,  I  must  therefore  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to 
him. 

The  reasons  which  recommend  an  interference  of 
the  assembly  in  the  case  of  the  Flags,  do  not  I  confess 
occur  to  me.  If  the  goods  included  in  the  capitula 
tion  of  York,  were  sold,  and  are  to  be  paid  for,  it 
would  seem  that  a  mode  of  payment,  which  affords 
to  Virginia  a  vent  for  her  staple,  and  prevents  the  ex 
portation  of  her  specie,  cannot  be  complained  of  by 
her. 


330  LIFE    OF 

The  enclosed  gazette  contains  the  several  obscure 
and  contradictory  advices,  of  the  action  in  the  West 
Indies,  which  have  of  late  agitated  our  hopes  and 
fears.  The  acknowledged  inferiority  of  the  fleet  of 
our  ally,  gives  some  credulity  to  the  articles  which 
are  in  favour  of  the  enemy.  Should  the  event  how 
ever  have  been  ever  so  disastrous,  it  can  only  affect 
the  duration  of  the  war.  The  issue  of  it  is  fixed  by 
causes  which  are  superior  to  every  particular  event. 
Every  triumph  of  the  enemy  on  the  ocean  is  rather  a 
new  argument  to  all  Europe  in  favour  of  our  independ 
ence  ;  and  I  am  somewhat  of  Mr.  Adams'  opinion, 
that  if  America  were  to  betray  a  disposition  to  relapse 
under  the  dominion  of  Great  Britain,  all  the  maritime 
powers  would  interpose  to  prevent  it.  The  tyranny 
which  they  have  experienced  would  render  any  alter 
nation  preferable  to  a  re-establishment  of  the  superi 
ority  of  power  which  gave  birth  to  it. 

Notwithstanding  the  importance  of  the  present 
crisis,  the  number  of  states  in  congress  does  not  ex 
ceed  eight,  sometimes  seven  only,  and  most  of  these 
represented  by  only  two  members.  The  president  is 
directed  to  write  to  the  unrepresented  states  on  the 
subject,  and  urge  them  to  supply  the  deficiency.  I 
wish  much  for  a  re-inforcement  to  the  delegation  of 
Virginia,  and  have  pushed  Mr.  Randolph  to  undertake 
that  service  immediately.  I  calculate  on  your  return 
so  soon  as  your  other  undertakings  will  permit.  In 
the  present  moment  it  is  of  consequence  that  every 
delegation  should  be  tolerably  full,  as  well  as  every 
state  represented. 

With  great  respect  and  regard,  I  am,  dear  sir,  yours, 
fee; 

J.  MADISON,  Jr. 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


ARTHUR    tEE.  331 

4>    • 

"PHILADELPHIA,  May,  1778. 

Dear  Sir, — The  letter  enclosed  herewith  came  to 
my  hands  from  the  eastern  port.  I  forward  it,  not 
knowing  how  far  its  contents  may  interest  you. 

The  parliamentary  intelligence  published  in  the 
gazette  of  this  morning,  shows  that  some  revolution 
in  the  councils  of  the  legislative  branch  has  taken 
place,  which  will  probably  have  some  effect  on  those 
of  the  executive. 

But  as  the  delusive  idea  of  a  federal,  if  not  a  poli 
tical  connexion  with  this  country,  founded  on  the 
ruins  of  its  connexion  with  France,  still  pervade  their 
policy,  no  conclusion  whatever  can  be  drawn  from  it, 
that  will  justify  the  smallest  relaxation  in  our  public 
measures.  The  efficacy  of  conciliatory  overtures 
seems  to  be  as  foolishly  and  obstinately  persisted  in 
by  one  party,  as  that  of  military  coercion  has  been  by 
the  other  ;  and  if  the  former  should  be  indulged  in 
their  favourite  experiment,  it  is  more  probable  that 
their  disappointment  and  vexation  will  make  them 
converts  to  the  views  of  the  latter,  than  that  both 
parties  will  lay  aside  their  prejudices,  and  embrace 
the  terms  we  hold  out  to  them. 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Jay  and  two  from  Mr.  Carmi- 
chael  were  received  yesterday.  They  all  speak  the 
same  language  with  that  received  from  the  former,  a 
little  before  you  left  us.  The  success  of  the  Spanish 
arms  at  Minorca  will,  we  are  told,  be  followed  by  re 
doubled  efforts  against  Gibraltar. 

We  have  several  times  repeated  our  wish  for  an  or 
der  on  the  western  cessions,  and  have  in  every  instance 
experienced  a  repetition  of  the  same  indecent  ob 
structions  and  evasions  of  which  you  were  a  witness, 
and  which  nothing  will  explain  but  the  cause  to 
which  we  have  from  the  beginning  imputed  them. 


332  LIFE    OF 

It  will  neither  be  consistent  with  the  respect  we  owe 
to  our  own  public  character,  nor  with  the  dignity 
of  those  we  serve,  to  persist  longer  in  fruitless  ap 
plications  to  congress  for  an  answer.  We  shall  there 
fore  wind  up  the  business  as  well  as  we  can  in  a  few 
days,  and  transmit  a  statement  of  it  for  the  general 
assembly,  who  will  certainly  be  fully  justified  in  tak 
ing  any  course  with  respect  to  their  western  claims, 
which  the  interest  of  the  state  shall  prescribe. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  sincere  friend  arid  humble  ser 
vant, 

J.  MADISON,  Jr. 

The  Hon.  A.  Lee,  Esq." 


LETTER    FROM    COL.   BLAND. 

"RICHMOND,  Nov.  20th,  1786*. 

Dear  Arthur, — As  you  surmised,  your  agreeable 
favour  of  the  16th  of  October  met  me  just  at  the 
opening  of  our  political  campaign.  The  perusal  of  it 
afforded  me  much  pleasure,  although  it  wanted  the 
addition  which  you  had  so  kindly  intended,  of  bring 
ing  me  acquainted  with  the  bearer,  the  son  of  the  new 
Bath  guide,  whose  acquaintance  (if  he  inherits  the 
spirit,  genius,  and  imagination  of  his  father)  must 
bring  no  small  addition  to  the  pleasure  of  any  one  not 
destitute  of  ideas.  I  made  strict  enquiry  after  him, 
but  as  I  could  hear  nothing  of  him,  suppose  he  pur 
sued  his  route  immediately  to  Charlestown,  as  did 
Gen.  Duplessis,  whom  you  formerly  recommended  to 
me.  Should  either  of  these  gentlemen  return  this 
way,  (and  give  me  the  opportunity)  it  will  afford  me 
singular  pleasure  to  fulfil  your  wish  of  showing  them 
every  civility  in  my  power,  as  your  friends ;  as  it  is,  I 


ARTHUR    LEE.  333 

must  be  content  in  their  having  proved  the  vehicles  of 
two  letters  from  you,  and  in  accompanying  them  with 
my  best  wishes. 

Mrs.  Bland  was  with  me  in  Richmond  when  I  was 
favoured  with  your  letter,  and  returns  you  her  thanks 
for  your  splendid  compliments.  She  saw  a  few  plays, 
and  returned  to  her  domestic  scenes.  Your  flattering 
compliment  to  my  tawny  sister  I  communicated  to 
her  spouse,  and  before  this  time  I  suppose  she  has  got 
it,  dressed  up  in  the  most  agreeable  manner  by  his 
poetical  imagination.  Thus  you  see  I  have  not  been 
a  mere  passive  recipient  of  your  great  behests. 

Now  for  politics  ;  if  I  can  extract  from  the  chaos 
of  our  business  any  thing  worthy  of  your  notice,  it  is 
more  than  I  expect.  However,  currente  calamo,  I  will 
go  on.  First,  then,  on  Mr.  Henry's  signifying  his  de 
sire  to  resign  the  reins  of  government,  Mr.  Attorney 
G.,  your  brother,  and  your  humble  servant,  were  no 
minated  for  the  first  magistracy.  The  heat  was  hol 
low,  the  attorney  distanced  the  field.  Thus  are  you 
deprived  of  seeing  your  friend  in  Sancho's  situation, 
******  anc|  ^our  brother  translated  from  the  head  of 
an  empire  to  the  head  of  one  of  its  members.  I  had 
forgot  to  tell  you  that  I  was  previously  to  this  no 
minated  to  preside  over  our  august  assembly,  nolens 
volens,  and  on  a  ballot  was  found  to  be  second  best. 
The  honour  of  this  discomfiture  was  no  small  thing, 
when  it  was  considered  that  the  majority  was  but 
small  for  Mr.  Prentis,  and  that  it  was  my  first  exhi 
bition  in  our  assembly ;  but,  as  if  fortune  was  dispos 
ed  to  make  sport  of  me,  and  gilt  me  with  all  her  pow 
ers  of  giltation,  my  friends  again  nominated  me  to 
serve  in  congress.  Here  I  experienced  how  fickle 
was  the  maid  who  has  raised  up  and  put  down  so 
many  empires,  kingdoms,  states,  princes,  ministers, 
and  heroes.  She  left  me  in  the  lurch  ;  and  behold 
your  humble  servant  and  old  friend  is  at  this  moment 

VOL.  n.  42 


334  LIFE    OF 

writing  to  you  in  the  plain  garb  of  a  simple  assembly 
man,  without  one  of  those  titles  which  but  a  few  days 
since,  glittered  around  his  head. 

#  •*:&•**#  *  # 

I  moved  early  in  the  session,  as  a  groundwork  to 
bring  about  some  reformation  in  the  system  of  finances, 
that  the  state  of  the  debts  and  revenue  should  be  laid 
before  the  house,  which  was  followed  by  a  motion  of 

that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  enquire 

minutely  into  the  state  of  public  debts,  taxes,  &c., 
and  devise  some  system  of  finance  by  which  the  peo 
ple  might  be  relieved,  and  the  public  faith  secured, 
and  placed  on  a  firm  basis.     This   committee  have 
been  sitting  above  a  month,  and  have  made  some  steps 
to  come  at  the  grand  object,  but  nothing  is  yet  ma 
tured.     I  am  in  hopes  it  will  produce  something  use 
ful,  if  it  only  evince  some  control  over  the  public  af 
fairs,  and  show  the  people  that  we  mean  to  be  honest. 
I  fear  we  shall  find  an  Augean  stable.    The  assembly 
has  repealed   by  a  very  large  majority  the  pernicious 
and  detestable  doctrine  of  paper  money,  and  unani 
mously.     By  a  petition,  which  was  said  to  be  framed 
by  the  Lord  of  Green  Spring,  for  reducing  the  military 
certificates  by  a  scale,  an  attempt  has  been  made  by 
the  house,  similar  to  what  FalstafT  requests  his  friend 
Hal  to  do,  '  rob  me  the  Exchequer,'  which  has  hither 
to  failed.     Thus  do  I  begin  to  hope  that  public  faith 
will  be  held  somewhat  more  sacred  ;    when  a  motion 
for  paying  the  delegates  out  of  any  money  in  the 
treasury,  whether  appropriated  or  not,  will  not  go 
down. 

I  cannot  agree  with  you  on  the  policy  of  Spain  or 
the  eastern  states,  to  relinquish  to  Spain  the  naviga 
tion  of  the  Mississippi,  even  for  a  moment.  It  is  a 
right  which  we  have  confirmed  to  us  by  treaty.  It  is 
a  right  which  nature  has  given  us.  It  is  a  right  which 
nature  will  claim.  It  is  a  right  which  it  is  impossible 


ARTHUR    LEE.  335 

in  Spain  to  attempt  to  deprive  us  of,  and  in  the  at 
tempt  she  has  shown  that  she  considered  it  a  right. 
Why  else  should  she  endeavour  to  barter  another  pri 
vilege  for  it  ?  Will  not  Spain,  suppose  we  should  ac 
cede  to  her  proposal,  bend  her  whole  force  to  fortify 
herself  against  a  recovery  of  it  ?  She  has  already 
troops,  fleet,  and  treasure  ;  what  have  we  to  oppose 
to  such  powerful  engines?  She  has  a  united  mon 
archy  ;  we  a  divided  republic,  slow  in  its  operations, 
jarring  in  its  interests,  but  powerful  when  oppress 
ed.  Have  you  not  mistaken  the  effect  of  the  ex 
clusion^  I  rather  think  that  could  it  be  carried  into 
execution  it  would  stifle  the  germ  of  agriculture  and 
improvement.  To  what  end  improve  a  soil  whose 
products  would  remain  on  the  hands  of  the  husband 
man,  a  useless  lumber.  To  what  end  promote  popu 
lation,  where  the  labours  of  the  people  would  end  in 
sorrow  and  poverty.  But  has  not  experience  proved 
in  all  ages  that  manufacturers  could  not  be  supported 
without  commerce  ?  And  that  where  land  abounds 
and  a  rich  soil  invites,  manufactures  cannot  flourish  ? 
Have  they  flourished  even  in  the  oldest  states,  where 
this  has  been  the  case  ?  At  this  day  is  a  pin  or  a 
needle  made  in  the  United  States  ?  And,  except  in 
the  largest  towns,  are  even  the  most  necessary  im 
plements  of  husbandry  manufactured  to  advantage. 
That  Kentucky  will  send  colonies  to  the  Muscle 
Shoals,  I  verily  believe  ;  and  that  they  in  their  turn 
will  people  the  Natchez,  is  not  less  probable.  Nor 
will  it  be  in  the  power  of  man  to  prevent  it,  much 
less  Spain,  unless  the  species  cease  to  propagate, 
or  the  emigrants  should  become  savages,  neither  of 
which  is  likely  to  happen.  But  after  all  where  is 
the  mighty  boon  of  being  with  Spain  on  the  footing 
of  the  most  favoured  nation?  What  favour  does  Spain 
grant  to  any  nation  in  commerce,  that  is  an  object  to 
any  but  a  manufacturing  one  ?  Are  we  so  ?  I  think 


336  LIFE    OF 

not.  The  sale  of  fish  would  indeed  be  an  object  witn 
the  eastern  states,  and  I  think  I  can  clearly  see  that 
that,  together  with  their  apprehensions  of  being  weak 
ened  by  emigration,  would  lead  them  into  the  mea 
sure  with  Spain,  which  would  be  to  us  an  evil  of  the 
first  magnitude.  New-York  too  might  reap  advan 
tages  by  the  produce  of  the  western  country  going  to 
the  lakes  by  some  of  the  branches  of  the  Ohio,  and 
thence  being  transported,  after  a  small  land  carriage, 
down  the  Hudson.  Pennsylvania  might  hope  for  a 
share  of  this  commerce  by  the  Susquehannah,  and 
bounded  as  she  is,  she  might  expect  with  the  eastern 
states,  to  stop  the  emigration.  Perhaps  she  might 
be  tempted  a  little,  by  the  casual  sale  of  her  flour,  to 
some  of  the  Spanish  islands.  On  the  whole,  I  con 
ceive  the  policy  to  be  erroneous  in  us  to  consent  to 
the  exclusion.  These  are  my  rough  sentiments,  and 
such  as  they  are,  they  are  my  own,  having  never  been 
warped  or  biassed  by  consultation  on  the  subject,  with 
those  immediately  or  remotely  interested  in  the  event. 

Be  assured  that  Spain  will  be  cautious  of  entering 
into  a  war  with  us  on  that  account.  The  other 
branch  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  will  be  more  cautious 
of  supporting  her  in  such  a  war,  and  England  would 
be  ready  to  retaliate,  by  favouring  a  dismemberment 
of  the  Spanish  territories  in  America  from  her  pow 
erful  rival,  exclusive  of  the  tempting  commerce  such 
a  dismemberment  might  offer  to  that  commercial  and 
ambitious  nation.  Holland  could  not  withstand  the 
temptations  of  so  rich  a  traffic. 

I  believe,  my  friend,  you  are  by  this  time  tired  of 
my  politics,  and  as  it  is  past  eleven,  I  will  bid  you 
adieu ;  and  believe  me  that,  though  we  may  differ  in 
political  opinions,  there  is  no  one  entertains  a  more 
cordial  and  sincere  regard  for  you  than  your  old  friend, 

THEOD.  BLAND." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  33T 

N.  B. — First  thoughts  on  so  extensive  a  subject  as- 
the  Mississippi  navigation,  and  its  consequences,  must 
unavoidably  be  but  conjecture.  What  an  infinite  field 
has  the  revolution  opened  for  speculative  opinions  on 
the  political  systems  of  nations  and  commerce,  per 
haps  wars.  I  forgot  to  mention  above,  that  Great 
Britain  had  also  reserved  in  the  treaty  the  right  to 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  So  that  all  your 
supposed  disadvantage,  arising  from  commerce,  will 
follow  from  that  cause.  And  Spain  and  Britain  will 
divide  between  them,  a  commerce  from  which  we 
shall  preclude  ourselves.  Adieu." 


"  RICHMOND,  June  13th,  1788. 

Dear  Arthur, — I  was  yesterday  favoured  with  yours, 
and  assure  you  I  am  in  doubt  whether  the  pleasure  or 
the  pain  on  the  subject  of  your  congratulation,  affects 
me  at  this  time  most  heavily.  On  the  one  hand  I  see 
my  country  on  the  point  of  embarking  and  launching 
into  a  troubled  ocean,  without  chart  or  compass  to 
direct  her ;  one  half  of  her  crew  hoisting  sail  for  the 
land  of  energy,  and  the  other  looking  with  a  longing  as 
pect  on  the  shore  of  liberty.  I  have  but  one  ray  of  hope, 
and  that  arises  from  an  observation  that  they  are  yet  in 
perfectly  good  humour  with  each  other.  I  have  as  yet 
sat  as  a  speechless  spectator,  nor  shall  I  be  induced  to 
alter  that  character,  but  as  a  mediator,  and  with  a  view 
of  concentrating  the  two  parties,  now  (after  twelve 
days'  session)  almost  equally  divided  ;  each  side  boast 
ing  by  turns  of  a  majority  of  from  three  to  eight,  on 
the  general  question,  of  adopting  or  rejecting ;  al 
though  I  really  at  this  time  think  there  is  a  decided 
majority  for  anterior  amendments,  that  is,  who  do 
not  think  it  prudent  to  mount  a  high-blooded,  fiery 


338  LIFE  OF 

steed,  without  a  bridle.  The  amendments  which 
will  be  proposed  will  contain  simple  propositions, 
guarding  the  rights  of  the  states  from  the  encroach 
ments  of  ******  and  state  factions  in  the  general 
government,  and  almost  literally  corresponding  with 
those  suggested  by  Massachusetts,  Carolina,  and  the 
main  points  of  the  committee  of  Maryland.  The 
strongest  efforts  are  made  here  to  inculcate  the  abso 
lute  necessity  of  posterior  amendments,  or  uncondi 
tional  submission,  for  fear  of  losing,  as  it  is  called,  the 
government ;  and  strong  dispositions  are  shown  to  pre 
cipitate  the  convention  into  that  measure  ;  but  hitherto 
the  fear  of  miscarrying  altogether,  has  restrained  the 
gentlemen  on  the  side  of  the  new  constitution.  I 
have  no  doubt  of  their  bringing  forward  the  proposi 
tion,  whenever  they  may  think  themselves  strong 
enough.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have  declared  pretty 
openly  our  advances  to  them,  which  have  had  consid 
erable  weight  with  the  wavering,  and  have  drawn 
many  doubtful  minds  to  our  side  of  the  question.  We 
object  not  against  any  powers  which  shall  not  be  hurt 
ful.  That  the  government  shall  want  no  aids  for  its 
own  support  or  execution,  provided  that  such  re 
straints  shall  be  imposed  upon  it,  as  shall  support  and 
ensure  the  state  privileges,  and  the  liberty  of  the  in 
dividual  against  oppression. 

We  have  yet  proceeded  no  farther  in  the  discussion 
than  the  article  of  direct  taxation,  on  which  point 
they  have  collected  all  their  force ;  and  I  think  they 
have  left  hitherto  the  advantage  considerably  on  our 
side.  The  general,  and  I  may  say,  diffuse  discussion, 
may  go  on  probably  another  week,  perhaps  not  so 
long,  and  then  it  is  proposed  to  argue  it  paragraph  by 
paragraph.  The  issue  will  depend  greatly  on  ma 
nagement  on  both  sides,  and  mere  fortuitous  events, 
as  in  all  cases  where  forces  are  nearly  equal. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  339 

There  has  been  a  duel  here  between  *  ****  and 
?  on  the  eve  of  an  election.  *****  is  dangerous 
ly  wounded.  Neither  of  them  is  in  the  convention. 
I  mention  this,  to  show  you  that  the  heats  have  not 
yet  entered  that  body,  although  the  thunders  roll,  and 
the  lightnings  flash  every  day,  both  in  the  natural  and 
political  atmosphere.  Our  chief-magistrate  has  at 
length  taken  his  party,  and  appears  to  be  reprobated 
by  the  honest  of  both  sides ;  but  this  is  too  precious 
a  morsel  to  b*e  left  out.  Although  lukewarm,  he  has 
openly  declared  for  anterior  amendment;  or  in  other 
words,  unconditional  submission. 

I  am  quite  sick,  and  therefore  obliged  to  conclude 
sooner  than  I  had  intended. 

Your  friend,  &c.  &c. 

T.  BLAND." 


FROM  MR.  JEFFERSON. 

"PARIS,  March  llth,  1789 

Dear  Sir, — I  had  wished  to  acknowledge  the  re 
ceipt  of  your  favours  of  Jan.  19,  and  Feb.  3,  by  a 
private  conveyance ;  but  none  such  having  occurred, 
nor  being  likely  to  occur,  1  must  write  you  such  a  let 
ter  as  may  go  through  the  inspection  of  both  post- 
offices. 

The  affairs  of  this  country  are  still  going  on  well ; 
there  are  loud  contestations  indeed  in  one  or  two  of 
the  provinces,  and  in  Brittany  these  have  come  to 
blows,  and  some  three  or  four  people  have  been  killed. 
Still  the  opposition  to  the  revolution  {.which  is  work 
ing,  has  been  miraculously  small;  and  he  who  would 
predict  its  failure  from  the  little  obstacles  which  have 
happened,  would  be  about  as  good  a  prophet  as  he 


340  LIFE    OF 

who  from  the  loss  of  two  or  three  little  skirmishes  on 
our  part,  would  have  foretold  our  final  failure  in  the 
American  revolution.  All  the  world  here  is  occupied 
in  electioneering,  in  choosing,  or  being  chosen ;  and 
as  far  as  Paris  may  be  considered  as  affording  a  speci 
men  of  the  public  mind,  we  may  say  it  is  almost 
thoroughly  ripe  for  a  just  decision  of  the  great  ques 
tion,  of  voting  by  orders  or  by  persons.  The  diffi 
culties  which  now  appear  threatening,  to  my  mind, 
are  those  which  will  result  from  the  sfze  of  the  as 
sembly.  Twelve  hundred  persons  of  any  rank  and 
of  any  nation  assembled  together,  would  with  diffi 
culty  be  restrained  from  tumult  and  confusion ;  but 
when  they  are  to  compose  an  assembly  for  which  no 
rules  of  debate  or  proceeding  have  been  yet  formed, 
in  whom  no  habits  of  order  have  yet  been  established, 
and  to  consist  moreover  of  Frenchmen,  among  whom 
there  are  always  more  speakers  than  listeners,  I  con 
fess  to  you  I  apprehend  some  danger.  However,  I 
still  hope  that  the  good  sense  of  the  body,  and  the 
coolness  and  collectedness  of  some  of  their  leaders, 
will  keep  them  in  the  right  way,  and  that  this  great 
assembly  will  end  happily. 

The  war  in  the  north  will  I  think  continue,  and 
perhaps  spread  as  far  as  Prussia.  The  present  and 
probable  situation  of  the  executive  in  England,  will 
I  presume  prevent  their  engaging,  otherwise  than  by 
giving  money.  If  so,  this  country  will  certainly  not 
engage  herself  the  present  year ;  and  after  this  year, 
if  her  States  General  pass  over  well,  she  will  be  in  a 
condition  to  do  what  she  pleases.  I  have  lately  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  Admiral  Paul  Jones,  dated  at  Pe 
tersburg  the  last  of  January;  he  was  just  arrived  there, 
at  the  call  of  the  empress,  and  uninformed  where  he 
was  to  act  the  ensuing  campaign.  We  have  no  news 
from  America  later  than  the  10th  of  January,  when 
things  were  going  on  well.  I  find  that  the  friends  of 


ARTHUR    LEE.  341 

the  new  constitution  are  generally  disposed  to  make 
such  changes  as  may  be  requisite  to  guard  liberty. 
This  will  probably  reconcile  the  bulk  of  the  opposi 
tion.  Nothing  could  be  more  agreeable  to  me,  than 
your  company  on  our  voyage  to  Virginia ;  and  I  am 
sorry  I  am  unable  to  form  such  an  idea  of  the  epoch 
of  it,  as  might  enable  you  to  decide  whether  it  suited 
you.  Governeur  Morris,  who  is  now  here,  informs  me 
that  there  was  no  congress  when  he  came  away ;  but 
none  was  expected  until  the  new  government.  My 
letters,  asking  leave  of  absence,  were  not  then  arriv 
ed,  and  consequently  I  cannot  have  that  leave  but 
from  the  new  government ;  nor  even  expect  that  they 
will  take  it  up  among  their  first  subjects.  This  ren 
ders  the  time  of  my  receiving  permission  uncertain; 
and  should  it  be  so  late  that  I  cannot  go,  do  my  busi 
ness  there,  and  return  in  the  fall,  I  shall  prefer  post 
poning  my  departure  hence  until  the  fall,  so  that  I 
may  return  in  the  spring;  being  quite  decided  against 
a  winter  passage.  You  see  therefore,  my  dear  sir,  the 
impossibility  of  my  fixing  the  epoch  of  my  departure. 
Pray  continue  to  me  during  your  stay,  your  interest 
ing  political  information ;  and  accept  assurances  of 
the  esteem  and  respect,  with  which  I  am,  dear  sir, 
your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 
To  Mr.  Shippen."* 

*  This  interesting  letter  was  written  to  a  Mr.  Shippen,  who  was  a  favourite 
nephew  of  Mr.  Lee.  Finding  it  among  Mr.  Lee's  MSS.  the  author  has  in 
serted  it. 


VOL.  ii.  43   , 


342  LIFE  OF 


APPENDIX    IX. 


Letters  to  Arthur  Lee,  from  many  of  his  Correspondents  in  Europe  and  Great 
Britain.     (Many  of  his  MSS.  of  this  kind  have  been  lost.) 


LETTERS    FROM    SIR    WILLIAM    JONES. 


"  TEMPLE,  June  29th,  1778. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  would  have  answered  your  kind 
letter  long  before  this,  if  I  had  not  been  expecting 

from  term  to  term,  that  the  case  of  John   * 

would  be  argued  in  Westminster  Hall;  and  I  wished 
to  send  you  a  report  of  the  arguments  at  the  bar,  and 
on  the  bench.  The  case  is  I  apprehend  now  dropped, 
as  I  have  heard  nothing  of  it  since  the  last  consulta 
tion.  I  thank  you  for  your  hints  on  the  subject,  and 
am  happy  that  our  opinions  so  exactly  coincide.  How 
deeply  I  was  afflicted  with  poor  Alleyne's  death,  you 
who  know  my  regard  for  him  will  easily  imagine. 
Paradise  is  much  dejected  at  the  loss  of  his  estate; 
at  least  at  the  suspension  of  his  rents.  I  wish  he  was 
in  Virginia ;  but  you  know  how  incapable  he  is,  with 
all  his  good  qualities,  of  stirring  for  himself  in  active 
life. 

*  The  word  illegible. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  343 

I  go  on  here  to  my  satisfaction ;  I  mean  in  my  pro 
fession.  ***********  i  am 
in  a  chancery  cause,  in  which  some  points  of  French 
law  will  arise,  and  one  or  two  of  the  witnesses  re 
side  in  France.  The  property  in  dispute  is  conside 
rable.  It  is  possible  that  this  business  will  bring  me 
to  Paris  in  September  or  October.  Shall  you  be 
there  at  that  time?  If  you  are,  let  me  hope  to  have 
access  to  you.  I  have  much  to  tell  you  about  some 
old  acquaintance.  I  should  like  to  be  in  a  little  pri 
vate  lodging,  where  I  may  spend  a  wreek  or  fortnight, 
unknown  to  all,  except  a  few  friends. 

No  news  but  what  is  very  public,  and  which  you 
must  know  by  this  time. 

I  am,  my  dear  sir,  with  great  truth,  your  faithful 
friend, 

WILLIAM  JONES. 

A  Monsieur,  Monsieur  Arthur  Lee,  A  Paris." 


"  CIIRISNA  NAGAR,  BENGAL,  Sept.  28th,  1788. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  am  just  escaped  from  Calcutta 
to  my  cottage,  about  a  hundred  miles  from  it,  where 
I  can  repose  but  a  few  days,  after  a  degree  of  judicial 
labour,  of  which  an  English  bar  can  afford  no  exam 
ple.  We  have  been  sitting  seven  hours  a  day,  some 
times  whole  nights,  for  three  months  together;  and 
that  without  any  assistance  from  juries,  except  in  cri 
minal  cases.  The  length  of  our  sittings  has  left  us 
hardly  any  vacation ;  and  I  have  so  large  an  arrear  of 
letters  for  the  ships  of  the  season,  that  I  must  divide 
my  mornings  between  all  my  friends,  and  write  con 
cisely  to  each,  with  a  promise  of  longer  letters  the 
next  season. 


344  LIFE    OF 

The  interesting  picture  you  give  of  your  country, 
has  both  light  and  shade  in  it;  but  though  some  rocks 
and  thickets  appear  to  obstruct  the  foreground,  I  see 
the  distant  prospect  brighten,  and  have  a  sanguine 
hope  that  I  shall  live  to  admire  your  constitution,  in 
all  the  blaze  of  true  liberty  and  universal  justice. 
If  young  Englishmen  had  any  English  spirit,  they 
would  finish  their  education  by  visiting  the  United 
States,  instead  of  fluttering  about  Italy ;  and  strive  to 
learn  rather  political  wisdom  from  republicans,  than 
to  pick  up  a  few  superficial  notions  of  the  fine  arts, 
from  the  poor  thralls  of  bigotry  and  superstition.  If 
I  live,  I  seriously  intend  to  make  the  tour  of  your 
states,  before  I  retire  to  my  Sabine  farm  ;  and  my 
wife,  who  is  much  better  than  when  I  wrote  last, 
often  speaks  of  the  scheme  with  delight. 

I  have  read  the  original  of  Halheld's  book,  which 
is  not  properly  a  code,  but  a  short  compendium  or  di 
gest,  compiled  about  ten  or  twelve  years  ago  by  eleven 
Brahmans,  of  whom  only  five  are  now  living.     The 
version  was  made  by  Halheld  from  the  Persian,  and 
that  by  a  Musselman  writer  from  the  Bengal  dialect, 
in  which  one  of  the  Brahmans  (the  same  who  has 
corrected  my  Sanscrit  copy)  explained  it  to  him.     A 
translation  in  the  third  degree  from  the  original,  must 
be,  as  you  will  easily  imagine,  very  erroneous.     The 
texts  quoted  in  the  original  are  ascribed  to  the  Gods ; 
that  is,  they  are  of  indefinite  antiquity ;  but  I  cannot 
believe  any  of  them  to  be  more  than  three  thousand 
years  old.     I  am  superintending  a  new  work  of  the 
same  kind,  but  more  extensive,  on  the  plan  of  Justi 
nian's  Digest,  which  some  of  the  most  learned  of  the 
native  lawyers  are  compiling ;  they  are  stimulated  to 
diligence  by  handsome  monthly  salaries.     I  shall  not, 
if  my  health  continues  firm,  think  of  leaving  Asia, 
until  I  see  the  completion  of  a  work,  which  will  be 
the  standard  of  justice  among  ten  millions  of  men; 


ARTHUR    LEE.  345 

and  will,  I  trust,  secure  their  inheritable  property  to 
their  descendants. 

The  last  phrase  brings  to  my  mind  the  effects  of 
poor  Mr.  Steptoe  ;  concerning  which  my  agent  at  Cal 
cutta,  and  the  registrar  of  the  court,  will  make  dili 
gent  enquiries;  and  the  result  of  their  enquiries  I  will 
take  care  to  communicate  in  a  postscript. 

Give  my  kind  remembrance  to  your  brother,  and 
Mr.  Izard,  when  you  happen  to  see  them.  I  fear  you 
are  still  disunited  from  Franklin;  a  disunion  W7hich  I 
ever  lamented,  and  must  lament.  I  shall  be  impa 
tient  to  know  the  resolutions  of  the  general  conven 
tion  ;  they  will  be  dictated  I  am  sure  by  humanity  and 
virtue,  but  experience  only  can  make  your  constitu 
tion  perfect. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  affectionate  and  faithful  ser 
vant, 

W.  JONES. 
To  the  Hon.  Arthur  Lee ,  North  America." 


LETTERS  FROM  THE  EARL  OF  BUCHAN. 

"  WALCOT,  near  BATH,  Oct.  31st,  17(59. 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  should  be  very  happy  to  be  en 
trusted  with  the  welfare  of  Virginia,  and  am  sure  I 
should  pass  my  time  most  agreeably  among  you  ;  but 
I  am  afraid  I  love  you  too  well  to  have  that  charge 
committed  to  me  at  present,  after  what  has  past ;  not 
that  I  think  any  plan  is  to  be  adopted  of  a  disagreea 
ble  tendency,  but  that  my  avowed  sentiments  with 
regard  to  my  countrymen  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  might  be  thought  too  favourable  to  certain 
demands  which  might  be  made.  There  remains  an 
other  obstacle,  which  is,  that  my  father,  I  am  sorry 


346  LIFE    OF 

to  say,  is  in  a  very  precarious  state  of  health,  and  it 
would  seem  odd  for  an  earl,  according  to  the  ideas 
of  this  country,  to  be  deputy  to  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst. 

I  told  you  I  had  my  eye  on  Turin,  but  I  had  much 
rather  be  with  you,  I  assure  you ;  and  if  any  opening 
should  happen,  by  the  death  or  resignation  of  Fau- 
quier,  I  do  not  know  but  that  I  may  make  an  essay  to 
your  satisfaction. 

In  the  mean  time  I  feel  very  happy  in  having  one 
there  so  very  partial  to  me  as  you  are ;  and  who  will 
never  mention  my  name  without  saying,  that  I  am  a 
friend  to  liberty,  and  to  the  friendless. 

I  am  ever,  dear  sir,  with  great  esteem,  your  most 
obliged  and  obedient  servant, 

CARDROSS.* 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  Virginia. 

P.  S. — Governor  Dinwiddie  asks  after  you  with 
regard.  He  is  not  wrell  at  present. 

Pray  remember  the  museum  at  Edinburg,  which  I 
espouse  at  present,  and  send  me  some  of  your  coun 
try  productions." 


"  EDINBURG,  Jan.  5th,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — Mrs.  Macauley  was  so  obliging  as  to 
hand  me  accounts  of  your  health  some  time  ago,  in 
answer  to  enquiries  I  had  made  about  my  old  and 
very  much  respected  acquaintance. 

Your  steady  adherence  to  the  good  old  cause,  to 
which  you  was  devoted  in  the  youthful  season  of  life 
when  I  saw  you  last  at  London,  gives  me  great  satis 
faction.  Its  true  friends  are  but  a  little  flock,  and  a 

*  He  was  afterwards  Earl  Buchan. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  347 

shepherd  is  much  wanted ;  corruption  has  pervaded 
the  minutest  ramifications  of  the  political  system, 
and  the  wisest  and  best  of  men  are  afraid  to  take  the 
lead. 

I  have  for  a  long  time  had  views  of  becoming  a 
vassal  of  my  kinsman  Fairfax,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomack.  I  should  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  in 
formation  relating  to  his  unsettled  tracts,  and  the 
circumstances  to  be  attended  to  in  such  specula 
tions. 

I  have  made  many  enquiries,  but  I  would  wish  to 
have  your  opinion  on  this  head ;  and  in  case  I  come  to 
any  formed  resolutions,  to  be  my  entrepot  of  corre 
spondence  with  my  friends  in  that  country,  and  my 
kinsman  in  particular. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  obliged  humble  servant, 

BUCHAN. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq.)  London" 


LETTERS    OF    DR.    RICHARD    PRICE. 


"  NEWINGTON,  June  15th,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — Accept  my  best  thanks  for  the  kind  and 
obliging  letter  with  which  you  have  favoured  me.  It 
gave  me  indeed  great  pleasure,  and  I  am  particularly 
happy  in  the  approbation  you  express  of  my  late  pub 
lication.  I  have  drawn  upon  myself  a  torrent  of  op 
position  and  abuse  ;  but  the  satisfaction  I  feel  in  the 
consciousness  of  having  endeavoured  to  promote  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  justice,  makes  me  abundant 
amends.  Having  done  the  little  in  my  power,  I  have 
taken  my  leave  of  politics;  and  am  now  in  the  situa 
tion  of  a  silent  spectator,  waiting  with  inexpressible 


348  LIFE    OF 

anxiety,  the  issue  of  one  of  the  most  important  strug 
gles  that  ever  took  place  among  mankind. 

Your  letter  has  been  communicated  to  the  persons 
you  mention  at  the  conclusion  of  it.  They  are  all 
well,  but  are  now  out  of  town.  I  know  you  have  a 
great  share  of  their  particular  regard.  We  are  much 
in  the  dark  here ;  and  I  am  continually  longing  for 
some  method  of  coming  at  truth,  amidst  the  number 
less  stories  which  are  circulated  here,  and  the  muti 
lated  accounts  given  out  by  the  ministry.  I  should  be 
much  more  large  and  explicit  in  answering  your  let 
ter,  were  I  not  obliged  to  be  very  cautious.  You  will 
I  doubt  not  consider  this,  and  make  allowances  for 
me. 

Under  a  grateful  sense  of  your  remembrance  of  me, 
and  with  sentiments  of  warm  and  affectionate  respect, 
I  am,  dear  sir,  your  very  obliging,  humble  servant, 

RICHARD  PRICE. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  Paris." 


"  NEWINGTON  GREEN,  Feb.  4th,  1787. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  truly  ashamed  when  I  think  that 
your  last  letter  has  been  so  long  unnoticed  by  me. 
The  true  reason  has  been  slowness  of  disposition  and 
bad  spirits,  united  to  a  multiplicity  of  engagements, 
and  particularly  an  extensive  correspondence,  to 
which  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  be  properly  attentive. 
But  I  will  make  no  further  apologies.  There  are  few 
to  whom  I  desire  more  to  show  my  respect  than  to 
you.  I  think  with  gratitude  of  the  acquaintance  with 
which  you  honoured  me  in  this  country ;  and  I  wish 
you  all  possible  happiness,  and  particularly  that  which 
must  arise  from  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  those  Unit 
ed  States,  of  which  you  are  so  important  a  member, 
prosperous  and  happy.  They  are,  I  find,  struggling 


ARTHUR    LEE.  349 

with  some  difficulties,  and  they  have  points  of  great 
consequence  to  settle.  May  heaven,  for  the  sake  of 
mankind,  give  them  wisdom  to  manage  properly  the 
vast  trust  committed  to  them.  Your  ability  and  in 
tegrity  will  contribute  much  to  this  end. 

I  am  grieved  when  I  think  of  the  policy  of  this 
country  towards  the  United  States.  Our  present  mi 
nister,  when  first  brought  forward  by  our  friend,  the 
Marquis  of  Lansdown,.- concurred  with  him  in  begin 
ning  a  plan,  which,  had  it  been  carried  into  execution, 
would  probably  have  produced  a  family  friendship  and 
union  between  this  country  and  yours,  from  which  we 
might  have  derived  greater  advantages  than  from  your 
dependence.  But  as  far  as  your  interests  are  con 
cerned,  I  believe  things  may  be  best  as  they  are. 
You  are  now  forced  to  check  your  rage  for  foreign 
trade,  and  to  see  that  your  greatest  happiness  consists 
in  avoiding  luxury,  in  simple  manners,  and  in  that 
best  kind  of  opulence  and  independence,  which  arise 
from  the  plenty  produced  by  agriculture,  from  find 
ing  your  resources  within  yourselves,  and  in  a  well- 
guarded  internal  liberty. 

In  Europe,  establishments  and  abuses  which  have 
acquired  sacredness  from  time,  obstruct  all  attempts 
to  bring  about  reformations  and  improvements,  and 
render  them  impracticable  without  producing  tumults 
and  convulsions.  You  are  upon  open  and  free  ground. 
The  advantages  of  your  situation  are  such  as  have 
scarcely  ever  before  been  known  among  mankind,  and 
I  rejoice  to  find  that  in  several  instances  they  have 
been  improved.  I  have,  in  particular,  been  delighted 
with  the  act  passed  last  year,  by  the  Virginia  legisla 
ture,  for  establishing  religious  freedom.  It  has  been 
circulated  here  and  in  Ireland,  with  an  introduction 
which  I  wrote  to  it,  and  I  fancy  not  without  some  ef 
fect.  I  have  enclosed  one  of  the  papers. 

VOL,  n.  44 


350  LIFE    OF 

Mr.  Adams  has  just  published  here  a  Defence  of  the 
American  Constitution.  I  am  not  sorry  that  I  have 
given  occasion  to  this  publication  by  inserting  in  my 
pamphlet  on  the  American  revolution  the  letter  of 
Mons.  Turgot  to  me.  I  wish  I  had  added  a  note  to 
express  my  disapprobation  of  the  sentiment,  in  the 
passage  to  which  Mr.  Adams  has  with  so  much  reason 
objected.  His  book  will  probably  be  much  read  in 
America  as  well  as  here.  There  is  much  information 
in  it  on  the  subject  of  government,  and  he  has  fully 
convinced  me  of  the  point  it  was  his  chief  intention 
to  prove. 

The  Marquis  of  Lansdown  is  well ;  but  I  see  no 
probability  of  his  return  to  power.  I  told  him  I  was 
writing  to  you,  and  his  reply  was  that  he  also  would 
write  to  you  by  Dr.  White.  Col.  Barre,  you  know, 
is  almost  blind.  A  ball,  which  never  could  be  ex 
tracted,  was  shot  into  one  of  his  eyes  in  the  war  be 
fore  the  last,  and  he  has  now  almost  lost  the  sight  of 
the  other  eye,  but  he  bears  his  calamity  with  much 
resignation. 

The  dissenters  are  going  to  apply  with  vigour  to 
parliament,  for  the  repeal  of  the  corporation  and  test 
acts,  and  the  more  liberal  part  of  us  are  now  esta 
blishing  at  Hackney,  at  a  great  expense,  a  new  col 
lege  for  education,  which  I  hope  will  be  productive  of 
great  good. 

Excuse,  dear  sir,  some  haste,  and  accept  my  best 
wishes.  I  have  been  lately  thrown  into  a  state  of 
inexpressible  grief,  by  the  death  of  my  wife,  and  my 
spirits  have  been  sadly  shocked. 

Hoping  for  your  candour  with  respect  to  what  I 
have  now  scribbled,  I  am,  with  great  regard,  your 
obedient  and  humble  servant, 

RICHARD  PRICE." 

[NOTE.]  The  following  anecdote  is  authentic.  Many  persons,  who  opposed 
the  policy  of  the  administration  of  John  Adamis,  charged  him  with  being  in 


ARTHUR    LEE.  351 


"  HACKNEY,  March  24,  1788. 

Dear  Sir, — I  know  not  how  sufficiently  to  thank 
you  for  the  agreeable  and  obliging  letter  which  I  re 
ceived  from  you  some  time  ago.  I  communicated  it, 
in  conformity  to  your  desire,  to  the  Marquis  of  Lans- 
down,  and  Col.  Barre.  The  latter  is  now  almost  to 
tally  blind,  but  at  the  same  time  resigned  and  cheer 
ful.  The  former  is  well  and  exceedingly  happy  in 
the  satisfaction  he  receives  from  seeing  his  son,  (the 
Earl  of  Wycombe)  so  promising  and  well  disposed  as 
he  is.  Both  have  lately  been  warmly  engaged  in  op 
posing  a  bill  for  enlarging  the  powers  of  a  board  of 
control,  appointed  by  the  king  for  governing  India, 
which  is  reckoned  almost  as  dangerous  to  our  con 
stitution  as  that  bill,  in  1783,  which,  because  it  lodg 
ed  this  power  not  in  the  king,  but  in  an  aristocracy, 
that  created  a  kind  of  fourth  estate  in  the  kingdom, 
was  the  means  of  throwing  Mr.  Fox  and  the  coalition 
out  of  power.  But  in  the  present  instance,  opposi 
tion  has  been  unsuccessful,  and  I  am  afraid  it  will  al- 

principle  a  monarchist.  Some  charged  him  with  being  an  aristocrat.  They 
founded  their  different  charges  upon  principles,  which,  they  said,  were  con 
tained  in  the  book  here  spoken  of ;  a  book  which  Dr.  Price  declares  had  con 
vinced  him  of  the  point  Mr.  Adams  had  written  this  book  to  demonstrate,  viz. 
the  superiority,  in  theory  and  operation,  of  republican  governments  over 
monarchical  governments.  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  while  these  charges,  unfounded 
as  they  were,  were  circulated,  was  invited  to  dine  with  Patrick  Henry  and 
other  distinguished  contemporaries.  During  the  conversation  the  subject  of  Mr. 
Adams's  book  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Henry's  addressing  Mr.  Lee  thus,  "I 
hear  that  our  old  friend,  John  Adams,  has  abandoned  his  republican  principles, 
and  has  advocated  monarchical  principles  in  his  book."  Mr.  Lee  answered, 
"  You  hear  what  is  not  true  ;  have  you,  my  dear  sir,  read  his  book  ?"  Mr. 
Henry  replied,  "  No,  I  am  too  old  now  to  read  books ;  I  must  read  men." 
A  gentleman  then  observed,  "  that  he  had  not  read  the  book,  but  he  had  beea 
told  that  the  young  law  students,  at  the  college  of  William  and  Mary,  had 
read  it,  and  were  indignant  at  the  aristocratical  and  monarchical  principles  of 
it."  Mr.  Henry  exclaimed,  "  honest  boys,  honest  boys  ;"  upon  which  Mr. 
Lee  turning  towards  him  and  fixing  upon  him  his  radiant  eye,  observed,  with 
a  manner  which  all  felt,  "  Yes,  Sir,  they  are  but  boys."  The  charges  of  mo 
narchy,  &c.  were  not  again  repeated  during  the  conversation. 


352  LIFE    OF 

ways  be  so,  when  it  contradicts  the  views  of  the 
crown,  in  consequence  of  the  miserable  inadequate- 
ness  of  our  representation.  I  hope  you  will  do  better 
in  America.  I  must  own  to  you  that  the  new  federal 
constitution  in  its  principal  articles  meets  my  ideas, 
and  that  I  wish  it  may  be  adopted. 

This  letter  is  to  be  conveyed  to  you  by  Col.  Smith, 
and  it  is  with  regret  I  part  with  him  and  Mr.  Adams. 
I  admire  their  abilities  and  character,  and  cannot  help 
deploring  that  wretched  policy  of  this  country  which 
occasions  their  recall.  How  wonderful  it  is,  that  our 
ministers,  after  spending  a  hundred  millions  of  mo 
ney,  and  shedding  torrents  of  blood  in  keeping  Ame 
rica,  should  now  think  it  best  to  throw  it  from  them! 
One  of  the  reasons  for  their  conduct  has  been  that 
congress  being  a  mere  shadow,  there  is  no  power  in 
the  United  States  with  which  an  alliance  can  be 
formed,  that  can  be  of  any  validity  or  use  ;  and  as  a 
proof  of  this  they  have  urged  the  inability  of  congress 
to  preserve  even  the  treaty  of  peace  from  being  vio 
lated.  This  is  an  objection,  which  I  hope  will  now 
be  soon  removed.  But  I  must  not  enter  into  this 
subject.  Being  pressed  by  more  engagements  than  a 
person  so  slow  and  so  easily  encumbered  as  myself, 
can  properly  attend  to,  I  hope  you  will  excuse  haste 
and  brevity. 

My  chief  view  in  writing  is  to  beg  the  continuance 
of  your  favourable  remembrance  of  me,  and  to  show 
you  I  am  under  a  grateful  sense  of  your  civilities,  and 
with  all  the  best  wishes,  I  am  your  very  obedient 
servant, 

RICHARD  PRICE." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  353 

LETTERS    OP    LORD    SHELBURNE. 
"Bow-WooD  PARK,  Wednesday  morning,  1769. 

Dear  Mr.  Lee, — I  took  the  liberty  of  communicat 
ing  your  letter  to  Mr.  Dunning,  who  says  he  proposes 
staying  at  Bath  only  for  a  moment,  but  that  he  will 
endeavour  to  see  you  and  give  you  his  opinion  on  the 
subject. 

Whenever  you  have  a  mind  to  leave  the  crowded 
society  of  Bath  for  the  retirement  of  Bow-Wood,  you 
will  find  our  society  much  reduced,  and  very  happy 
in  the  addition  of  your  company. 

I  am,  with  great  regard,  very  sincerely  yours, 

SHELBURNE. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq.  Bath." 

«  BOW-WOOD  PARK,  July  31st,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  to  thank  you  for  your  obliging 
letters,  the  last  received  this  morning.  I  never  im 
agined  that  public  affairs  would  have  affected  me  as 
much  as  they  have  done  since  the  affair  at  Lexington. 
A  man  of  common  attention  cannot  avoid  feeling 
every  passion  agitated  and  distracted.  I  am  very 
clear,  from  Gen.  Gage's  letter,  that  the  troops  have 
suffered  a  signal  defeat,  and  that  the  arms  of  England 
have  lost  a  lustre,  which  I  see  no  probability  of  their 
regaining  during  the  present  contest.  There  is  be 
sides  a  cloud  which  hangs  upon  the  general's  account, 
and  betrays  a  most  alarming  situation  of  things,  while 
the  conduct  of  the  provincials,  through  all  the  mist, 
under  the  command,  it  would  seem,  of  nobody,  mani- 


354  LIFE    OF 

fested  a  decisive  superiority  in  every  point  of  military 
judgment. 

In  my  life  I  was  never  more  pleased  with  a  state 
paper  than  I  have  been  this  morning  with  the  assem 
bly  of  Virginia's  discussion  of  Lord  North's  proposi 
tion.  It  is  masterly. 

By  the  papers  as  well  as  the  run  of  private  ac 
counts,  I  see  very  plainly  that  whoever  governs  us  is 
determined  to  proceed  ;  and  that  as  long  as  the  stock 
holders  keep  from  ruin,  the  nation  is  to  run  every  risk 
to  keep  the  rewards  of  Sir  R.  Walpole  and  Mr.  Fox 
upon  Mr.  Jenkinson.  How  long  this  torpor  will  con 
tinue  it  is  impossible  to  say,  nor  do  I  consider  with 
any  pleasure  upon  whom  the  storm  will  or  ought  to 
burst ;  but  what  I  fear  is,  that  the  evil  is  irrecovera 
ble.  Union  itself  will  be  too  late. 

I  set  out  for  Ireland  on  Thursday,  arid  private  busi 
ness  obliges  me  to  return  early  in  October.  As  to 
public  business,  I  despond.  Personal  jealousy  and 
disunion  infect  and  destroy  the  weight  of  both  indivi 
duals,  and  bodies  of  men.  The  only  uncorrupt  body  of 
men  remaining  in  the  city  of  London,  I  see  daily  los 
ing  its  weight,  for  want  of  proper  direction  and  joint 
effort. 

I  am,  with  great  truth  and  regard,  dear  sir,  your 
most  obedient  servant, 

SHELBURNE. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  London." 


"LONDON,  Feb.  1st,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  been  under  great  impatience  for 
an  opportunity  of  acknowledging  the  honour  of  your 
letter  of  the  3d  of  January.  I  was  desirous  of  con 
veying  to  you  my  own  best  wishes,  and  those  of  many 
of  your  friends,  for  jour  welfare  and  happiness. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  355 

I  was  anxious  to  acknowledge  and  do  justice  to 
those  years  of  uninterrupted  friendship  with  which  you 
have  honoured  me,  and  to  the  unabating  spirit  of  per- 
severence  which  you  have  always  shown  in  support  of 
law  and  liberty,  in  times  the  most  disgusting  and  dis 
piriting. 

I  am  heartily  sorry  that  I  can  make  you  no  better 
return  than  such  an  empty  testimony. 

The  college  are  particularly  obliged  by  your  letter. 
For  half  a  dozen  years  to  come,  if  you  return  to  this 
country,  you  will  find  their  course  much  the  same  ; 
their  principles  I  hope,  of  far  longer  duration. 

I  request  you  to  make  my  kindest  and  most  re 
spectful  compliments  to  Dr.  Franklin.  I  beg  to  be 
regardfully  remembered  to  Mr.  Deane. 

I  am,  with  unalterable  regard,  dear  sir,  your  faith 
ful  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

SHELBURNE. 

To  the  Hon.  Arthur  Lee." 


"LONDON,  Jan.  26th,  1786. 

Dear  Sir, — Mr.  Wirtley,*  a  gentleman  of  very  re 
spectable  family  connexions  and  character,  is  sent  by 
the  board  appointed  to  investigate  the  claims  of  the 
loyalists  to  America.  I  am  interested  in  regard  to 
this  board,  as  it  was  instituted  while  I  was  at  the 
treasury ;  and  I  must  always  feel  very  deeply  so,  in 
whatever  regards  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  which  it 
so  much  concerns  the  honour  and  future  intercourse 
of  both  countries  to  have  duly  and  faithfully  execut 
ed.  I  have  written  by  him  both  to  Mr.  Jay  and  Dr. 
Franklin,  who  must  feel  equally  interested  with  my 
self,  regarding  the  treaty  on  account  of  the  part  they 

*  The  name  in  the  original  scarcely  legible — probably  it  is  Hartley. 


856  LIFE    OF 

had  in  concluding  it ;  and  who  can  best  remember  all 
that  passed  on  the  subject  of  the  loyalists.  I  take 
the  liberty  of  recommending  him  to  you  as  an  old 
friend.  From  your  love  of  justice,  which  I  shall  al 
ways  remember,  as  well  as  your  personal  friendship, 
which  I  remember  with  equal  satisfaction,  I  hope  you 
will  be  kind  enough  to  assist  and  advise  him,  in  regard 
to  the  information  he  may  want. 

I  am  very  glad  of  this  opportunity  of  enquiring  af 
ter  your  health.  I  make  frequent  enquiries  about  you 
and  your  brothers.  I  have  been  in  expectation  of 
your  paying  a  visit  to  this  country,  where  I  shall  al 
ways  be  exceedingly  glad  to  see  you,  and  show  you 
every  mark  of  regard  in  my  power.  I  flatter  myself 
that  you  will  be  glad  to  hear  that  my  family  go  on 
well,  with  the  exception  of  the  loss  of  my  second  wife, 
a  severe  blow,  a  sense  of  which  will  accompany  me  to 
the  grave.  Lord  Wycombe  however  gives  me  great 
comfort,  and  is  likely  to  do  his  family  and  country 
credit  in  every  respect;  and  I  have  a  little  son,  who 
promises  to  be  a  quick,  smart  boy,  and  to  be  capable 
of  application.  As  to  myself  I  cannot  complain, 
though  I  am  older  in  health  than  in  years. 

I  beg  to  add  once  more,  that  it  would  give  me  great 
pleasure  to  see  you  in  this  country  again;  and  that 
you  will  find  my  house  the  same  in  all  respects  as  you 
have  always  known  it. 

I  am,  with  great  esteem  and  regard,  dear  sir,  your 
affectionate  and  humble  servant, 

LANSDOWN.* 

Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  United  States  of  America." 

*  Lord  Shelburne  had  succeeded  his  father  as  Marquis  of  Lansdown. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  357 


"LONDON,  Feb.  4th,  1787. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  nephew  will  tell  you  that  it  has 
not  been  my  fault,  that  I  have  not  seen  more  of  him. 
He  may  depend  on  my  attention  and  services.  He 
will  of  course  inform  you  of  events  here  as  they  pass. 
But  you  know  the  causes  of  them  far  better  than  he 
can  tell  you,  for  the  data  continue  exactly  the  same 
as  you  remember  them.  The  character  of  the  reign 
has  suffered  not  the  least  variation;  and  though  Lord 
Rockingham  is  no  more,  his  party  persevere  exactly 
in  the  principles  you  remember,  fighting  up,  as  they 
called  it,  against  the  king  and  people,  unconvinced  by 
above  twenty  years'  experience,  of  the  impossibility 
of  arriving  at  their  end  by  such  means;  and  still  more 
so,  of  the  unworthiness  of  that  end,  which  you  know 
too  well,  to  make  it  necessary  for  me  to  dwell  on  the 
description.  As  to  myself,  I  stand  more  single  than 
ever ;  and  the  utmost  to  which  I  aspire  is,  by  so  much 
dint  of  character  as  the  respective  parties  may  leave 
me,  or  rather  as  consistency  of  conduct  may  procure 
me  in  spite  of  parties,  and  great  moderation  of  con 
duct,  to  avert  great  calamities ;  or  at  least  to  blunt 
the  edge  of  them,  as  far  as  I  am  able.  I  have  no  great 
virtue  to  boast  of  in  adopting  this  line,  for  you  are 
fully  sensible  that  the  reign  is  not  disposed  to  dele 
gate  a  regular  course  of  power  to  any  one,  and  I  never 
had  a  passion  for  emolument. 

While  parties  continue  so  much  the  same,  the  pub 
lic  no  doubt,  subject  as  it  is  to  perpetual  insensible 
motion,  has  suffered  a  considerable  change;  the  amount 
and  nature  of  which  cannot  be  easily  calculated.  On 
the  one  hand, commerce,  luxury,  the  perpetual  changes 
of  administration,  the  want  of  power  in  any,  the  uni- 

VOL.  ii.  45 


358 


LIFE   OF 


versal  relaxation  of  every  part  of  the  executive  gov 
ernment,  the  general  neglect  of  education,  the  bad 
examples  of  private  life  among  public  men  of  very 
high  descriptions,  have  all  done  infinite  mischief.  On 
the  other,  the  ill  success  of  the  war,  the  emancipation 
of  Ireland,  the  necessity  the  court  has  found  itself  in 
of  appealing  to  the  people  on  a  late  occasion,  the  ob 
ligations  they  find  themselves  under  of  attending  far 
ther  to  the  people  to  escape  the  claims  of  a  faction, 
the  bad  examples  I  have  mentioned,  and  the  changes 
which  carry  their  good  as  well  as  bad  consequences  with 
them,  have  made  men  feel  and  reason  more  than  they 
used  to  do.  And  I  think  upon  the  whole  the  public 
may  be  said  to  have  gained  considerable ;  and  if  we 
have  the  good  fortune,  for  it  must  be  fortune,  to  avoid 
downright  destructive  measures,  we  shall  have  no  rea 
son  to  repent  all  that  has  passed. 

To  say  that  there  is  no  Anti-American  principle  re 
maining  amongst  us, would  be  to  deceive;  and  I  have 
no  doubt  it  will  produce  some  acts  of  feverishness,  and 
some  things  which  had  better  be  let  alone ;  but  I  am 
convinced  the  principles  of  the  peace  will  in  the  end, 
and  that  in  the  course  of  a  very  few  years,  make  their 
way,  and  will  I  trust  prove  the  foundation  of  a  lasting 
and  firm  union  with  America,  which  will  do  honour 
to  mankind.  I  need  not  say  that  by  this  I  do  not 
mean  a  legislative  union;  in  truth,  not  so  much  an 
alliance,  as  a  similarity  of  principle  which  may  em 
brace  all  nations,  and  contribute  to  the  happiness  of 
all.  I  cannot  express  the  happiness  which  reflecting 
on  the  peace  gives  me,  and  upon  all  the  ills  which  have 
been  prevented  by  the  line  being  drawn  in  America ; 
more  especially  when  I  consider  that  the  papers  which 
I  then  held  in  my  possession,  and  which  I  still  keep 
by  me,  prove  beyond  the  possibility  of  contradiction, 
that  there  was  nothing  the  French  had  more  at  heart 
than  to  effect  an  alliance  which  would  have  made 


ARTHUR    LEE.  359 

the  peace  more  immediately  popular,  but  would  have 
sown  the  seeds  of  eternal  variance,  and  made  Ameri 
ca  more  open  to  their  active,  intriguing  spirit,  than 
even  Holland  itself.  I  shall  look  upon  my  opposition 
to  it  as  the  most  honourable  circumstance  of  my  life. 
It  gives  me  very  great  satisfaction  to  hear  within  these 
few  days,  from  authority  which  I  am  inclined  to  cre 
dit,  that  the  present  administration  have  been  very 
fair  in  the  instructions  which  they  have  given,  par 
ticularly  upon  the  chapter  of  Indians ;  as  I  could  not 
help  feeling  great  uneasiness  on  the  subject,  as  soon 
as  I  heard  of  any  disturbance  on  the  back  of  the  Unit 
ed  States. 

If  the  French  treaty  is  confirmed  by  parliament, 
the  new  principles  must  make  a  rapid  progress,  and 
the  old  ideas  of  monopoly  in  every  quarter  fall  to  the 
ground.  If  it  is  not,  I  still  think  the  progress  of 
them  will  be  only  retarded,  and  that  in  a  few  years 
the  public  must  get  possessed  of  them.  It  is  a  great 
misfortune  to  us  that  the  same  party,  which  you  must 
so  well  remember,  are  in  a  habit  of  indiscriminate  op 
position,  without  regard  to  any  principle,  old  or  new, 
except  the  stale  maxim  of  their  party. 

There  is  no  news  from  the  continent,  where,  by  all 
I  can  collect,  the  emperor  must  carry  all  his  points, 
sooner  or  later  ;  if  his  over  activity  does  not  defeat 
him  I  think  nothing  else  can. 

There  are  several  letters  from  Paris  just  arrived, 
which  speak  of  Madame 's  disgrace  as  certain. 

I  shall  always  be  very  glad  to  hear  from  you,  and 
shall  pay  great  regard  to  your  sentiments  on  all  oc 
casions. 

Lord  Wycombe  is  returned  from  abroad  every  thing 
we  could  wish  him  except  a  deafness,  the  remains  of 
a  scarlet  fever,  which  we  still  hope  he  will  overcome. 
Public  speaking  is  a  matter  of  such  uncertainty  that 
it  is  impossible  to  guess  about  him  in  that  respect, 


360  LIFE    OF 

but  in  every  other  he  is  likely  to  act  a  very  high  and 
very  honest  piiblic  part. 

I  am  with  great  truth  and  regard,  dear  sir,  your  af 
fectionate  humble  servant, 

LANSDOWN. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


«  BOW-WOOD  PARK,  July  6th,  1791. 

My  Dear  Friend, — You  will  be  surprised  but  not 
sorry  I  am  sure  to  see  your  old  acquaintance.  I  need 
not  recommend  him  to  your  care,  particularly  as  to  his 
health,  which  is  the  point,  indeed  the  only  point  I  am 
anxious  about,  as  every  thing  else  will  go  well  of 
course. 

When  shall  we  see  you  ?  If  you  do  not  come  soon 
we  shall  be  all  gone.  You  will  find  an  apartment  in 
town  and  country  ready  to  receive  you  as  long  as  I 
live. 

I  am  your  sincere  and  faithful  humble  servant, 

LANSDOWN. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq." 


LETTERS    OF    LAFAYETTE    TO    ARTHUR    LEE. 

"  HAVRE,  August  28th,  1779. 

Had  I  not,  my  dear  sir,  waited  for  intelligence 
every  day,  a  grateful  return  to  your  polite  letter, 
would  not  have  been  so  long  delayed.  But  I  was  in 
hopes  of  making  it  more  agreeable  by  the  important 
news  it  should  contain  ;  and  I  do  not  give  up  in  this 
manner  the  right  of  sending  you  before  long,  an  inter 
esting  gazette. 

There  is  not  a  minute,  in  the  present  circumstances, 
but  which  may  acquaint  us  of  such  an  event  as  will 


ARTHUR    LEE.  361 

be  ranked  among  the  greatest  ones  in  the  history  of 
nations.  By  the  last  accounts  from  Mons.  Romillies 
he  was  within  sight  of  the  British  fleet,  and  deter 
mined  to  attack  it,  as  soon  as  winds  would  permit 
him  to  come  up  with  them.  You  know  of  the  Ardent 
ship  of  the  line  being  taken  by  our  frigates.  You 
have  also  been  told  eleven  sail  were  gone  into  St. 
George's  channel,  and  that  Sir  Charles's  fleet  was 
consisting  of  thirty-one  ships  of  the  line.  On  our 
part  we  are  entirely  ready,  provisions  and  stores  of 
every  kind  are  on  board,  and  we  wait  for  nothing  but 
intelligence  from  the  admiral,  and  a  proper  convoy,  to 
carry  us  on  the  coast  of  Great  Britain. 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you,  my  dear  sir,  that 
the  noble  present  congress  were  pleased  to  add  to  so 
many  favours  and  previous  marks  of  their  regard  to 
wards  me,  which  was  sent  me  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and 
delivered  by  his  grandson,  that  sword,  I  am  proud  to 
carry  into  the  heart  of  England  ;  and  I  will  ever  con 
sider  it  as  a  new  bond,  which  increases  the  right  of 
boasting  of  being  considered  one  of  the  most  zealous 
servants  of  the  United  States. 

The  little  burning  expedition  in  Virginia  is  pretty 
well  accounted  for  by  our  present  misfortunes  ;  and  I 
heartily  give  you  joy  for  the  Carolinian  intelligences, 
which  I  think  are  no  more  to  be  questioned. 

Farewell,  my  dear  sir.  I  hope  you  do  not  doubt 
but  that  it  will  always  give  me  great  pleasure  to  hear 
from  you,  and  with  the  most  sincere  regard  and 
truest  affection  I  am  yours, 

LAFAYETTE. 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  at  Paris. 

P.  S. — They  say  that  the  lieutenant  of  the  Ardent 
was  so  angry  at  seeing  an  English  ship  of  the  line 
surrendering  to  two  frigates,  that  out  of  despair  he 
has  drowned  himself. 

L." 


362  LIFE    OF 


"  FORT  SCHUYLER,  Sept.  30th,  1784. 

Gentlemen, — I  have  the  honour  to  inform  you  that 
I  arrived  yesterday  at  this  place,  and  although  we 
had  breakfasted  at  Mr.  Shoemaker's,  we  arrived  by 
land  at  the  fort,  a  pretty  long  time  before  sun-set.  Dr. 
Courtland's  anxiety  to  see  you  well  accommodated 
has  made  him  advise  you  not  to  come  here  before 
the  troops  have  made  some  arrangements ;  but  I 
assure  you,  and  in  this  the  Dr.  now  agrees  with 
me,  that  you  will  do  as  well  here  as  any  where  else 
on  the  road ;  and  as  your  baggage  is  partly  arrived, 
and  is  getting  in  every  hour,  it  appears  that  nothing 
can  now  detain  you. 

It  seems  to  be  Dr.  Courtland's  opinion  that  my 
little  influence  can  in  a  good  degree  promote  your 
purposes.  The  same  observation  having  been  made  to 
me  by  Gen.  Wolcot,  I  do  not  think  myself  at  liberty 
to  leave  this  part  of  the  country  before  I  have  told  the 
Indians  what  you  may  wish  me  to  mention.  But  as 
the  Dr.  does  not  think  it  sufficient  for  me  to  speak  to 
such  Indians  as  are  within  call,  I  beg  leave  to  repre 
sent  that  the  twentieth  having  been  appointed  for  me 
to  be  here,  I  have  consequently  made  sundry  arrange 
ments.  Gen.  Washington's  journey  has  been  cramp 
ed  on  my  account,  and  several  other  friends  who  are 
waiting  for  me  at  certain  periods,  will  be  disappointed 
by  my  delay. 

I  would  say  therefore,  gentlemen,  if  by  adopting 
Dr.  Courtland's  opinion,  you  could  now  send  for  those 
Indians  and  for  others  who  are  waiting  for  you  at 
Oneida  castle,  it  is  probable  you  might  then  tell  me, 
or  send  me  (if  you  do  not  come)  what  you  wish  me 
to  tell  them  on  Saturday.  And  on  Tuesday  next,  if 
there  be  no  public  reason  for  my  attendance,  I  will 
beg  your  permission  to  set  out  for  New-England. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  363 

I  strongly  advise  you  not  to  ride  in  the  night  along 
the  road  from  the  German  flats  to  this  place,  as  there 
are  some  bad  places,  which  in  the  dark  might  be  dan 
gerous. 

With  every  sentiment  of  respect  I  am  waiting  your 
orders,  and  have  the  honour  to  be,  gentlemen,  your 
most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

LAFAYETTE. 

To  the  Commissioners  to  treat  with  the  Indians" 


LETTERS    OF    THE    MARQUIS   OF    RO  SIGN  AN. 

"BERLIN,  Oct,  7th,  1777. 

Sir, — Your  favour  of  the  23d  of  July  has  given 
me  much  pleasure.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for 
Mr.  Franklin's  reflections,  of  which  as  yet  I  took  only 
a  cursory  view.  As  I  suppose  you  visit  him,  I  beg 
you  would  present  my  compliments  to  him  if  he  still 
remembers  me. 

Since  we  parted  I  have  been  very  unfortunate.  I 

have  neither  taken  the  water  nor  the  baths  at 

in  Bohemia.  I  had  to  throw  myself  on  a  bed,  being 
taken  with  a  phlegmonous  erysipelas  ;  on  account  of 
which  I  had  to  undergo  an  operation  which  has  de 
tained  me  until  now.  As  I  came  to  this  place  only 
in  the  beginning  of  this  month,  I  hoped  it  would  be 
all  over  when  I  arrived,  but  my  legs  are  still  in  a  bad 
way,  and  I  do  not  yet  go  out.  I  will  not  pretend  to 
give  you  news  from  America.  You  know  that  it  is 
not  from  this  place  that  you  could  get  fresh  news.  I 
have  judged  at  first  sight  that  the  taking  of  Ticon- 
deroga  was  not  a  decisive  advantage  ;  far  from  it ;  the 
news-papers  begin  to  speak  of  a  check  received  by  a 


364  LIFE    OF 

detachment  of  Gen.  Burgoyne's  near  Fort  Edward, 
and  in  some  articles  mention  the  evacuation  of  that 
fort  by  the  Americans.  The  king  is  to  dine  here  to 
day,  at  his  sister's,  the  Pr.  Amelia ;  he  is  entirely 
recovered  of  the  indisposition  that  made  him  put 
off  his  late  review,  which  was  very  painful.  If  the 
invention  of  the  telescope  is  good  it  will  take.  I  will 
wait  until  it  has  made  a  little  more  noise,  before  I 
seek  any  information  on  the  subject.  As  to  the  elec- 
trophons,  I  have  had  dreadful  bad  luck  with  them.  I 
had  made  two,  which  at  first  gave  a  few  weak  sparks; 
but  on  the  third  day  I  could  do  nothing  at  all  with 
them,  although  it  is  of  German  invention,  as  you  say 
(or  rather  the  Italian  invention  of  Sir  Alexander  Vol- 
ta  d'Come,  in  1775,  which  has  had  more  success  in 
Germany  than  elsewhere.)  I  have  already  had  occa 
sion  to  convince  myself  that  the  repeated  experiments 
and  prodigies  of  the  same,  have  been  extolled  with 
some  degree  of  quackery  and  without  discretion.  I 
will  be  much  obliged  to  you  to  send  me  an  exact  de 
scription  of  the  manner  of  constructing  them,  espe 
cially  of  the  quality  of  the  pitch  which  must  be  used, 
and  put  the  Latin  name,  or  rather  of  the  compound 
which  is  said  to  be  better  than  the  pitch,  if  it  is  true 
they  have  found  such.  I  must  conclude,  being  in  great 
hurry.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Delagrange,  to  whom  I  have 
presented  your  compliments,  send  theirs.  They  are 
grateful  for  your  kind  remembrance,  as  also  Mrs.  Ro- 
signan,  who  requested  me  to  thank  you. 

I   have   seen  last  evening  Mr.  Sayre.     I  believed 
him  far  off;  he  will  remain  here  about  a  fortnight. 

Receiving  the  assurances  of  the  sentiments,  &c,,  I 
have  the  honour,  &LC. 

Signed,         SIGARD  DE  ROSIGNAN." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  365 


"BERLIN,  Dec. 2d,  1777. 

Sir, — I  was  sure  you  would  sympathize  with  my 
sufferings.  I  am  truly  grateful  to  you.  It  is  very 
certain  that  the  distribution  of  good  and  evil  in  this 
lower  world  forms  a  very  thorny  question.  I  have 
kept  my  room  for  a  month  since  my  return.  My  wife 
has  also  been  ill  enough  to  cause  me  much  uneasiness 

O 

and  sorrow.    We  are  now  tolerably  well,  but  the  sea 
son  is  unfavourable  to  the  progress  of  our  health. 

They  have  here  as  elsewhere,  spread  the  false  news 
of  which  you  speak.  I  never  gave  them  any  credit, 
as  the  source  from  which  they  proceeded,  to  me  ap 
peared  suspicious.  ;  The  funds  have  risen,'  said  they 
to  me  ;  it  is  a  good  thermometer,  I  replied  ;  but  it 
must  last.  Three  days  after  other  letters  informed 
us  that  they  had  fallen  again.  I  have  seen  in  a  news 
paper  that  all  this  romance  was  attributed  to  one  For- 
dyce  Bang.  I  know  none  of  that  name  but  the  one 
who  in  my  time  failed  so  notoriously  at  London.  I 
am  astonished  at  his  returning  there.  He  has,  no 
doubt,  found  his  account  in  this  little  skip  of  the 
funds,  since  it  was  his  own  working. 

I  have  a  bulletin  from  Paris,  in  which  they  tell  me 
that  Mr.  Franklin  has  received  news  ;  it  is  dated  the 
same  as  your  letter,  therefore  I  take  it  to  be  one  of 
those  false  rumours  that  abound.  I  have  seen  Mr. 
Sayre  several  times  since  my  return.  I  have  not 
been  to  his  house,  as  I  do  not  go  out.  I  do  not  know 
where  he  took  lodging  ;  it  was  no  more  at  Cossiers. 
He  had  dined  I  think  once  or  twice  at  my  house. 
The  last  time  I  saw  him  he  appeared  disposed  to 
start ;  three  or  four  days  after  I  sent  to  his  house,  and 
he  was  gone. 

VOL.  ii.  46 


366  LIFE    OF 

I  have  quite  lost  Mr.  Elliot's  favour.  I  believe  it 
is  to  you  that  I  am  indebted  for  this.  If,  however, 
after  the  poor  adventure  of  the  papers,  I  can  call  a 
loss  that  which  is  quite  an  advantage,  I  will  always 
remember  what  you  then  told  me.  I  could  not  then 
believe  that  it  was  he,  and  that  it  was  possible  that 
he  not  only  ordered,  but  lent  his  aid  in  that  manoeu 
vre.  I  thank  you  for  what  you  have  taken  the  trou 
ble  to  mention  concerning  the  electrophons.  I  will 
have  one  constructed,  and  if  it  does  not  succeed,  I  will 
avail  myself  of  your  obliging  offer.  Will  you  spend 
the  winter  in  Paris  ?  When  you  have  nothing  better 
to  do,  give  me  news  of  yourself,  because  I  feel  an  in 
terest  there ;  and  I  ask  for  those  which  now  engross 
Europe,  because  I  like  to  have  them  from  the  philoso 
pher,  in  whom  the  spirit  of  party  is  a  consequence  of 
his  reasoning  not  of  enthusiasm.  If  one  has  the  jaun 
dice  I  consult  him  no  more  on  colours,  I  know  be 
forehand  that  he  sees  every  thing  yellow.  Unfortu 
nately  moral  jaundice  is  far  more  universal  among  our 
species  than  physical  jaundice. 

I  remain,  &c.  &c. 

SlGARD    DE    ROSIGNAN." 


"CASAL,  Feb.  28th,  1779. 

Sir, — I  am  sorry  to  answer  your  favour  of  the  24th 
December  only  on  the  last  of  February.  I  have  just 
received  it,  having  written  to  Paris  for  it  on  the  ad 
vice  I  received  from  the  post  office,  that  there  was  a 
letter  addressed  to  me  that  was  not  forwarded  be 
cause  not  freed.  As  by  yours  it  seems  that  one  of 
mine  miscarried,  I  write  this  double.  I  send  one  to 
our  ambassador,  and  the  copy  to  the  post  office.  You 
will  oblige  me  by  letting  me  know  which  of  the  two 


ARTHUR    LEE.  367 

may  reach  you  first.  I  will  thank  you  to  give  me  the 
news  concerning  your  affairs  (such  as  can  be  commu 
nicated);  those  that  we  receive  here  are  so  absurd,  that 
it  is  impossible  to  reckon  on  them,  and  I  am  so  con 
vinced  of  your  candour  and  philosophy,  that  I  feel 
certain  that  party  spirit  can  have  no  influence  on  what 
you  will  say  to  me  on  the  subject. 

My  health  is  improving.  I  have  been  so  much  in 
disposed  all  winter,  that  although  the  season  was  un 
commonly  fine,  I  could  not  enjoy  it.  My  family  af 
fairs  will  occupy  me  for  a  few  months  longer. 

With  most  sincere  attachment,  &c. 

SlGARD    DE    ROSIGNAN." 


«  ST.  MAURICE,  July  15th,  1779. 

Sir, — For  a  long  time  I  have  wished  to  hear  from  you, 
and  of  your  country;  but  I  have  been  so  ill  for  better 
than  nine  months,  that  I  consider  myself  happy  to  be 
now  able  to  take  up  my  pen.     I  will  not  enter  into  the 
tedious  detail  of  my  afflictions.     I   wish,  more  than 
hope,  that   the  gout,  which  has  affected   my  whole 
frame,  may  be  the  last  of  them.     Here  I  am  among 
the  Grisons,  where  I  drink  the  waters  which  formerly 
have  been  so  beneficial  to  me.     I  find  that  they  do 
me  good.     In  a  few  days  I  will  be  at  my  home,  where 
I  promise  myself  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  you.     I 
have  seen  with  regret  in  your  last,  that  you  find  at 
home  more  false  brothers  than  you  had  anticipated, 
who  take  advantage  of  these  very  critical  times  to  fish 
in  troubled  waters.     It  seems  that  all  these  contrari 
eties  ought  to  be  reserved  for  the  last  moments  of  a 
republic.     True  they  carry  within  themselves  these 
seeds  at  their  very  birth,  but  it  is  not  the  time  when 
they  should   show  themselves.     If  however  the  re- 


368  LIFE    OF 

public  is  yet  weak  in  these  first  moments,  there  is 
more  individual  energy.  It  is  the  time  when  patriot 
ism  unfolds  and  displays  all  its  strength.  One  may 
therefore  hope,  and  even  feel  confident,  that  that 
which  might  be  contagious  at  the  decline  of  a  repub 
lic,  will  meet  with  resistance  where  there  are  still 
generous  minds.  They  will  have  courage  to  surmount 
all  difficulties,  and  will  learn  how  to  prevent  contra 
rieties,  which  prove  salutary  in  such  circumstances. 
Time  will  decide  upon  my  conjectures. 

Wishing  you  sir,  a  portion  of  health  very  different 
from  mine,  and  which  you  may  enjoy  a  longer  time 
than  I  could,  I  remain,  &c.  &c. 

SlGARD  DE  ROSIGNAN." 


"  CASAL,  Oct.  3d,  1779. 

Sir, — I  received  eight  days  ago  yours  dated  10th 
of  August,  and  three  days  ago  that  of  the  30th  of 
April-  The  first  has  been  kept  back  at  Paris  for 
want  of  being  freed.  I  was  advised  of  this  by  the 
post-master,  and  on  my  answer  received  it.  The 
same  thing  had  happened  to  your  letter  of  26th  June; 
and  if  I  am  not  mistaken  I  had  mentioned  it  to  you, 
that  they  might  hereafter  be  freed  at  Paris,  to  avoid 
this  inconvenience. 

I  am  just  now  at  my  country  seat.  Mr. ,  the 

charge  des  affaires  for  France,  has  sent  me  this  last 
letter ;  by  which  you  introduce  to  me  Mr.  d'  Adan- 
son,  with  whom  I  desired  much  to  be  acquainted  per 
sonally.  I  do  not  know  whether  he  has  delivered  the 
letter  himself,  or  sent  it  to  the  charge  des  affaires.  I 
am  going  to  write  to  Turin,  to  enquire  if  he  intends 
to  travel  through  Italy.  My  country  seat  is  on  the 
Way.  I  will  send  to  invite  him  (should  he  be  at  Tu- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  369 

rin)  to  journey  a  couple  of  hours  from  the  main  road. 
His  reputation,  and  jour  recommendation,  will  make 
him  a  very  welcome  guest  at  my  house. 

In  answer  to  yours  of  the  10th  of  August,  I  beg 
you  to  be  convinced  of  the  feeling  sense  I  have  of  all 
your  kindness,  and  the  interest  you  express  in  my 
welfare.  Since  my  letter  written  at  St.  Maurice,  I 
have  been  unfortunate.  I  thought  I  was  almost  re 
stored  to  health,  when  all  at  once  I  was  seized  again 
by  that  same  gout  in  all  my  frame.  At  my  return 
through  these  mountains,  having  to  cross  the  lake, 
they  went  with  difficulty  on  a  bad  horse,  and  had  to 
carry  me  out  of  the  boat  at  Come.  I  had  with  me 
some  James'  powders,  that  did  wonders ,  and  on  the 
fourth  day,  although  I  felt  badly  enough,  I  could  be 
placed  in  my  gig  to  go  home.  Notwithstanding  all 
this  I  cannot  complain  of  the  waters,  as  I  am  almost 
restored,  and  have  partly  recovered  my  strength, 
which  had  quite  failed  me  when  I  went. 

Your  dear  friend,  that  honest,  worthy  man,  and 
above  all,  great  politician  and  skilful  negotiator,  Elli 
ot,  has  left  Berlin.  It  is  said  he  will  not  return  ; 
at  least  his  colleagues  so  flatter  themselves.  The 
court  does  not  care  much,  and  is  suspected  to  object 
to  him. 

I  will  not  pretend  to  give  you  the  news,  which  you 
get  first  handed,  and  which  I  expect  from  you  in  sub 
stance.  The  position  of  Great  Britain  is  very  preca 
rious,  although  the  formidable  combined  army  has  not 
struck  the  great  blows  which  were  expected. 

I  do  not  know  if  Mr.  Dorvilliers  deserves  blame  ; 
but  that  excessive  sensibility  at  the  loss  of  his  son, 
which  is  so  much  extolled  in  the  newspapers,  would 
do  him  more  credit  in  a  doleful  drama,  than  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  where  the  public  interest  calls 
for  an  admiral,  and  knows  not  what  to  do  with  a 
papa. 


370  LIFE    OP 

If  Mr.  Franklin  still  remembers  me,  present  my 
compliments  to  him.  I  recollect  him  well,  and  also 
the  regret  I  experienced  when  in  London,  at  not  being 
sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  English  language  to 
converse  with  him,  and  visit  him  oftener. 

With  the  most  perfect  regard,  I  have  the  honour, 
&c. 

SlGARD  DE  ROSIGNAN." 


"TURIN,  Nov.  14th,  1779. 

Sir, — Yours  came  to  hand  in  due  time.  I  would 
have  answered  it  eight  days  sooner  had  my  health 
allowed.  I  know  nothing  of  the  fleets  but  by  public 
report;  until  now,  they  but  poorly  answer  the  expec 
tation  which  those  reports  would  fain  have  raised. 
The  season  besides  is  far  advancing ;  and  notwith 
standing  all  the  examples  alleged  to  prove  the  con 
trary,  I  doubt  much  if  they  will  be  in  time  to  do 
any  thing.  I  was  surprised  to  hear  that  they  are 
looking  for  lodgings  at  Paris  for  the  Count  d'  Estaing ; 
if  it  is  true,  I  do  not  see  the  reason.  M.  M.  must 
be  now  at  Paris,  at  least  it  is  so  believed;  and  he  is 
expected  here  shortly,  according  to  his  appointment ; 
no  one  ever  knew  that  he  was  to  pass  through  Spain. 

As  to  poor ,  I  believe  as  you  say  that  it  would 

be  difficult  for  him  to  obtain  the  confidence  of  either 
party.  He  cuts  such  a  poor  figure,  that  he  does  not 
deserve  even  to  be  spoken  of. 

You  tell  me  astonishing  things !  I  was  struck  with 
amazement  at  reading  them.  Whatever  may  be  my 
faith  in  your  words,  I  cannot  entirely  give  up  the 
high  opinion  I  had  conceived  of  the  judgment,  pene 
tration,  and  candour,  which  1  always  thought  were 
qualities  essentially  inherent  in  the  individual  in  ques- 


ARTHUR    LEE.  371 

tion,  to  whom  I  had  desired  you  to  present  my  com 
pliments.  I  suspect  some  misunderstanding  in  all 
this.  It  is  often  the  case.  The  wicked  do  more 
business  than  those  that  are  honest,  because  they  do 
not  hesitate  about  the  means ;  and  does  it  not  happen 
that  the  most  honest  man,  on  account  of  that  unfor 
tunate  propensity  to  evil  of  which  the  most  upright  is 
not  exempt,  and  which  he  has  to  resist,  suffers  him 
self  to  be  seduced  or  rather  surprised  by  an  unprinci 
pled  knave,  even  inferior  in  talents?  You  cannot 
conceive  how  this  afflicts  me  for  you,  and  on  account 
of  the  consequences  that  it  may  have.  I  hope  I  may 
not  be  mistaken  in  my  conjectures,  and  that  a  day 
will  come  when  this  mystery  will  be  unravelled. 

I  pity  you  to  have  fallen  in  such  bad  hands,  as  you 
say,  at  your  arrival  in  the  country  where  you  are  ;  but 
we  must  have  nothing  to  do  with  men,  not  to  run  such 
risks,  and  have  very  little  knowledge  of  them  to  be 
astonished.  True  the  just  man  cannot  get  accustom 
ed  to  this ;  he  feels  so  differently  from  that  species, 
unfortunately  so  common,  that  he  can  scarcely  be 
lieve  what  he  sees,  and  what  has  already  happened 
to  him  one  hundred  times  in  the  course  of  his  life. 

I  will  get  the  fourth  volume  of  P ,  and  I  will 

with  pleasure  look  over  the  details  you  mention,  and 
am  much  obliged  to  you.  I  wish  my  health  may  al 
low  me  to  peruse  it. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

SlGARD  DE  ROSIGNAN." 


372  LIFE    OF 

LETTERS    OF    THE    COUNT    MOUSTEIR. 

"  COBLENTZ,  April  23d,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — The  confidence  I  have,  rather  in  your 
indulgence  than  in  my  skill,  encourages  me  to  try  the 
chance  of  a  letter  wholly  in  English.  I  have  been 
very  sorry  to  learn  that  your  health  has  been  impair 
ed.  I  hope  you  will  by  this  time  be  entirely  recov 
ered.  I  wish  that  after  the  due  attention  being  given 
to  your  health,  you  should  be  employed  for  the  com 
mon  good,  and  as  soon  as  possible,  as  minister  pleni 
potentiary,  at  a  neighbouring  court.  The  appoint 
ment  of  Dr.  Franklin  at  ours  shows  evidently  to  the 
world  the  connexion  formed  between  your  country 
and  mine.  But  to  give  it  all  its  value  and  strength, 
it  would  require  somewhat  more  than  can  be  effected 
by  plenipotentiaries,  whose  arguments  and  reasonings 
are  always  submitted  to  the  events  of  war.  You  men 
tion  in  your  last  letter  that  61  is  called  ;  I  would  fain 
know  whether  at  his  own  desire  or  not.  I  cannot 
form  any  judgment  about  his  designed  successor, 
knowing  nothing  of  him  but  his  face.  I  think  it 
could  not  have  been  the  work,  if  60  could  have  filled 
that  place.  Whoever  it  be,  I  wish  him  full  success, 
being  entirely  concerned  for  the  welfare  of  both 
states,  and  a  true  friend  to  North  America. 

I  wish  some  more  important  event  than  the  con 
quest  of  Senegal,  could  happen  in  our  favour.  I  am 
quite  of  your  mind,  as  to  the  dispositions  people 
should  carry  in  contrary  events.  If  such  happen  by 
one's  own  fault,  they  should  serve  as  an  advice  to 
take  other  measures.  If  chance  alone  and  ill  luck 
bring  them  on,  then  fortitude  and  perseverance  should 
be  used,  and  I  would  always  say,  t  Tu  ne  cede  malisy 


ARTHUR    LEE.  373 

scd  contra  audcntior  itoS  The  efforts  made  against 
ill  fortune  have  something  noble,  which  makes  them 
worthy  of  admiration,  and  sometimes  they  are  crown 
ed  with  success.  I  hope  the  depression  of  spirits 
which  you  mention  will  have  been  only  of  the  spirits 
of  vulgar  men,  whose  nature  it  is  to  be  too  easily 
elevated  or  dejected. 

The  present  year  must  bring  forth  events  which 
will  of  course  have  a  great  influence  on  your  revolu 
tion.  Please  God  to  consolidate  so  noble  a  work. 
Count  d'Estaing's  honour  is  more  concerned  than 
ever,  to  perform  some  striking  action,  though  I  do 
not  look  on  the  loss  of  St.  Lucia  as  of  great  import 
ance.  I  wish  Pondicherry  could  be  as  easily  recov 
ered.  I  am  sorry  that  England  keeps  a  wing  in  the 
east,  having  so  deservedly  lost  one  in  the  west. 
Were  the  Indians  men,  as  the  North  Americans  are, 
they  would  use  the  same  means  to  keep  the  Euro 
peans  within  their  own  limits,  out  of  which  they 
should  go  as  traders,  not  as  conquerors. 

I  am  far  from  having  an  intention  ever  to  publish  a 
history  of  the  American  revolution,  but  looking  on 
that  event  as  pregnant  with  matters  of  observation, 
and  being  desirous  of  enlarging  as  much  as  I  can 
my  knowledge  concerning  mankind,  I  think  I  cannot 
take  a  more  proper  aim  in  my  present  study  than  to 
examine  all  the  measures  which  the  several  states  of 
America  have  taken  and  still  take  for  their  welfare. 
I  see  that  they  come  nearer  to  what  can  .be  wished  to 
form  a  good  government,  than  any  other  state  ever 
before  attained  ;  but  I  am  sorry  to  think  that  per 
fection  is  not  to  be  arrived  at  in  human  institutions. 
Those  are  the  happiest  who  come  the  nearest  to  it. 
The  other  states  are  justly  alarmed  at  the  con 
stitution  of  Pennsylvania,  if  the  foundation  of  tyran 
ny  is  laid  in  it ;  for  I  think  there  are  two  ways  to 
destroy  North-American  liberty  ;  first,  if  one  state 
VOL.  ii.  47 


374  LIFE    OF 

becomes  boldly  ambitious,  and  should  be  successful, 
which  may  happen,  as  in  ancient  times  Lacedaemonia 
and  Athens  ruled  successively  over  the  other  states 
of  confederate  Greece;  secondly,  if  some  ambitious 
men  succeed  in  the  project  of  subverting  and  subdu 
ing  their  own  state,  they  may  afterward  subdue  the 
others.  Did  not  Cromwell,  after  having  subverted 
and  subdued  England,  subdue  Scotland,  Ireland,  and 
your  Virginia.*  Notwithstanding  all  that,  I  think 
that  your  people  can  be,  with  your  governments,  the 
happiest  people  in  the  world ;  and  this  is  the  chief 
reason  why  I  wish  complete  and  speedy  success  to 
all  your  efforts  to  expel  your  enemies. 

For  my  part,  I  wish  all  men  in  the  world  could  be 
happy.  They  could  be  so  in  every  government,  even 
in  the  most  despotic  ones,  if  the  rulers  did  unite  vir 
tue  and  knowledge,  which  are  seldom  to  be  found.  I 
first  study  to  make  myself  happy  by  all  the  means 
which  I  have,  or  rather  to  maintain  myself  so,  for  I 
think  I  am  the  happiest  man  in  the  world,  and  I 
thank  God  for  it.  Then  I  prepare  myself  to  be  able 
to  contribute  to  others'  happiness,  if  Providence  would 
put  me  in  a  position  where  I  could  have  some  influ 
ence  on  their  fate. 

The  undertaking  of  Madame  Mousteir  has  the 
greatest  success  for  her  and  her  son.  I  will  endea 
vour  on  my  side  to  show  myself  to  him,  as  good  a 
father  as  she  is  a  good  mother,  by  making  iny  chief 
object  his  education,  in  order  to  make  him  an  hon 
est  man  and  useful  to  society.  The  nurse  thanks  you 
for  your  attention  to  her,  and  sends  her  compliments 
to  you. 


*  He  is  mistaken  as  to  Virginia.  She  never  yielded  to,  or  acknowledged 
Cromwell's  authority  ;  but  declared  herself  independent,  and  remained  so 
until  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  when  she  voluntarily  acknowledged 
him.  Hence  Virginia  obtained  the  appellation  of  the  "  Old  Dominion."  See 


ARTHUR    LEE.  375 

Believe  me,  dear  sir,  with  sincere  esteem  and  affec 
tion,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

LE  CTK  DE  MOUSTEIR. 
The  Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  at  Paris," 


"  COBLENTZ,  July  29th,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — Being  encouraged  by  your  last  letter,  I 
will  continue  to  write  in  English  as  long  as  you  will 
not  be  tired  of  my  correspondence.     The  long  desired 
event  of  the  joining  of  the  Spaniards  with  us  being 
now  realised,  I  hope  that  you  will  soon  fill  the  post 
to  which  you  have  so  long  been  destined.     Though  I 
must  regret  to  be  by  that  event  placed  at  a  greater 
distance  from  you,  I  rejoice  at  the  same  time  to  see 
one  employed,  whom  I  think  so  able  of  acting  well  in 
every  respect.     I  had   already  heard  of  the  trouble 
Mr.  Deane's  return  to  America  had  occasioned ;  but  I 
assure  you,  that  had  I  not  had  previous  notions  of  his 
character,  and  of  that  of  his  partner,  the  opinion  I 
have  of  yours  would  have  been  sufficient  to  fix  my 
judgment.     I  make  no  doubt  but  that  at  the  end,  the 
good  cause  will  entirely  prevail,  notwithstanding  the 
measures  of  your  enemies.     28  has  perhaps  thought 
it  expedient  not  to  pronounce  about  the  question,  as 
long  as  61  will  stay  in  America;  which  will  perhaps 
not  be  long,  since  I  have  heard  his  successor  has  de 
parted.     1  don't  wonder  there  are  some  ill-intentioned 
persons,  who  under  the  pretence  of  a  private  cause 
endeavour  to  attack  the  public  welfare,  because  there 
are  always  in  republics  obnoxious  men,  who  are  ready 
to  shake  and  even  destroy  it,  led  on  by  the  wish  to 
plunder  it.     But  I  have  great  hopes  that  your  repub 
lic  is  now  well  established,  though  1  cannot  be  con 
vinced  it  will  ever  be  entirely  quiet.     The  senti- 


376  LIFE  OF 

ments  you  express  towards  your  enemies,  are  worthy 
of  a  generous  man,  and  a  good  patriot. 

When  I  first  wrote  to  you  that  I  wished  all  men  to 
be  happy,  I  at  the  same  time  wished  they  should  de 
serve  it.  I  know  very  well  that  this  wish  is  one  of 
those  which  are  not  to  be  fulfilled. 

I  am  certainly  not  in  the  secret  about  the  measures 
our  court  takes  towards  your  country,  but  I  would  ven 
ture  to  be  a  pledge  that  it  never  espoused  the  cause  of 
Mr.  D.  It  would  be  as  much  against  its  principles,  as 
against  its  dignity. 

I  hope  you  will  soon  let  me  hear  some  agreeable 
news,  as  well  relating  to  yourself,  as  the  common 
cause. 

Madame  Mousteir  presents  her  compliments  to  you. 
She  is  constantly  employed  in  the  office  of  a  good  mam 
ma,  who  takes  that  care  of  her  child  that  nature  re 
quires.  I  live  happy  in  her  society,  and  am  very  well 
satisfied  to  remain  in  my  corner ;  where  if  I  am  not 
very  busy,  I  am  at  least  very  quiet. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  with  the  greatest  es 
teem,  your  very  obedient  humble  servant, 

LE  CTE-  DE  MOUSTEIR. 

To  the  Hon.  Arthur  Lee,  Paris." 


ARTHUR    LEE.  377 


APPENDIX    XI. 


Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  Arthur  Lee,  kept  by  him  on  his  journey  to  treat 
with  the  North  Western  Indians,  and  during  the  progress  of  treating  with 
their  different  tribes.* 


CARLISLE  is  in  the  county  of  Cumberland,  and 
has  been  settled  about  thirty-two  years.  It  has  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  good  stone  houses.  There  is 
here  a  very  complete  set  of  buildings  for  arsenals; 
raised  at  continental  expense,  but  not  used,  and 
therefore  going  to  ruin.  Gen.  Armstrong,  Gen.  Ir- 
win,  and  Gen.  Butler,  reside  here,  and  several  other 
gentlemen,  forming  a  good  society;  but  they  have 
neither  coffee-house,  post,  nor  newspapers.  I  saw 
here  a  proof  how  much  marriage  is  governed  by  desti 
ny.  A  very  handsome  and  genteel  young  lady,  who 
had  a  good  fortune,  was  joined  to  a  man  twice  her 
own  age,  with  neither  family  nor  fortune,  personal 
nor  mental  accomplishments,  to  engage  a  lady's  love. 
The  county  of  Cumberland  is  peopled  almost  en 
tirely  with  Scotch  and  Irish,  who  have  become  rich 

*  The  commencement  of  this  journal  has  been  lost.  Mr.  Lee  set  out  from 
Philadelphia,  and  the  extract  begins  with  his  arrival  in  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania  ; 
now  a  flourishing  town,  in  which  is  situated  Dickinson  College. 


378 


LIFE    OF 


by  farming ;  the  land  producing  excellent  wheat, 
which  is  their  staple  commodity. 

Nov.  24th.  We  left  Carlisle,  and  slept  at  Shippens- 
burg ;  a  handsome  little  town,  about  four  miles  from 
the  Conedogwinit,  on  the  north,  and  the  Yellow 
Breeches  Creek,  which  issues  from  a  small  but  very 
deep  lake,  on  the  south,  and  runs  into  the  Susque- 
hannah.  From  thence  the  road  led  us  the  next  day 
across  the  North  Mountain,  into  what  is  called  the 
Horse  Valley,  made  by  that  and  the  next  mountain, 
which  we  crossed  into  the  Path  Valley,  through  which 
runs  the  Conagocheague,  which  empties  into  the  Po- 
tomack.  We  crossed  next  the  Tuscarora  Mountain, 
on  the  top  of  which  the  line  runs,  which  divides  the 
counties  of  Cumberland  and  Bedford;  which  latter 
we  entered  on  descending  the  mountain,  and  lodged 
at  Fort  Lyttleton.  These  mountains  are  so  steep, 
that  it  is  necessary  to  walk  up  and  down  them.  Fort 
Lyttleton  was  built  by  the  British  in  a  former  war, 
as  a  protection  to  the  frontier  settlements  ;  but  the  In 
dians  murdered  both  soldiers  and  inhabitants.  At 
that  time  it  was  not  uncommon  with  these  savages, 

O         ' 

to  murder,  scalp,  and  cut  out  the  hearts  of  the  people 
they  found  defenceless.  A  very  heavy  fall  of  snow 
during  the  night  of  the  25th,  detained  us  at  Fort  Lyt 
tleton  until  the  27th. 

27th.  We  crossed  the  mountain  called  Sideling 
Hill,  and  the  Juniata,  to  Bedford.  Nine  miles  before 
coming  to  this  place  we  crossed  Bloody  Run,  so  call 
ed  from  the  murder  of  several  white  people  there  by 
the  Indians.  Bedford  is  the  capital  of  the  county, 
and  is  a  thriving  little  town  on  the  Juniata, with  good 
meadow  grounds  around  it.  There  are  yet  traces  of 
the  redoubts  thrown  up  here  by  the  British,  after 
Braddock's  defeat.  Gen.  Forbes,  who  commanded 
next,  having  made  this  the  rendezvous  of  the  army  in 
1756. 


ARTHUR    LEE.  379 

28th.  Leaving  Bedford,  we  again  crossed  the  Juni- 
ata,  and  traversed  the  Alleghany  mountain  to  Stony 
Creek.  On  the  road  we  saw  the  marks  of  a  most 
tremendous  whirlwind  which  happened  last  year,  and 
had  in  its  course  torn  up  by  the  roots  or  twisted  off 
every  tree,  however  large.  Numbers  of  the  largest 
were  laid  down  by  each  other,  as  if  strewn  by  the 
whirlwind  with  as  much  ease  as  so  many  straws  scat 
tered  by  a  light  wind.  The  ascent  of  this  mountain 
is  very  steep,  but  it  is  rendered  easy  by  trailing  it 
properly.  On  the  top  is  a  level  of  many  miles,  and 
through  it  runs  the  principal  branch  of  the  Juniata. 
It  is  loaded  with  chestnut  and  oak,  very  large.  The 
snow  was  about  one  foot  deep  on  the  mountain;  and 
yet  the  weather  so  mild,  that  I  travelled  without  a 
great  coat.  The  road,  on  the  top  of  this  mountain, 
and  in  descending  it,  and  thence  to  Stony  Creek,  is 
miry  and  stony,  and  leads  through  a  number  of  dismal 
swamps,  that  put  one  in  mind  of  Milton's 

4  Fogs,  bogs,  fens,  dens,  and  shades  of  death.' 

From  this  and  the  preceding  eminence  you  view 
the  vast  Apalachian  Mountains,  covered  with  snow. 
The  ocean  in  a  storm,  with  its  billows  and  their 
white  tops  rising  behind  and  above  each  other,  resem 
ble  the  various  ridges  of  snow-capt  hills  which  com 
pose  this  immense  chain. 

On  the  29th  we  traversed  a  part  of  the  Alleghany, 
called  Laurel  Hill,  from  an  abundance  of  what  is  call 
ed  in  Virginia  ivy,  growing  upon  it.  On  this  moun 
tain  St.  Jocelin  was  attacked  and  killed  by  the  In 
dians  ;  but  his  convoy  was  saved.  On  this  mountain 
Capt.  Bullet  was  attacked  and  put  to  flight  by  a  party 
of  Indians  within  two  miles  of  Ligonier ;  and  at  an 
other  time  the  savages  attacked  the  hospital,  that  was 
going  from  the  fort,  and  massacred  the  sick.  At  night 


380  LIFE    OF 

we  reached  Fort  Ligonier,  built  in  1756,  by  Gen. 
Forbes,  as  a  station,  in  his  progress  against  Fort  du 
Quesne,  now  Fort  Pitt.  It  was  frequently  attacked 
by  the  French  and  Indians,  and  many  of  its  troops 
killed.  A  very  good  and  capacious  stockaded  fort 
was  raised  there  during  the  late  war,  as  a  defence 
against  Indian  incursions.  But  they  massacred  the 
inhabitants  as  far  as  Bedford,  having  passed  the  fort, 
through  the  woods  and  over  the  mountains. 

On  the  30th  we  crossed  the  Loyalhannon,  the  Chest 
nut  Hill,  or  Mountain,  to  Hannah's  town.  This 
place  and  the  neighbourhood  felt  the  weight  of  the 
late  war.  The  Indians  under  the  command  of  refu 
gees  and  white  men,  to  the  number  of  three  hundred, 
beset  the  town,  burnt  all  the  houses  not  under  the 
protection  of  the  stockaded  fort,  and  carried  away 
about  twenty  prisoners.  From  this  place  to  Fort 
Pitt  the  inhabitants  were  almost  all  driven  off  by  the 
Indians.  From  this  neighbourhood  a  considerable 
body  under  the  command  of  Col.  Lockyer  went 
down  the  Ohio,  to  join  Gen.  Clarke,  in  his  intended 
expedition  against  Detroit ;  but  mistaking  an  Indian 
encampment  on  the  Ohio  for  that  of  Clarke,  they 
landed  inadvertently,  and  were  cut  off  almost  to  a 
man. 

The  1st  December  brought  us  across  Turtle  Creek, 
through  its  rich  bottoms,  and  the  Bull-pen  Swamp,  to 
Mr.  Elliot's  ;  when  ourselves,  our  servants,  several 
wagoners,  his  wife,  and  eight  children,  and  a  young 
daughter,  all  undressed  and  went  to  bed  on  the  floor 
together,  in  a  miserable  log-house.  Next  day,  we 
proceeded  six  miles  to  Fort  Pilt,  where  we  found 
Gen.  Clark.  About  a  mile  from  the  fort  you  fall 
in  with  the  Alleghany  River,  which  comes  from  the 
north-east,  and  joining  the  Monongahela  from  the 
south-west,  forms  the  Ohio.  On  the  very  spot  made 


ARTHUR    LEE,  381 

by  this  junction  was  Fort  du  Quesne,  and  on  the 
bank  of  the  Monongahela  close  to  it  is  Fort  Pitt. 

Dec.  3d.  The  commissioners  met,  and  received 
from  Mr.  Lowry  answers  from  their  messages,  with 
strings  of  wampum,  from  the  Delawares,  Shawnees, 
Wyandotts,  and  Twightwees,  declaring  their  readi 
ness  to  meet  at  Cayahoga.  At  the  same  time  two 
traders  had  arrived  from  thence  directly,  and  brought 
a  message  from  several  chiefs  assembled  there,  dated 
Nov.  26th,  informing  the  commissioners  that  they  had 
attended  at  Cayahoga  from  the  2()th,  had  brought 
with  them  their  wives  and  children,  and  had  nothing 
to  eat.  These  traders  said  there  might  be  near  six 
hundred  at  or  near  Cayahoga.  One  of  our  messen 
gers  had  been  despatched  thither  with  beef  and  flour, 
immediately  on  the  receipt  of  my  letter  from  Sunbury. 

(The  proceedings  of  the  commissioners  at  Fort  Pitt, 
from  the  3d  to  the  10th  are  omitted.) 

On  the  10th  Dec.  we  attempted  a  jaunt  up  the 
Alleghany  River  in  a  boat ;  but  when  we  had  rowed 
about  six  miles  against  its  current,  which  is  exceed 
ingly  strong,  a  violent  snow-storm  sent  us  back. 
Some  of  us  landed  on  the  north  side,  and  hunted 
along  the  River,  but  found  no  game.  The  land  upon 
the  river  is  exceedingly  rich,  but  narrow,  the  high 
lands  being  within  two  or  three  hundred  yards  of 
the  banks.  And  indeed  this  strip  of  rich  bottom, 
producing  black  walnut,  locust,  and  sugar  maple  in 
abundance,  seems  to  have  been  made  by  the  gradual 
encroachment  of  the  river  on  the  southern  bank,  and 
consequent  recess  from  its  northern  bed.  About  five 
miles  up  you  come  to  what  is  called  Kiosolos  Bottom, 
from  having  been  formerly  the  residence  of  an  Indian 
chief  of  that  name.  He  has  removed  to  the  Seneca 
country  near  the  Niagara.  This  Kiosolos  was  a  very 
provident  Indian,  not  only  in  fixing  his  seat  in  this 
most  fertile  valley,  but  in  having  two  wives,  (I  meaa 

VOL.  ii.  48 


382  LIFE    OF 

as  a  savage)  one  well  stricken  in  years,  who  paid 
great  attention  to  his  food  and  his  clothes ;  the  other 
a  handsome  young  squaw,  who  served  the  special  pur 
pose  for  which  Abraham  took  Hagar,  and  Isaac  Re 
becca  ;  so  orthodox  divines  with  great  gravity  instruct 
us,  and  inculcate  upon  the  minds  of  all  whom  they 
join  together  in  holy  wedlock.  Kiosolos  Bottom  is  a 
rich  and  beautiful  spot.  We  saw  wild  hops  there, 
growing  in  the  utmost  luxuriance,  and  of  a  fine  fla 
vour. 

llth.  We  received  an  Indian  express  from  Mr. 
Lowry,  dated  at  Cayahoga,  and  informing  us  that 
the  Indians  had  come  as  far  as  Cuscuskis  within  thir 
ty  miles  of  Mackintosh,  but  that  they  were  unwilling 
to  corne  further,  because  of  their  wives  and  children. 
On  the  12th  I  was  seized  with  a  smart  fever,  which 
confined  me  to  my  bed  for  two  days,  but  it  was  sub 
dued  by  copious  bleeding  and  fasting.  If  exercise, 
temperance,  and  change  could  have  ensured  me  health, 
I  might  have  expected  it.  But  I  experienced  the 
truth  of  Dr.  Young's  observation,  that 

*  Disease  invades  the  chastest  temperance, 
And  punishment  the  guiltless, — and  alarm 
Through  thickest  shades,  pursues  the  fond  of  peace.' 

The  following  epistle  from  our  chief  messenger,  a 
member  of  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  is  too  sin 
gular  in  its  orthography  not  to  receive  a  place  in  my 
Journal. 


"  Honaubl  Comminishers  of  Indines  affers  at  Mack- 
entoy's  or  Fort  Pitt. 

Genteel, — Wensday,  at  2  a  clot  this  minit  met  ex- 
prest  from  Mr.  John  Booggs,  who  writes  me  that  the 


ARTHUR   LEE.  383 

Inclines  hays  agreed  to  com  and  meet  the  commin- 
ishers  at  Cuscorgas  (meaning  Cuscuskis)  in  order  to 
treat,  but  will  not  agree  to  go  to  Mackintosoh  for  the 
resins  within  his  letter  mouchant.  I  have  sent  you 
Mr.  Boggs  is  letter,  and  have  ordered  six  loud  of 
flower  fored,  and  shall  perseed  till  I  meet  the  Inclines 
and  will  assist  Taweys,  Pawoys,  Towopmieys,  (mean 
ing  the  Ottawas,  Chipewas,  and  Potawattamies)  as 
well  as  can ;  nothing  in  my  power  shall  be  wanting 
to  fullfill  wishes  of  the  Cominishnors." 
All  from  your  humbel  sarvant." 


17th.  We  embarked  on  the  Monongahela,  and  soon 
entered  the  Ohio,  on  our  way  to  Fort  Mclntosh.  The 
Ohio  is  a  continuation  of  the  Monongahela  and  the 
Alleghany.  They  enter  it  at  right  angles.  This  ap 
pears  plainly  when  you  have  passed  the  mouth  of  the 
Alleghany.  Upon  looking  back  you  see  at  some  dis 
tance,  directly  up  the  Monongahela,  but  the  point  of 
the  two  banks  only  that  form  the  mouth  of  the  Alle 
ghany  is  visible,  none  of  its  water.  Yet  it  has  often 
been  said  that  the  Ohio  was  a  continuation  of  the  Al 
leghany. 

Four  miles  down  the  river  brings  you  to  Montour's 
Island;  which  is  six  miles  long,  and  about  half  a  mile 
broad  on  an  average,  and  contains  about  two  thousand 
acres  of  very  good  land,  the  greater  part  of  it  never 
overflowed.  The  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  gave 
Gen.  Irvvin  a  right  of  pre-emption  to  this  island. 
They  were  moved  to  do  it  by  an  old  and  influential 
presbyterian  member,  who  with  great  gravity  assured 
them  he  knew  the  island,  and  that  it  contained  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  acres.  The  property  of  it  is 
contested  between  Gen.  Irvvin,  Col.  Neville,  and  Col. 
Sim  of  Alexandria.  The  next  place  is  Loggstown, 
which  was  formerly  a  settlement  on  both  sides  of  the 


384  LIFE    OF 

Ohio,  and  the  place  where  the  treaty  of  Lancaster 
was  confirmed  by  the  western  Indians.     From  Loggs- 
town  to  the  mouth  of  Beaver  Creek,  is  —  miles,  and 
from  thence  to  Fort  Mclntosh,  one  mile.     This  fort 
is  built  of  well-hewn  logs,  with  four  bastions;  its  fig 
ure  an  irregular  square,  the  face  to  the  river  being 
longer  than  the  side  to  the  land.     It  is  about  equal 
to  a  square  of  fifty  yards,  is  well  built,  and  strong 
against  musketry ;  but  the  opposite  side  of  the  river 
commands  it  entirely,  and  a  single  piece  of  artillery 
from  thence  would  reduce  it.     This  fort  was  built  by 
us  during  the  war,  and  is  not  therefore  noted  in  Hutch- 
ins'  map.     The  place  was  formerly  a  large  Indian  set 
tlement,  and  French  trading  place.    There  are  peach 
trees  still  remaining.     It  is  a  beautiful  plain,  extend 
ing  about  two  miles  along  the  river,  and  one  to  the 
hills;  surrounded  on  the  east  by  Beaver  Creek,  and 
on  the  west  by  a  small  run,  which  meanders  through 
a  most  excellent  piece  of    meadow  ground,  full   of 
shellbark-hickory,    black-walnut,    and    oak.      About 
one  mile  and  a  half  up  the  Beaver  Creek,  there  en 
ters  a  small,  but  perennial  stream,  very  fit  for  a  mill- 
seat  ;  so  that  the  possession  of  the  land  from  there  to 
the  \vestern  stream,  would  include  a  fine  meadow,  a 
mill-seat,  a  beautiful  plain  for  small  grain,  and  rich, 
well-timbered  uplands.     It  falls  just  within  the  west 
ern  boundary  of  Pennsylvania;  and  is  reserved  by  the 
state  out  of  the  sale  of  the  land,  as  a  precious  morsel 
Jor  some  favourite  of  the  legislature.     The  Ohio  here 
is  about  four  hundred  yards  wide.     The  Monongahe- 
la  at  Fort  Pitt  is  about  two  hundred  and  eighty  wide. 
The  Alleghany,  about  two  hundred.     The  former  fre 
quently  overflows,  and  falls  much  sooner  than  the  lat 
ter,  owing  to  its  rapidity  and  extent.     The  banks  of 
the   Monongahela  on  the  west,  or  opposite  side   to 
Pittsburg,  are  steep  close  to  the  water,  and  about  two 
hundred  yards  high.     About  a  third  of  the  way  from 


ARTHUR    LEE.  385 

the  top  is  a  vein  of  coal,  above  one  of  the  rocks. 
The  coal  is  burnt  in  the  town,  and  considered  very 
good.  The  property  of  this  and  of  the  town  is  in  the 
Penns.  They  have  lotted  out  the  face  of  the  hill  at 
thirty  pounds  a  lot,  to  dig  coal  as  far  in  as  the  per 
pendicular  falling  from  the  summit  of  the  bank.  Fort 
Pitt  is  regularly  built,  cost  the  crown  £600,  and  is 
commanded  by  cannon  from  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
Monongahela,  and  from  a  hill  above  the  town  called 
Grant's  Hill,  from  the  catastrophe  which  befel  Gen. 
Grant  at  that  place.  He  was  advancing  with  some 
Highland  regiments  and  Virginia  light-infantry  before 
the  army  under  Gen.  Forbes,  took  his  station  upon 
this  hill,  and  had  the  folly  to  order  his  drums  to  beat 
and  his  bagpipes  to  play,  in  expectation  of  frightening 
the  French  and  Indian  garrison  of  the  then  Fort  Du 
Quesne,  to  surrender.  But  the  commandant  sending 
a  part  of  the  Indians  in  his  rear,  sallied  out  upon  him, 
killed  all  the  Highlanders,  and  made  him  prisoner. 
The  Virginia  troops,  under  Col.  Lewis,  being  more 
upon  their  guard,  mostly  escaped. 

Pittsburg  is  inhabited  almost  entirely  by  Scots  and 
Irish,  who  live  in  paltry  log-houses,  and  are  as  dirty 
as  in  the  north  of  Ireland,  or  even  Scotland.  There 
is  a  great  deal  of  small  trade  carried  on ;  the  goods 
being  brought  at  the  vast  expense  of  forty-five  shil 
lings  per  cwt.,  from  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore. 
They  take  in  the  shops,  money,  wheat,  flour,  and 
skins.  There  are  in  the  town  four  attorneys,  two 
doctors,  and  not  a  priest  of  any  persuasion,  nor  church, 
nor  chapel ;  so  that  they  are  likely  to  be  damned, 
without  the  benefit  of  clergy.  The  rivers  encroach 
fast  on  the  town;  and  to  such  a  degree,  that,  as  a 
gentleman  told  me,  the  Alleghany  had  within  thirty 
years  of  his  memory,  carried  away  one  hundred  yards. 
The  place,  /  believe,  will  never  be  very  considerable. 
Batteaux  pass  daily,  with  whole  families,  stock,  and 


386  LIFE    OF 

furniture,  for  Kentucky.  Those  from  Virginia  take 
boat  at  Wheeling,  which  is  situated  on  the  Ohio,  about 
ninety  miles  below  Pittsburg,  and  thereby  avoid  all 
the  shoal  water. 

Mackintosh  is  thirty-one  miles  down  the  river. 
About  nine  miles  before  you  reach  it,  is  a  small  isl 
and  and  a  rift,  on  which  loaded  batteaux  often  get 
aground,  especially  if  they  attempt  the  southern 
shore ;  but  the  opposite  side  has  generally  water 
enough. 

On  the  19th  Mr.  Lowry  came  in,  with  John  Mon- 
tour  and  another  Indian,  who  gave  us  reason  to  ex 
pect  the  Indians  in  a  few  days.  Reflecting  on  what 
would  be  the  best  method  to  secure  the  country  we 
obtain  from  the  Indians  from  being  surveyed  by  the 
swarms  of  irregular  settlers,  it  seemed  to  me  that  this 
purpose  would  be  answered,  by  inserting  in  the  treaty 
an  article  in  these  words: — 'If  any  person  shall  at 
tempt  to  survey  or  settle  on  any  of  the  said  lands, 
until  the  commissioners  shall  have  informed  the  In 
dians  that  permission  is  given  by  congress  to  such  sur 
veyors,  or  settlements,  such  person  shall  be  out  of  the 
protection  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Indians  may 
drive  them  away.'  This  prohibition  being  made  pub 
lic  in  a  proclamation  by  the  commissioners,  would  de 
ter  persons  from  attempting  settlements,  till  congress 
shall  have  formed  such  regulations,  as  will  at  the  same 
time  secure  a  reasonable  profit  to  the  public,  and  set 
tle  the  country  systematically  and  peacefully.  For 
these  purposes  I  shall  propose  this  article  to  my  col 
leagues. 

Snow  began  this  evening,  and  continued  all  the 
next  day  and  night,  with  freezing.  The  river  was 
floating  ice. 

22d.  We  despatched  a  person  to  Cuscuskis  with 
some  rum,  lead,  and  twenty-five  pounds  of  powder, 
for  the  Indians.  I  had  my  doubts  about  the  propriety 


ARTHUR    LEE.  387 

of  sending  them  so  much  powder;  for  there  are  about 
twenty-five  hundred  charges  for  a  rifle  in  that  quanti 
ty.     On  this  subject  of  gunpowder  I  must  observe 
that,  as  there  was  a  great  quantity  in  the  public  stores 
at  Fort  Pitt,  the  commissioners  to  save  the  expense  of 
carriage,  ordered  what  they  required  for  the  treaty  to 
be  furnished  out  of  this  store.     But  when  their  store 
keeper  came  to  examine  it,  he  reported  that  it  was 
all  spoiled.    Upon  enquiry  we  found,  that  though  there 
was  a  lieutenant  and  twenty-five  men  kept  there  as  a 
garrison,  on  full  pay  and  expenses,  yet  no  care  was 
taken  of  them.     The  commanding  officer  alleged,  that 
it  was  the  business  of  the  garrison  to  guard  the  stores 
only,  and  not  to  keep  them  from  spoiling  ;  as  if  there 
was  any  advantage  in  guarding  stores  that  were  good 
for  nothing.     The  expense  to  the  public  of  this  gar 
rison  is  as  follows;  which  is  not  only  thrown  away, 
but  the  commandant,  though  he  will  not  take  care  of 
the  stores,  thinks  he  has  a  right  to  use  them  for  him 
self  and  garrison  as  he  pleases. 

Estimate. 
25  non-commissioned  and  privates,  at  50s.  )     ^p^  in 

per  month,  ) 
Lieutenant-commandant,  10 

Subsistence,  3 

Rations  for  the  whole,  67  JO 

Sergeants'  and  corporals'  extra  pay,  U 


151 


Multiplied  by  12  months,  per  annum,  1812 

Clothing  and  arms,  at  £6  per  man,  150 


The  annual  expense  of  this  garrison,         £1962 

That  at  West  Point  consists  of  fifty  men,  com 
manded  by  a  major;  and  the  annual  expense  may  be 


388  LIFE  OF 

at  least  two  thousand  pounds.    These  have  been  kept 
up  for  two  years  with  equal  inutility  ;  and  have  been 
a  loss,  independent  of  the  stores  they  have  consumed, 
of  £5924.     Much  the  same  report  of  the  condition 
of  the  stores  at  West  Point,  was  made  to  us  by  those 
that  we  ordered  to  furnish  them  from  thence  for  the 
western  treaty.     The  persons  to  whom  public  stores 
are  committed,  give  no  security  for  the  safe  keeping 
and  return  of  them,  and  do  not  hold  themselves  re 
sponsible  for  the  same ;  but  consume  at  pleasure,  and 
let  the  rest  perish.     This  would  not  be  the  case  if 
they  were  obliged  to  give  security  for  the  safe  return 
of  what  they  took  in  charge.     The  same  fate,  for  the 
same  reason,  attends  the  public  stores  in  Philadelphia, 
under  the  care  of  Mr.  S.,  and  under  the  immediate 
eye  of  Mr.  M.      Gen.  Butler,  Mr.  Montgomery,  and 
Capt.    Butler,    our    storekeepers,    assured    me,    that 
bales  of  cloth,  blanketing,  fee..,  were  so  rotted,  as  to 
be,  as  it  were,  glued  down  to  the  floor;  having  never 
been  moved,  and  nothing  been  laid  between  them  and 
the  damp  floor.    While  the  public  stores  are  thus  rot 
ting,  at  a  great  loss,  in  the  public  magazines,  we  found 
the  heads  of  departments  laying  out  public  money,  to 
furnish  the  soldiers  with  those  very  articles.     Soon 
after  Gen.  Butler  had  given  rne  the  above  informa 
tion,  Col.  Harrnar,  who  commanded  the  troops  that 
were  equipping  for  the  treaty,  came  in ;  and  upon  my 
asking  him  if  the  troops  were  provided  with  what  was 
necessary,  he  said  no,  not  even  with  blankets.     The 
clothier-general,  upon  being  applied  to,  had  informed 
him  that  they  must  be  purchased.     We  told  him  there 
were  thousands  rotting  in  the  public  store,  and  direct 
ed  him  to  go  there  immediately  and  furnish  his  corps, 
which  he  did.     But  though  there  was  a  sloop  freight 
ed  at  Philadelphia  to  carry  the  stores  for  the  treaty 
to  West  Point,* and  then  to  take  in  the  New- Jersey 
troops,  instead  of  sending  blankets  for  them  out  of  the 


ARTHUR    LEE.  389 

public  store,  they  were  purchased  at  New-York,  and 
sent  for  the  troops  to  West  Point.  The  reason  of  all 
this  is,  that  there  is  a  profit  in  purchasing,  and  none 
in  issuing  out  of  the  public  stores. 

24th.  Mr.  Lowry  informed  us  that  the  western  In 
dians  were  both  discontented  and  angry  with  the  Six 
Nations,  for  having  made  a  treaty  with  us  without 
consulting  them.  This  was  the  object  of  the  general 
confederation  which  they  mentioned,  at  Fort  Stanwix ; 
and  these  Indians  charge  the  Six  Nations  with  a  breach 
of  faith,  plighted  in  this  confederacy.  It  is  certain  this 
was  the  wish  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  the  intent  of 
their  speech  ;  but  the  decided  language  we  held  oblig 
ed  them  to  an  immediate  determination,  which  bids 
fair  to  prostrate  their  confederation,  and  its  diabolical 
objects. 

I  omitted  to  mention  that  while  we  were  at  Fort 
Pitt,  being  informed  that  a  large  quantity  of  gunpowder 
was  gone  down  the  Mississippi  to  be  sold  to  the  west 
ern  Indians,  the  commissioners  by  my  advice  wrote  to 
the  magistrates  at  the  falls,  to  seize  and  store  the  pow 
der,  and  all  ammunition  destined  for  the  Indians,  till 
we  had  concluded  peace  with  them,  and  permitted 
the  trade. 

Being  this  day  indisposed,  and  obliged  to  keep  my 
room,  1  could  not  avoid  meditating  on  my  future  pros 
pects.  Should  I  settle  and  remain  among  my  friends 
in  Virginia;  should  I  retire  to  Kentucky;  or  return 
to  England,  and  enjoy  in  retirement  there,  all  that  a 
country  great  in  arts  and  sciences  affords. 

I  entered  life  glowing  with  sentiments  of  liberty 
and  virtue.  The  seeds  of  the  American  revolution 
were  then  sowing,  in  the  acts  of  parliament  for  im 
posing  taxes  on  the  colonies.  I  embraced  the  oppo 
sition  with  a  double  degree  of  enthusiasm,  which  the 
love  of  liberty  and  my  country  inspired.  I  devoted 

VOL,,  u.  49 


390  LIFE    OF 

myself  to  the  cause  from  its  very  infancy.  From  that 
time  my  life  has  been  a  continued  scene  of  agitation 
and  commotion.  No  calm  has  composed,  no  repose 
has  refreshed  me. 

To  live  in  Virginia  without  a  wife,  is  hardly  practi 
cable.  But  in  Virginia  boys  and  girls  only  marry, 
and  they  marry  from  almost  every  motive  but  love. 
A  man,  at  thirty,  a  woman,  at  twenty,  is  old  in  Virgi 
nia  ;  and  with  my  sentiments  of  love  and  marriage,  I 
am  not  likely  to  find  a  wife  there. 

#=£#:*#::*#::*:* 

Shall  I  retire  to  Kentucky,  and  try  my  fortune  in 
a  young  country  and  a  rising  region.  The  soil  and 
climate  are  fine.  I  have  lands  there,  which  would 
become  valuable  by  residence  ;  and  it  would  be  easy, 
with  a  little  money,  to  acquire  a  princely  territorial 
property.  Ambition  and  avarice  seem  therefore  to 
join  in  their  invitation.  But  after  the  scenes  through 
which  I  have  passed,  such  an  ambition  seems  low ;  and 
the  avarice,  without  an  incentive.  For  whom  should 
I  sacrifice  present  enjoyment,  to  secure  a  future  for 
tune?  He  who  pursues  ambition  in  that  country, 
must  expect  no  repose.  He  must  first  agitate  its 
separation  and  independence,  then  control  the  various 
turbulent  spirits  which  are  gathered  there  from  dif 
ferent  states ;  he  must  court  those  whose  lives  and 
manners  are  little  removed  from  those  of  savages. 
He  must  be  in  perpetual  action ;  as  nothing  else  can 
promote  his  purposes,  or  even  prevent  him  from  re 
pining  at  the  loss  of  every  thing  that  can  engage  the 
cultivated  mind,  or  gratify  the  senses.  He  must  sub 
mit  to  the  wretched  accommodations,  which  an  al 
most  savage  country  can  afford;  and  not  only  be  con 
tent  without  the  luxuries,  but  even  without  the  ne 
cessaries  of  life.  What  is  there  then,  that  can  tempt 
a  sober  man,  in  my  situation,  to  Kentucky? 


ARTHUR    LEE.  391 

A  single  man  intent  upon  gratifying  his  taste,  might 
accomplish  this  purpose  with  great  certainty,  and  at 
a  moderate  expense,  in  London.  Secure  of  £600  a 
year,  he  might  live  in  a  style  perfectly  genteel,  and 
see  and  hear  every  thing  worth  seeing  and  hearing. 
But  then  he  must  live  for  himself  only.  He  must 
forget  that  he  has  relations  in  another  land,  near  and 
dear,  whom  he  has  sacrificed  forever.  All  the  charities 
of  blood  and  country  must  be  forgotten.  His  hours 
of  retirement  must  be  sad  and  solitary.  Should  ill 
health  overtake  him,  he  will  not  only  be  cut  off  from 
the  enjoyments  he  promised  himself,  but  he  must  ex 
pect  no  tender  hand  to  sooth  his  pillow,  no  sympa 
thising  soul  to  mitigate  with  nameless  gentle  offices 
the  anguish  of  disease,  and  minister  to  the  troubled 
and  desponding  mind,  And  why  indeed  should  he, 
who  lives  for  himself  only,  expect  that  society  will 
feel  for  him,  or  furnish  him  with  aid  or  solace,  beyond 
the  influence  of  his  money? 

Those,  too,  with  whom  I  was  immediately  con 
nected  in  friendship  and  in  politics,  when  a  fellow- 
subject,  would  regard  me  now  with  cold  indifference, 
if  not  with  aversion.  Many  would  consider  me  as 
having  contributed  to  wound  and  dishonour  that  coun 
try,  which  is  the  dearest  object  to  every  good  Eng 
lishman.  Could  I  be  restored  to  the  situation  that  I 
enjoyed  before  the  revolution,  unless  the  tumult  of 
political  commotion  may  have  unparadised  it,  I  might 
be  happy.  That  is  as  happy  as  man  without  domes 
tic  cares,  domestic  anxiety,  and  domestic  love,  could 
be. 

I  was  placed  in  chambers  in  the  temple,  which 
looked  into  a  delightful  little  garden  on  the  Thames, 
of  which  I  had  the  key  ;  I  could  go  in  and  out  at  all 
hours,  and  have  what  company  I  pleased,  without 
being  questioned  or  overlooked. 


392  LIFE    OF 

I  was  near  the  Royal  Society,  of  which  I  was  a 
fellow,  where,  every  week,  whatever  was  new  and 
ingenious  in  literature  was  communicated.  Not  far 
from  me  was  the  hall  of  the  Society  of  Arts  and  Ag 
riculture,  of  which  I  was  an  honorary  memher  ;  and 
where  I  had  access  to  all  the  new  discoveries  in  arts, 
agriculture,  and  mechanics. 

The  play  houses  and  the  opera  were  equally  con 
venient,  where  I  could  select  the  opportunity  of  see 
ing  the  best  tragedies  and  comedies  represented,  and 
of  hearing  the  most  exquisite  Italian  music.  I  was  a 
subscriber  to  Bach's  and  Abel's  concert,  where  the 
most  masterly  performers  in  the  world  (Bach,  Abel, 
Fishar,  Tassot,  Ponto,  and  Crosdal,)  played  to  a  most 
polite  and  fashionable  audience,  in  one  of  the  most 
elegant  concert  rooms  in  the  world.  In  the  field  of 
politics,  from  the  politician  in  the  cider-cellar  to  the 
peer  in  his  palace,  I  had  access  and  influence.  At 
the  Bill  of  Rights,  the  city  of  London,  the  East  India 
house,  and  with  the  opposition  in  both  houses,  I  was 
of  some  consideration.  Among  my  particular  friends, 
to  whom  I  always  had  access,  were  Lord  Shelburne, 
Mr.  Downing,  Col.  Barre,  Mr.  Wilkes,  Serjeant 
Glynn,  and  several  others.  I  was  so  well  with  sev 
eral  of  the  nobility  and  gentry  that  I  could  spend  all 
my  leisure  time  at  their  country  seats.  At  Bath  I 
had  a  very  extensive  acquaintance  ;  and  there  is  not 
in  the  world  a  more  agreeable  place  to  one  so  cir 
cumstanced.  As  one  of  the  law,  I  enjoyed  the  pro 
tection  and  distinction  of  that  body,  with  the  prospect 
of  rising  to  place  and  profit,  which  all  of  that  body, 
who  have  even  moderate  abilities,  enjoy.  So  circum 
stanced,  nothing  but  the  peculiar  and  extraordinary 
crisis  of  the  times  prevented  me  from  being  entire 
ly  happy,  and  pursuing  the  fortune  which  sat  with 
golden  plumes  within  my  reach.  But  every  thing 
was  absorbed  in  the  great  contest  which  I  saw  fast 


ARTHUR    LEE.  393 

approaching  ;  and  which  soon  called  upon  me  to  quit 
London,  and  take  an  open  part  in  the  revolution,  as 
a  representative  of  the  United  States  at  the  court  of 
France. 

To  resume  this  situation  is  now  impracticable  ;  and 
even  were  it  practicable  it  would  be  ineligible.  What 
would  be  the  comment  on  my  conduct,  if,  after  hav 
ing  hazarded  every  thing  to  establish  republican  liber 
ty,  I  should  quit  it  and  prefer  to  live  under  a  monarch. 
This  would  be  bearing  a  most  humiliating  testimo 
ny  against  the  cause  by  my  own  conduct ;  pride  alone 
should  withhold  me  from  such  an  indignity. 

What  then  remains  for  me  but  to  take  the  world 
as  I  find  it — to  remain  in  the  midst  of  this  odd  chap 
ter  of  accidents — to  take  the  poet's  advice — 


rape  horam 


Q,uam  minime  credula  postero. 

In  truth  we  refine  too  much  in  estimating  human 
prospects,  and  human  happiness.  We  expect  too 
much,  we  look  too  far,  as  Dr.  Young  has  strongly 
said, 

"  Where  is  to-morrow  ?    In  another  world  ! 
To  numbers  this  is  certain — the  reverse 
Is  sure  to  none — and  yet  on  this  perhaps, 
This  peradventure,  infamous  for  lies, 
We  build  our  mountain  hopes — spin  out  eternal  schemes, 
As  if  we  the  fatal  sisters  would  outspin — 
And  big  with  life's  futurities — expire. 

25th.  Mr.  Evans,  agent,  and  the  Pennsylvania 
commissioners  arrived.  The  boat  in  which  they  em 
barked  with  stores  having  run  aground,  and  being 
nearly  overwhelmed  with  ice,  they  and  the  crew  al 
most  frozen  to  death,  before  the  ice  became  hard 
enough  to  bear  them,  got  on  shore,  landed  the  goods, 
and  brought  them  forward  on  pack-horses. 


394  LIFE    OF 

28th.  Some  of  the  officers  getting  merry  late  at 
night,  ordered  the  artillery  company  to  draw  out  the 
cannon,  and  fire  them  in  the  midst  of  the  garrison. 
One  of  them  was  accordingly  fired.  The  command 
ing  officer  immediately  ordered  the  whole  garrison 
under  arms,  and  the  artillery  officer  to  countermand 
the  firing ;  he  refused,  upon  which  the  other  ordered 
him  under  arrest.  The  next  officer  in  command  of 
the  artillery,  walking  aside,  told  the  men  to  do  as 
they  thought  proper;  they  hesitated  to  obey  the  com 
manding  officer,  and  he  ran  his  sword  through  one  of 
them.  This  soon  produced  a  withdrawal  of  the  ar 
tillery.  In  the  mean  time  the  troops  were  all  under 
arms,  and  drunken  officers  at  the  head  of  their  com 
panies,  W7ere  giving  contrary  orders,  swearing  at  and 
confounding  the  men.  Upon  this  Gen.  Butler  and 

myself  sent  for  Maj.  T the  commanding  officer, 

Col.  Harmar,  being  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  directed  him  to 
order  the  garrison  immediately  to  their  quarters ; 
which  being  done  the  tumult  subsided. 

The  snow  and  frost  continued  very  severe.  I  here 
experienced  how  much  habit  adds  to  our  necessities. 
I  had  five  blankets  (Indian  ones  I  mean)  of  which  I 
gave  one  to  my  servant,  who  complained  of  having 
nothing  to  cover  him.  With  this  one  he  slept  per 
fectly  contented,  while  I  could  hardly  keep  myself 
warm  with  the  other  four.  He  had  laid  down  in  his 
clothes,  rolling  himself  up  in  the  blanket,  while  I 
stript  myself  according  to  custom,  and  the  room  being 
accessible  to  the  four  winds  of  heaven,  it  was  no  easy 
matter  to  recover  the  warmth  which  was  lost  in  un 
casing. 

27th.  Mr.  Boggs,  another  of  our  Indian  messen 
gers,  arrived  and  reported  that  the  Indians  were  on 
their  way,  and  that  some  of  them  would  be  in  the 
next  day. 


ARTHUB    LEE.  895 

28th.  Several  Indians  arrived.  Orders  were  is 
sued  by  the  commissioners  against  selling  or  giving 
them  rum.  Mr.  Boggs  was  directed  to  make  a  return 
day  by  day  of  the  number  present  from  the  different 
tribes  to  Mr.  Lowry,  who  was  directed  to  order  them 
provisions,  agreeably  to  that  return.  This  was  done 
not  only  that  they  might  be  duly  supplied  with  pro 
visions,  but  that  we  might  have  a  check  upon  the 
commissary. 

This  day  Col.  Harmar  returned,  and  with  him 
came  Cols.  Atlee  and  Johnston.  They  brought  a 
melancholy  report  of  Mr.  Ohara  the  contractor,  who 
had  embarked  with  a  load  of  flour,  and  been  frozen 
up,  himself  and  the  crew  frost-bitten,  so  that  it  was 
apprehended  one  of  the  soldiers  must  lose  his  legs. 

So  far  back  as  the  3d  the  commissioners  had  di 
rected  the  following  orders  to  be  sent  Mr.  Ohara : 
That  Capt.  Ohara  be  directed  to  remove  the  troops, 
stores,  and  provisions,  &;c.  for  the  treaty  at  Fort  Mc- 
Intosh  as  speedily  as  possible ;  yet  by  some  unac 
countable  neglect,  most  of  the  stores  and  provisions 
were  delayed  till  bad  weather,  and  then  sent  with 
much  risk  and  additional  expense. 

An  increased  portion  of  their  divinity  was  ordered 
for  the  Indians.  Plad  Mr.  Pope  seen  these  savages 
they  could  not  have  inspired  him  with  those  beautiful 
lines  in  his  Essay  on  Man  : 

"  Lo  the  poor  Indian  !   whose  untutored  mind, 
Sees  God  in  clouds,  and  hears  him  in  the  wind  ; 
His  soul  proud  science  never  taught  to  stray, 
Far  as  the  solar  walk,  or  milky  way, 
Yet  simpler  nature  to  his  hopes  hath  given, 
Behind  the  cloud-topp'd  hill  an  humbler  heaven, 
Some  safer  world,  in  depth  of  woods  embraced, 
Some  happier  island  in  the  watery  waste, 
Where  slaves  once  more  their  native  land  behold  ; 
No  fiends  torment,  no  Christians  thirst  for  gold. 
To  be  content  's  his  natural  desire, 
He  asks  no  angel's  wing,  no  seraph's  fire  ; 
But  thinks,  admitted  to  that  equal  sky, 
His  faithful  dog  shall  bear  him  company." 


396  LIFE   OF 

Mr.  Pope  is  speaking  of  the  South-American ;  but 
our  Indians  have  got  the  idea  that  this  is  an  island, 
and  have  certainly  made  a  most  manful  resistance  to 
every  impression  to  the  contrary ;  but  as  to  another 
world,  they  do  not  appear  to  have  any  idea  of  it;  nor 
do  I  believe  that  one  coming  from  the  dead  to  tell 
them  that  there  was  a  place  of  happiness  without 
rum,  would  gain  any  credit. 

29th.  Some  chiefs  of  the  Chippeways  and  Ottowas 
only  have  arrived.  They  came  this  morning,  request 
ing  some  spirits,  two  kettles,  a  tent,  a  blanket  for  an 
old  man,  some  powder  and  lead  for  their  young  men 
to  hunt  with,  and  some  paint.  The  commissioners 
ordered  them  some  spirits,  a  blanket,  the  kettles,  paint, 
arid  ammunition.  The  tent  was  refused,  because  eve 
ry  tribe  would  have  expected  the  same ;  and  as  they 
never  return  what  they  once  get  into  their  hands,  it 
would  be  too  expensive. 

We  were  amused  with  the  comments  on  the  dis 
turbance  in  the  garrison,  of  the  gentleman  whose  let 
ter  I  have  copied,  and  who  takes  the  same  liberties 
with  the  English  language  in  speaking,  as  in  writing. 
He  said  he  never  in  his  life  saw  such  a  rumpiss  ;  that 
they  were  all  running  hurry-scurry,  and  when  their 
bagnits  were  all  fixtured,  they  glomed  so  in  the  moon, 
as  to  pister  one  to  death. 

I  am  told  that  near  the  lower  Shawnee  town,  on 
the  Sciota,  are  the  visible  remains  of  a  grand  fortifi 
cation.  It  consists  of  an  oblong  containing  about  — 
acres,  enclosed  by  a  rampart  of  clay  fifteen  feet  high. 
It  has  eight  gates;  one  at  each  angle,  and  one  at  the 
centre  of  each  side.  One  of  them  is  much  larger 
than  the  rest,  and  opens  into  a  trench,  which  leads 
into  another  that  surrounds  the  fort,  containing  about 
eleven  or  twelve  acres.  From  the  top  of  the  ram 
part  to  the  bottom  of  the  trench,  is  about  fifteen  feet ; 
but  it  is  much  fallen,  and  filled  up.  The  large  timber 


ARTHUR    LEE.  397 

growing  upon  it,  shows  it  to  be  of  great  antiquity. 
The  Indians  have  no  tradition  about  it ;  no  more  than 
they  have  of  the  vast  animal  whose  bones  are  dug 
up  in  this  western  country,  but  whose  species  is  ex 
tinct. 

There  are  several  of  these  fortifications  on  both 
sides  of  the  Ohio.  By  whom  they  were  raised  is  in 
conceivable.  The  appearance  of  the  works  indicates 
great  antiquity,  and  the  total  silence  of  Indian  tradi 
tion  concerning  them,  confirms  it.  They  must  have 
been  formed  by  a  people  far  more  wise  and  powerful 
than  the  Indians.  But  how  such  a  people  became  so 
totally  extinct,  as  to  leave  not  a  wreck  nor  remem 
brance  behind,  is  inexplicable. 

Indians  have  some  modes  of  punishment  and  re 
straint,  which  fall  wholly  upon  the  poor  women.     If 
a  woman  lie  often,  or  is  caught  in  a  theft,  a  person  is 
sent  to  cut  off  a  club  of  her  hair,  which  is  the  great 
est  shame  she  can  suffer.     But  for  a  man-thief  there 
is  no  punishment.     When  a  women  is   taken  in  la 
bour,  she  is  obliged  to  quit   her  husband's  tent,  and 
retire  at  a  distance  from  the  rest.     There  she  is  to 
build  her  own  hut,  and  cook  her  own  victuals,  that 
are  sent  by  a  child  and  laid  down  near  her  hut,  which 
no  one  is  allowed  to  approach.     If  the  pains  are  such 
as  to  compel  her  to  cry,  it  only  excites  the  mirth  and 
ridicule  of  the  men.     I  should  not  have  credited  this 
account,  if  I  had  not  received  it  from  sundry  persons 
of  veracity,  who  have  been  among  them,  and  witness 
ed  this  more  than  diabolical  apathy.     That  a  situa 
tion  which  should   call  forth  every  tender  feeling  of 
the  human  heart,  should  be  made  one  of  neglect,  con 
tempt,  and  reprobation,  is  hardly  to  be  believed ;  but 
that  it  should  excite  reproachful  mirth,  exceeds  every 
thing  yet  known  of  savage  inhumanity.     Ten  days 
after  the  birth  of  the  child,  the  mother  is  permitted  to 
VOL.  n,  50 


398  LIFE    OF 

return  to  her  husband's  hut,  where  she  lies  for  thirty- 
five  days  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  fire  ;  at  the  end 
of  which  period  they  unite  blankets,  if  he  chooses. 
Such  is  the  absurd,  the  unfeeling,  the  cruel  mode  of 
treating  females,  in  a  situation,  of  all  others,  the  most 
tender,  the  most  interesting,  and  the  most  important, 
among  these  wretches,  who  have  the  form,  but  not  the 
feelings  of  human  beings.  With  similar  absurdity, 
when  a  woman  is  in  the  situation  in  W7hich  Laban's 
daughter  pretended  to  be,  when  she  concealed  his 
stolen  goods,  she  is  obliged  to  leave  society,  and  keep 
entirely  by  herself  till  the  period  is  over;  then  she  is 
to  purify  her  person  and  her  clothes,  before  she  is 
permitted  to  return.  But  this  is  not  the  only  people 
that  have  monstrously  absurd  opinions  and  customs 
relating  to  this  operation  of  nature  in  the  female  sys 
tem,  which  is  as  simple  and  as  innoxious  as  any  other 
in  either  sex.  Happily  these  cruelties  and  absurdities 
are  done  away  with  among  us,  and  in  most  parts  of 
Europe.  And  however  it  may  please  some  to  rail 
against  the  vices  of  the  present,  compared  with  those 
of  former  ages,  I  affirm  that  society  becomes  more 
virtuous,  as  it  becomes  more  enlightened;  and  that  it 
is  far  more  enlightened  now,  than  it  has  been  in  any 
past  time.  Let  any  one  read  the  histories  of  former 
times  and  nations,  from  the  bible  downward,  and  then 
candidly  declare  whether  the  vices  and  the  follies  of 
the  present  time,  are  half  so  monstrous  or  multiplied 
as  those  of  any  other  period.  In  our  females  especially 
I  will  venture  to  say,  there  is  more  intelligence,  more 
refinement  of  thought,  more  delicacy  of  sentiment, 
and  more  chastity  of  feeling,  than  former  times  can 
boast.  Our  maids  have  modesty,  our  matrons,  pride ; 
which  are  sure  preservatives  of  female  virtue.  Be- 


ARTHUR   LEE.  399 

fore  Calista  could  be  sacrificed  to  Lothario,  Rowe 
tells  us, 

"  Fierceness  and  pride — 

The  guardians  of  her  honour — 
Were  lulled  to  rest." 

What  was  fierceness  in  her,  in  milder  maids  was 
modesty.* 

*  The  residue  of  this  journal  of  Mr.  Lee,  has  been  lost. 


THE  END. 


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***>•      ;:  .  iV,ft 

c-"a  CQ, 

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4 

Tjrp  PIP    AliH  R 

'83 

JU.U  LIK   AUb  9 

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WM           K$yL/ 

DEC  1  1  1995 

RECEIVED 

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^nVvULMl  iw* 

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